Search results for: deliberative democracy

Authors: Baba Iddrisu Musah

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Many Ghanaians, including the rich and downtrodden, elite and unlettered, rural and urban dwellers, politicians and civil servants, in one way or the other, believe in and practice witchcraft. The existence of witches’ camp in northern Ghana, the rise of Pentecostal churches, especially in southern Ghana with the penchant to cleanse people of witchcraft, as well as media reports of witchcraft imputations assuming wider dimensions in the country, often classified as a citadel of democracy, good governance and human rights in Africa, buttress the pervasive nature of belief in and the practice of witchcraft in the country. This is in spite of the fact that tremendous efforts, especially by British colonial authorities, were made to regulate witchcraft beliefs and its associated practices. Informed by Western values and philosophy, witchcraft was considered by colonial authorities as illogical and unscientific. This paper, which is largely a review of existing literature, supplemented by archival information from the national archives of Ghana, focuses on the nature of witchcraft regulation in Ghana’s pre-colonial and colonial past, as well as immediately after Ghana obtained her independence in 1957. This article concludes by rhetorically questioning whether or not believing in and the practice of witchcraft in contemporary Ghana in general, and the existence of witches’ camps in the northern region of the country are attributed to the failure of past regulations, as well as the failure of present government policies.

Keywords: colonial, natives, regulation, witchcraft

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Authors: Andi Triswoyo

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The establishment of ASEAN Community 2015 was proposed to integrate concretely, in terms of regional cooperation. All of the members of the ASEAN itself compete to prepare themselves in the actual place. Regarding to the Bali Concord III, subsequently ASEAN Community was categorized by three elements, such as (1) ASEAN Political-security Community (APC), (2) ASEAN Economic Community (AEC), and (3) ASEAN Socio-cultural Community (ASC). Preparing on three components above, civil society organizations must be prioritized as the main body, which ensure grassroots society itself obtain maximum benefits or advantage of these declarations. NU, as the representative of mass-based organizations, was choose, due to the highly influences toward Moslem rural-traditionalist, which has the largest followers in Indonesia. This paper was aimed to explain the contribution of NU in developing and empowering society. Furthermore, it will use historical perspective, by looking for related data, which contain basic- knowledge and explanatory facts in literary desk. It would elaborate in NU’s urgency for promoting civil societies roles in ASEAN Community. In the ends, this paper was proposed to measure to what extend NU’s roles in promoting the Civil Society in Indonesia and its potential capability to get involved at the upcoming regional communities. Hopefully, the attempt to strengthen Civil Society Organizations (CSOs), like NU can push faster in creating good governance and democracy, toward social configurations amongst state, market and civil society.

Keywords: ASEAN community, Nahdlatul Ulama, civil society organizations(CSO), civil society

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Authors: Mohammad Aynal Haque

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Under the international cooperation — Paris Agreement — countries outline their self-determined policy ambition for emissions reduction in their Nationally Determined Contributions (NDCs) as a key to addressing climate change globally. Although practically all countries commit themselves to reach the Paris landmark (below 20 C) globally, some act as climate leaders, others behave as followers, and others turn out to be climate laggards. As a result, there is a substantial variation in ‘emissions reduction targets’ across countries. Thus, a question emerges: What explains this variation? Or why do some countries opt for higher while others opt for lower ‘emissions reduction targets toward global mitigation efforts? Conceptualizing the ‘emissions reduction targets by 2030’ outlined in NDCs by each country as the climate policy ambition (CPA), this paper explores how certain national political, economic, environmental, and external factors play vital roles in determining climate policy ambition. Based on the cross-country regression analysis among 168 countries, this study finds that democracy, vulnerability to climate change effects, and foreign direct investment have substantial effects on CPA. The paper also finds that resource capacity has a minimal negative effect on CPA across developed countries.

Keywords: climate change, Paris agreement, international cooperation, political economy, environmental politics, NDCs

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Authors: Sibonginkosi Mazibuko

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The “adoption” of the Freedom Charter in 1955 at Kliptown south of Johannesburg, South Africa represented a desire to create a society that is based on common citizenship, and democracy. The architects of the Charter had a vision of a society that lived in peace with itself. Today, the Charter is still promoted as the best thing that ever happened to a society ravaged by racism, dispossession, oppression and exploitation – a society divided in all aspects of its life. This paper moves from the understanding that land is fundamental to all life. It interrogates the Charter’s claim on land. At a time when the colonised world sought to free themselves from the chains of colonialism and Africans throughout the continent demanded Africa for the Africans, the Freedom Charter claimed South Africa for all who lived in it. To the extent that this paper problematizes the philosophical underpinnings of the Charter, it uses the methodology of dialectic materialism to understand the theoretical basis of the Freedom Charter. The paper argues that the understanding, desire and the vision of the Freedom Charter were, as they are today, irreconcilable. To that effect and in pursuit of narrow class interests, the Charter justified land dispossession and unsustainable living conditions for the dispossessed majority. The paper then concludes that, by misrepresenting the critically fundamental land question, the Charter tried to reconcile the dispossessed with their dispossession and thus reflected coloniality and whiteness long before colonialism and settler-colonialism came to an end in South Africa.

Keywords: colonialism, contradictions, freedom charter, South Africa

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Authors: Trinh Hoang Hong Hue

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Citizen Participation has been largely considered as an important objective of improving democracy and government decision-making in Vietnam recently. The Public Administration Performance Index Survey data (PAPI) indicated that citizens in provinces that have a higher proportion of male often less participate in local governance than those in provinces that have lower proportion of male. That means Vietnamese women more actively participate at the local governance rather than men. Thus this study will explore factors involving gender differences that impact on citizen participation at the local level. Applying qualitative approach, mainly in-depth interview, this study explores four diverse perspectives on enhancing citizen participation for both women and men at the local governance including civic knowledge; the trust of citizens; suitable policies of local government; and the role of NGOs. Furthermore, this study also points out two crucial reasons that are leading to the gender differences of citizen participation at the local level. Firstly, because Vietnamese women play the main role in family financial management; then they are willing to highly contribute to ‘voluntary contributions’; one of the four sub-dimensions of the concept ‘citizen participation’ of PAPI. Secondly, in Vietnam, women are deeply prone to be interested in the small issues at the local governance; whereas men are much keen on the bigger issues at national and international governance.

Keywords: citizen participation, gender, women, local governance, PAPI, Vietnam

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Authors: Odewumi Olatunde, Adegun Sunday

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Linguistic diversity is seen to complicate attempts to build a stable and cohesive political community. Hence, the challenge of integration is enormous in a multi-ethno-lingual country like Nigeria. In the same vein, justification for minority language rights claims in relation to broader political theories of justice, freedom and democracy cannot be ignored. It is in the light of the fore-going that this paper explores Nigeria’s experiments at language policy and planning(LPP) and the long drawn agitations for self-determination and linguistic freedom by the minority ethnic groups in the polity which has been exacerbated by the National Policy on Education language provisions. The paper succinctly reviews Nigeria’s LPP efforts and its attendant theater of conflicts; explores international attempts at evolving normative principles of freedom and equality for language policy and finally evaluates the position of the Nigerian LPP in the light of evolving international conventions. On this premise, it is concluded that giving a conscientious and honest implementation of the Nigerian language provisions as assessed from their face validity, the nation’s efforts could be exonerated from running afoul of any known civilized values and best practices. It is, therefore, recommended that an effectual and consistent commitment to implementation driven by a renewed political will is what is required for the nation to succeed in this direction.

Keywords: integration, rights, challenge, conventions, policy

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Authors: Verónica Arredondo, Miguel Martínez-Panero, Teresa Peña, Victoriano Ramírez

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The Mexican Chamber of Deputies is composed of 500 representatives: 300 of them elected by relative majority and another 200 ones elected through proportional representation in five electoral clusters (constituencies) with 40 representatives each. In this mixed-member electoral system, the seats distribution of proportional representation is not independent of the election by relative majority, as it attempts to correct representation imbalances produced in single-member districts. This two-fold structure has been maintained in the successive electoral reforms carried out along the last three decades (eight from 1986 to 2014). In all of them, the election process of 200 seats becomes complex: Formulas in the Law are difficult to understand and to be interpreted. This paper analyzes the Mexican electoral system after the electoral reform of 2014, which was applied for the first time in 2015. The research focuses on contradictions and issues of applicability, in particular situations where seats allocation is affected by ambiguity in the law and where asymmetrical treatment of political parties arises. Due to these facts, a proposal of electoral reform will be presented. It is intended to be simpler, clearer, and more enduring than the current system. Furthermore, this model is more suitable for producing electoral outcomes free of contradictions and paradoxes. This approach would allow a fair treatment of political parties and as a result an improved opportunity to exercise democracy.

Keywords: electoral mathematics, electoral reform, Mexican electoral system, political asymmetry, proportional representation

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Authors: Tareq M. Aziz Elven

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The issue of Human Rights enforcement in Southeast Asia has become the serious problem and attract the attention of international community. Principally, Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) has mentioned the Human Rights as one of the focus and be a part of the ASEAN Charter in 2008. It was followed by the establishment of ASEAN Inter-Governmental Commission on Human Rights (AICHR). AICHR is the commission of Human Rights enforcement in Southeast Asia which has a duty, function, and an authority to conduct dissemination and protection of Human Rights. In the end of 2016, however, the function of protection mandated to AICHR have not achieved yet. It can be proved by several cases of Human Rights violation which still exist and have not settled yet. One of case which attracts the public attention recently is human rights violation towards Rohingya in Myanmar. Using the juridical-normative method, the research aims to examine the urgency of Human Rights court establishment in Southeast Asia region which able to issue the decision that binds the ASEAN members or the violating parties. The data shows that ASEAN needs to establish a regional court which intended to settle the Human Rights violations in ASEAN region. Furthermore, the research also highlights three strong factors should be settled by ASEAN for establishing human rights court i.e. the significant distinction of democracy and human rights development among the members, the strong implementation of non-intervention principle, and the financial matter to sustain the court.

Keywords: AICHR, ASEAN, human rights, human rights court

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Authors: Hameda Suwaed

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Group work, time management and accepting others' opinions are practices rooted in the socio-political culture of democratic nations. In Libya, a country transitioning towards democracy, what is the impact of encouraging college students to use such practices in the English language classroom? How to encourage teachers to use such practices in educational system characterized by using traditional methods of teaching? Using action research and classroom research gathered data; this study investigates how teachers can use education to change their students' understanding of their roles in their society by enhancing their belonging to it. This study adjusts a model of change that includes giving students clear directions, sufficient motivation and supportive environment. These steps were applied by encouraging students to participate actively in the classroom by using group work and variety of activities. The findings of the study showed that following the suggested model can broaden students' perception of their belonging to their environment starting with their classroom and ending with their country. In conclusion, although this was a small scale study, the students' participation in the classroom shows that they gained self confidence in using practices such as group work, how to present their ideas and accepting different opinions. What was remarkable is that most students were aware that is what we need in Libya nowadays.

Keywords: educational change, students' motivation, group work, foreign language teaching

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Authors: Uluhan Berk Ondul

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This article aims to shed light on the new stage of transitional justice in Argentina through examining the representations of the 2x1 decision of the Supreme Court and Santiago Maldonado’s Disappearance in the newspaper, La Nación. The two events hold the key to understanding Argentina’s journey since return to democracy as they are about the same crimes of the dictatorship, namely, the forced disappearance of civilians and the subsequent impunity that follows. In the case of a convicted torturer, The Supreme Court of Argentina ruled on 3rd of May 2017 that the days spent in preventive detention after two years should be counted double for the overall sentence. This court decision was met with severe resistance from the members of the parliament as well as the human rights movement. The second item on the list still continues and divides the country into two camps: (1) those who think that the police force has committed another act of forced disappearance in the case of activist Santiago Maldonado and (2) the others who blame the peronistas (the party and supporters of the ex-president Cristina Fernandez de Kirchner) of using this subject as a means to score political points. As a newspaper known for its proximity to the current administration, La Nación offers an insight to the direction of the country and also demonstrates how the neoliberal mindset works. The results of the study show that the transitional justice process in Argentina is far from being complete as the Promise of Nunca Más is still not a shared value but a political statement.

Keywords: Argentina, Fallo 2x1, impunity, Santiago Maldonado, transitional justice

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Authors: Teten Masduki

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Indonesia is a unitary state which has a wide range of cultures, local languages, religions, ethnicity, race, traditions, and beliefs held by people who are scattered in several islands Indonesia. But with such diversity has the potential to cause various problems in society. Because one of the characteristics of diversity is the difference. Unresolved differences could develop into conflicts or contradictions in society. Pancasila as the philosophy and ideology of the nation was stated in the opening of the 1945 Constitution as an alternative solution to the conflict that occurred in Indonesia. Because the ideology of Pancasila role as a nation and also as an integral tool that upholds humanity, justice, unity, harmony, and balance on the belt by the five precepts. If the values contained in Pancasila can be applied and lived by the public of Indonesia, it will be the creation of a just, peaceful and peace. However, the lack of public awareness in implementing pancsila can lead to conflict within the community itself, such as the existence of separatist movements in Papua who gathered in the Organisasi Papua Merdeka (OPM) with the active movement that has a lot of casualties. This paper raised the topic of which offer solutions revitalization (reviving) the values of Pancasila as an alternative solution to the conflict in Indonesia is based on a case study of separatist movements in Papua. This paper will also discuss the implementation of strategic steps in the implementation of solutions which are summarized in the conclusions of this paper.

Keywords: Pancasila, separatism, revitalization, democracy

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Authors: Naziema Begum Jappie

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This paper explores the relationship between educational transformation and gender equity in higher education. It draws on various policies and experiences and investigates the paradox of increased female leadership in higher education and the persistence of gender discrimination in the sphere of work. The paper will also address specific aspects of culture and education in post-colonial South Africa. Traditional features of past education systems were not isolated, they became an essential component of the education system, post-democracy. This is currently contested through the call for decolonizing the education system. The debates and discussions seek to rectify the post-colonial education structure within which women suffered triple oppression. Using feminist critical policy analysis and post-colonial theory, the paper examines how transformation over the past two decades has impacted on gender equity and how educational reform is itself gendered. It considers the nature of gender restructuring and key developments in gender equity policy. The social inequality in education is highlighted throughout this discussion. Through an analysis of research and interviews, this paper argues that gender can no longer be privileged when identifying and responding to educational and workplace inequality. In conclusion, the paper discusses the important assumptions that support how social and educational change deliver equity and how social justice may inform equity policy and practice in a culturally diverse educational framework.

Keywords: culture, educational leadership, gender inequality in the workplace, policy implementation

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Authors: Ntokozo C. Mthembu

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The notion of sustainable chemistry has become significant in the discourse for a global post-colonial era, including South Africa, especially when it comes to access to the general health system and related policies in relation to disease or ease of human life. In view of the stubborn vestiges of coloniality in the daily lives of indigenous African people in general, the fundamentals of present Western medical and traditional medicine systems and related policies in the democratic era were examined in this study. The situation of traditional healers in relation to current policy was also reviewed. The advent of democracy in South Africa brought about a variety of development opportunities and limitations, particularly with respect to indigenous African knowledge systems such as traditional medicine. There were high hopes that the limitations of previous narrow cultural perspectives would be rectified in the democratic era through development interventions, but some sections of society, such as traditional healers, remain marginalised. The Afrocentric perspective was explored in dissecting government interventions related to traditional medicine. This article highlights that multiple medical systems should be adopted and that health policies should be aligned in order to guarantee mutual respect and to address the remnants of colonialism in South Africa, Africa and the broader global community.

Keywords: traditional healing system, healers, pluralist healthcare system, post-colonial era

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Authors: Mete Kazaz, Birol Gülnar

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Television news has gained a new dimension in terms of ideological approaches as a result of such factors as globalization, cross monopolization, presence of international companies etc. and certain strategies have been developed at the production, presentation and distribution stages of news. In this study, television news about a process called “settlement process” was investigated. In this framework, news about the settlement process on TV channels of TRT 1, ATV, FOX TV, NTV, HABERTÜRK, TRT HABER and STV was investigated using the content analysis method in terms of the strategies the ideology construction, attitude towards the party in power, attitude towards parties in opposition and attitude towards BDP (Peace and Democracy Part) and Imrali (the island where Abdullah Ocalan, head of PKK, is kept). First, the aforementioned TV channels were selected randomly from 3 groups in order to be able to reveal the representational capacity of commercial, news and public channels. The study covers 557 news items broadcast in the main news bulletins between the dates of 15 March 2013 and 15 March 2013. While there was a positive attitude towards the government in a sizable portion of the news about the settlement process (63.6%), the attitude of 25.3% of the news was impartial towards the government and 11.3% had a negative attitude. On the other hand, there was a negative attitude towards the Opposition in a considerable portion of the news about the settlement process (56.1%). The attitude of 35.9% of the news towards the Opposition was impartial whereas 8.0% had a positive attitude. While 34.9% of the news about the settlement process used the legitimization strategy from among the ideology construction strategies, 22.8% used the unification strategy, 15.7% the reification strategy, 15.6% fractional and 11% concealment/mystification strategy.

Keywords: attitude, ideological framing, television news, social sciences

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Authors: Yasemin Gulsen Yilmaz, Suleyman Hakan Yilmaz, Muhammet Erbay

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The new communication technologies have gradually improved its efficiency in all fields of life and made its presence irreplaceable. These technologies which appear in every aspect of life differently showed itself during the failed coup attempt in Turkey too. The evening of July 15, 2016, have already taken its place in the Turkish political history. In the evening of July 15, Turkish nation confronted to a coup attempted by a group within the Turkish Armed Forces. That evening, the scene of the confrontation between the coup attempters and the resisting civilians were watched minute-by-minute by the people using the new communication technologies. Pro-coup soldiers and the resisting groups that came face to face in the streets of metropolitan cities, made their in-group communications by using new media tools very actively. New media turned into the most important weapon both for coup plotters and for those who resisted. In the morning of next day, whoever used these tools better had the upper hand. The civilians were successful in protecting democracy not only by resisting against tanks and bullets but also by following the internet, organising in social media, sharing information-photos on the net and telling large masses their experiences through these technologies. In this study, we focused on and analysed the use of new media both by coup soldiers and resisting civilians during the failed coup attempt in July 15. Within the scope of this study, coup attempt news that took place in printed media within one week were examined; the information about the use of new media tools during the night of failed coup were compiled; and it was determined how, to what extend and what for these tools were used and how effective they were.

Keywords: communication, July 15, new media, media

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Authors: Yasemin Gülşen Yılmaz, Süleyman Hakan Yılmaz, Muhammet Erbay

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Military interventions have an important place in the Turkish Political History. Military interventions are commonly called coup in the society. By coup we mean that the armed forces seize political power either by a group of officer in the army or by chain of command. Coups not only weaken but also suspend the democracy in a country. All periods of coup created its own victims. Two military coups which took place in May 27, 1960 and September 12, 1980 are the most important ones in terms of political and social effect in the Turkish Political History. Apart these, March 12, 1971, February 28, 1997 and April 27, 2007 e-memorandum are the periods when Army submitted a memorandum and intervened the political government indirectly. Beside the memorandums and coups there were also many coup attempts that have been experienced in the Turkish Political History. In this study, we examined the coup attempted by FETO’s military members in the evening of July 15, 2016 from the point of the Turkish Press. Cumhuriyet, Haber Türk, Hürriyet, Milliyet, Sabah, Star, Yeni Akit and Yeni Şafak Newspapers which have different publication policies were examined within the scope of the study. The first pages of the newspapers dated July 16, 2016 were examined using content analysis method. The headlines, news, news headlines and the visual materials used for news were examined and the collected data were analysed.

Keywords: July 15, news, military coup, press

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Authors: Serkan Tezgel

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The two qualities of the sea, as a medium of transportation and as a resource, necessitate maritime security for economic stability and good order at sea. The borderless nature of the sea makes it one of the best platforms to contribute to regional peace and international order. For this reason, the establishment of maritime security in East Mediterranean will enhance the security-peace-democracy triangle in the region. This paper proposes the application of the Smart Security Concept in the East Mediterranean. Smart Security aims to secure critical infrastructure, such as hydrocarbon platforms, against asymmetrical threats. The concept is based on Anti Asymmetrical Area Denial (A3D) which necessitates limiting freedom of action of maritime terrorists and piracy by founding safe and secure maritime areas through sea lines of communication using short range capabilities. Smart Security is a regional maritime cooperation concept for the narrow seas. Cooperation and interoperability are essential attributes of this regional security concept. Therefore, multinational excellence centers such as Multinational Maritime Security Center of Excellence-Aksaz in Turkey, which will determine necessary capabilities and plan/coordinate workshops, training and exercises, are bound to be the principal characteristic of Smart Security concept and similar regional concepts. Smart Security, a crucial enabler of energy and regional security, can provide an enduring approach for operating in the challenging environment of narrow seas and for countering asymmetrical threats.

Keywords: security, cooperation, asymmetrical, area denial

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Authors: Aspalella A. Rahman

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It is widely accepted that the investigation of money laundering and the tracing and confiscation of criminal proceeds have intruded into the principles of banking secrecy. The inroads into banking secrecy present serious threats to democracy, and more importantly, to the traditional banker-customer relationship. It is generally accepted that the fight against money laundering is in conflict with the secrecy rule. Banking secrecy is a customer privilege whereas combating crime is critical for public safety and security. Indeed, achieving a proper balance is a desirable goal. But how we go about achieving such a balance is a question encountered by many law enforcement authorities. Therefore, this paper examines the effect of disclosure under the Malaysian anti-money laundering laws on the traditional duty of banks to keep the customer’s information confidential. It also analyzes whether the Malaysian laws provide a right balance between a duty to keep customer’s information secret and a duty to disclose such information in the fight against money laundering. On closer inspection, it is submitted that the Malaysian laws provide sufficient safeguards to ensure that the disclosure of customer’s information is carried out in a manner that is not prejudicial to the interest of legitimate customers. This is a positive approach that could protect the innocent customers from being mistreated by the law. Ultimately, it can be said that the growing threat of global money laundering and terrorism makes the overriding of banking secrecy justified because without a flow of information from the banks, the effective prevention of the menace is not possible.

Keywords: anti-money laundering law, banker-customer relationship, banking secrecy, confidentiality, money laundering

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Authors: Ali Asghar Sotoudeh

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Since the US invasion of Iraq in 2003 and the subsequent regime change, internal conflicts between political and ethnic-religious groups have become a hallmark of Iraqi political dynamism. The most important manifestations of these conflicts are the Kurdish-central government conflicts, as well as fundamentalism since 2003. As a result, it seems not only US presence in Iraq under the pretext of fighting terrorism and expanding democracy has not had a positive effect on controlling fundamentalism and political stability in Iraq, but it has paved the way for the formation and continuation of geopolitical crises in the form of disputes over territory and sources of power. In this regard, given the importance of the study, the main purpose of this study is to examine the process of the impact of US regime-change policy on the formation and continuation of geopolitical crises in Iraq. The central question of this study is, what effect has the US regime change policy had on Iraq's domestic political processes? Findings show that regime change and subsequent imposed federalism have widened the gaps in Iraq's sectarian-ethnic system. As a result, the geopolitical crisis in the context of the dispute over geographical territory and sources of power between ethnic-religious groups has become the most important political dynamic in Iraq since the occupation. The research method in this article is descriptive-analytical, and the data collection method is library and internet resources.

Keywords: Iraq, united states, geopolitical crisis, ethno-religious conflict, political federalism

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Authors: Alieu B. Sanneh

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In a country where there are minimal economic opportunities, with a declining living condition of the people, do electorates in Africa’s newest democracy reevaluate their support for a candidate based on issues or ethnicity. In the 2016 presidential election in The Gambia, the opposition coalition party had successfully managed to overthrow an authoritarian government, which has ruled the country for 22 years. The results of the election are not only surprising but also presented an interesting theoretical puzzle that raises important this paper is going to address. An important fact is that dictator had organized an election which he lost, and this paper will assess the voting decisions of Gambian electorates to determine whether they were more concerned with issues such as status of the economy, human rights abuses by the Jammeh administration or the ethnicities of the contestants who took part in the election. This study uses field survey data, conducted six months after this historic vote, to evaluate the opinion of the electorates. Contrary to the notion of the prevalence of ethnic voting in African elections, an argument made by many scholars, this study concluded that Gambian voters were more concerned with issues such as the economy and human rights under the Jammeh administration than they were for the ethnicities of the candidates. The election was issue-based, and that Jammeh lost the polls due to the concern the electorate had on human rights abuses by his government.

Keywords: election, issue, ethnicity, regime change

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Authors: Amós García Montaño

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In a democracy, a public policy must be developed within the regulatory framework and considering citizen participation in its planning, design, execution, and evaluation stages, necessary factors to have both legal support and sufficient legitimacy for its operation. However, the complexity and magnitude of certain public problems results in difficulties for the generation of consensus among society members, leading to unstable and unsuccessful scenarios for the exercise of the right to citizen participation and the generation of effective and efficient public policies. This is the case of public policies against corruption, an issue that in Mexico is difficult to define and generates conflicting opinions. To provide a possible solution to this delicate reality, this paper analyzes the principle of reasonableness as a tool for identifying the basic elements that guarantee a fundamental level of the exercise of the right to citizen participation in the fight against corruption, adopting elements of human rights indicator methodologies. In this sense, the relevance of having a legal framework that establishes obligations to incorporate proactive and transversal citizen participation in the matter is observed. It is also noted the need to monitor the operation of various citizen participation mechanisms in the decision-making processes of the institutions involved in the fight and prevention of corruption, which lead to an increase in the improvement of the perception of the citizen role as a relevant actor in this field. It is concluded that the principle of reasonableness is presented as a very useful tool for the identification of basic elements that facilitate the fulfillment of human rights commitments in the field of public policies.

Keywords: anticorruption, public participation, public policies, reasonableness

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Authors: Julian David Rios Acuna

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This paper seeks to argue that the phenomenon of ‘paramilitarism’ in Colombia exhibits the role of violence as constitutive of the political process of state formation in the country. In order to do this, it takes as its point of departure a landmark moment in the long history of private armies known as the ‘paramilitary’ in Colombia. In 2001, paramilitary commanders, politicians, and members of the military and other branches of state power singed what is known as the ‘Pact of Ralito.’ In this pact, the paramilitary appropriated constitutional and legal language. The paper argues that this appropriation shows that the paramilitary and the state express the same claim to sovereign power and therefore have the same foundation. More precisely, paramilitary power shows itself to base its power on the same foundation as the legal order, namely, extreme forms of violence where death is generative of power. In this sense, the paper shows how, by sharing its foundation, Colombian paramilitarism exhibits that state power in Colombia can be characterized as necro-power as Achille Mbembe understands it. The paper argues that paramilitarism shows state power as necro-power by constituting itself as a symptom understood, following Zizek, as that which both shows and overthrows its own foundation. In this way, paramilitarism shows the foundation of the state, thereby reconfiguring this very state. This reconfiguration, explicitly based on necro-power, the paper concludes, transforms the state into a form more appropriate to the political demands of neo-liberalism. By exhibiting its foundation in necro-power through paramilitarism, the Colombian State turns from a liberal into a (neo)liberal democracy.

Keywords: necro-power, necropolitics, paramilitarism in Colombia, state formation, state power, sovereign power

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Authors: Lasha Mskhaladze, Guram Burchuladze, Khvicha Datunashvili

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Technological changes have an impact not only on economic but also on social elements of society which in turn has created new challenges for states’ political systems and their regimes. As a result of unprecedented growth of information technologies and communications digital democracy and electronic governance have emerged. Nowadays effective state functioning cannot be imagined without electronic governance. In Georgia, special attention is paid to the development of such new systems and establishment of electronic governance. Therefore, in parallel to intensive development of information technologies an important priority for public sector in Georgia is the development of electronic governance. In spite of the fact that today Georgia with its economic indicators satisfies the standards of western informational society, and major part of its gross domestic product comes from the service sector (59.6%), it still remains a backward country on the world map in terms of information technologies and electronic governance. E-transparency in Georgia should be based on such parameters as government accountability when the government provides citizens information about their activities; e-participation which involves government’s consideration of external expert assessments; cooperation between officials and citizens in order to solve national problems. In order to improve electronic systems the government should actively do the following: Fully develop electronic programs concerning HR and exchange of data between public organizations; develop all possible electronic services; improve existing electronic programs; make electronic services available on different mobile platforms (iPhone, Android, etc.).

Keywords: electronic transparency, electronic services, information technology, information society, electronic systems

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Authors: Andrew Enaifoghe

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The study examined the role of public management development in enhancing public service delivery in the South African local government. The study believes that the ultimate empowerment of the third tier sphere of governments in South Africa remains the instrument required to enhance both national and continental development. This over the year has been overwhelmed with problems and imbalance related to ethical practice, accountability and the functional local government system and the machinery itself. The study finds that imbalances are being strengthened by a lack of understanding and unanimity as to what a public management development in a democratic system is and how it should work to achieve the dividends of democracy in delivering public goods. Studies indicated that the magnitudes are widespread corruption and misrepresentations of government priorities; both of which weaken the ability of governments to enhance broad-based economic growth and social well-being of the people. This study addressed the problem of public management and accountable local government. The study indicates the need for citizens’ participation in the decision-making process in delivering public service in South Africa and how its accountability mechanism supports good governance. The study concludes that good and ethical watersheds in South Africa have since reached such proportions that social pressure, the pressure from the government and various institutions have to re-consider where they stand regarding ethics, ethical behaviour, accountability and professionalism in delivering public goods to the people at the local municipal government.

Keywords: accountability, development, democratic system, South Africa

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Authors: Okpanachi Linus Odiji, Chris Ogwu Attah

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Election is no doubt widely assumed as one of the most suitable means of resolving political quagmires even though it has never been bereft of conflict which can manifest before, during, or after polls. What, however, advances democracy and promotes electoral integrity is the existence and effectiveness of institutional frameworks for electoral conflict management. Electoral conflicts are no doubt unique in the sense that they represent the struggles of people over the control of public resources. In most cases, the stakes involved are high and emotional that they do not only undermine inter-group relationship but also threaten national security. The need, therefore, for an effectively functional conflict management apparatus becomes imperative. While at the State level, there exist numerous governmental initiatives at various electoral stages aimed at managing conflicts, this paper examines the activities of the mass media, which is another prominent stakeholder in the electoral process. Even though media influence has increased tremendously in the last decade, researchers are yet to agree on its utility in the management of conflicts. Guided by the social responsibility theory of media reporting and drawing data from observed trends in Kogi state, the paper, which context analyses the 2019 gubernatorial election coverage in the state, observes both conflict escalation and de-escalation roles in the media. To mitigate conflict reporting misrepresentation, therefore, a common approach to conflict reporting should be designed and ordered by the National Broadcasting Commission as well as the Nigerian Press Council. This should be garnished with the training of journalists on conflict reporting and development of a standard conflict reporting procedure.

Keywords: conflict management, electoral conflict, mass media, media reporting

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Authors: E. Prema Shyam

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The role of international organizations has contributed in various ways for the good governance in the world at large. Since the beginning of the 1990s international organizations, particularly those active in the areas of human rights, trade and economic etc., have embraced a 'good governance'. It is also pertinent to mention that the application of the concept of good governance to international organizations themselves and not exclusively to national or regional polities is a more recent phenomenon. Especially since the second half of the 1990s, a number of international organizations have carried out major governance reforms, assuming that their calls for governments to heed higher standards of good governance will be all the more credible provided that they develop a good governance standard for themselves. In addition to this number of organizations such as the United Nations (UN), Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD), European Union (EU), International Committee of the Red Cross and World Trade Organization (WTO). OECD has been specifically mobilized to fight corruption. The World Bank was the first international organization to address the issue of good governance when it attributed the African development crisis to a crisis of governance in a 1989 report. International organizations are often denounced for their lack of transparency and democracy. However, in the last few years, a number of them have pushed through impressive reforms aimed at enhancing good governance standards within their own organizations, especially in the light of their long-standing secrecy. This is a remnant of the traditional conception of international organizations, which renders them merely answerable to their Members. International organizations have already gone quite some way in the areas of good management and opening up to the public. However, as far as participatory governance is concerned, lot to be done for the larger interest of society. In this paper, an attempt has been made to focus the issues on international organisations with regard to good governance.

Keywords: good governance, World Trade Organisation, international organisation, governance reforms

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Authors: JoVontae Butts

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A central and enduring theme in the study of American politics is political participation, which indicates the health of a democracy, citizen buy-in, and fair political representation. Though voting push factors have been thoroughly researched and are becoming better understood, the effect of those same push factors often varies for marginalized people. Black voters begun to cast votes at a steadily increasing rate following the 1996 election, gradually growing to its highest level in the 2012 presidential election, even surpassing white voter participation rates. The thirty-year growth period of Black voter engagement concluded in the 2016 election, with the number of participating Black voters stumbling by approximately 7% while other demographics remained roughly the same. Theories for the shift in Black voter behavior range from vote suppression to discouragement due to Barack Obama’s concluding tenure in office. Furthermore, Black voter engagement rebounded in the 2020 election, leaving turnout and race scholars to speculate even further, predicting that disapproval of Trump energized the Black voter bloc. Though there is much conjecture regarding the changes in Black voter behavior, there is truly little empirical evidence to vet those suppositions. This study engages and quantifies speculations for the changes in Black voter engagement in recent elections using 2016 and 2020 American National Election Studies Pilot Study data. Additionally, this study expands upon McGregor’s theory of political hypervigilance by exploring differences in political engagement for church-attending Black voters and those that do not.

Keywords: race, religion, evangelicalism, political engagement

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Authors: Miraç Savaş Turhan, Ali Danışman

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New institutional theorists in organization theory have used institutional logics perspective to explain the contradictory practices in modern western societies. Accordingly, distinct institutional logics are embedded in central institutions such as the market, state, democracy, family, and religion. Individual and organizational actors and their practices are restricted and guided by institutional logics in a particular field. Through this perspective, actors are assumed to have a situated, embedded, boundedly intentional, and adaptive role against the structure in social, cultural and political context. Since the early 1990's, increasing number of studies has attempted to explain the role of actors in creating, maintaining, and changing institutions. Yet, most of these studies have focused on organizational field-level actors, ignoring the role that can be played by individual actors within organizations. As a result, we have much information about what organizational field level actors can do, but relatively little knowledge about the ability of organizational change agents within organization in relation to institutional orders. This study is an attempt to find out how the ability of individual actors who attempt to change their organization is constrained and shaped by institutional logics dominating the field. We examine this issue in a private school in the Turkish Education field. We first describe dominating institutional logics in the Turkish Education field. Then we conducted in-depth interviews and content analysis in the school. The early results indicate that attempts and actions of organizational change agents are remarkably directed and shaped by the dominating institutional logics in the Turkish Education field.

Keywords: Institutional logics, individual actors, organizational change, organizational change agent

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Authors: Rurui Liu

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Universities have been one of the most important institutions in society. They shoulder the responsibility to do research and teach further generations. Therefore, the governance of universities has been a heated topic and has been learned for years. Recently, it witnessed great changes, for example, the massification of Higher Education, marketization, and privatization. As a result, more stakeholders are involved in the governance of Higher Education, among which students’ participation in HE becomes more important. However, the research about students’ participation in HE governance in China is not sufficient, and the situation requires improvement. The paper aims to not only fill in the research gap but also put forward practical suggestions to follow the world’s trend of HE governance. The methodology of this paper is literature analysis with comparative studies between China and western countries. The research points out that the current situation of students’ participation in HE governance is unideal due to problems in three fields, values and concepts, mechanisms and systems, as well as student unions. Then, the policy implications are based on these reasons: universities should highlight students’ status, respect their subjectivity and adhere to the service awareness; the government requires to build a sound legal system while universities should establish complete mechanisms and systems; student unions should be encouraged by universities to take part in HE governance affairs with sufficient funds, and autonomy. On the one hand, this paper is a further application of four rationales (consumerism, political-realism, communitarian, democracy, and consequentialism) created by Luescher‐Mamashela for the inevitable trend of students’ participation in HE governance. On the other hand, the suggestions it made benefit the students, universities, and society in practical ways.

Keywords: students’ participation, higher education governance, Chinese higher education, university power

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Authors: Tatia Kekelia

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This paper is part of an ongoing research addressing gender discrimination in the Court of Georgia. The research suggests that gender stereotypes influence the processes at the Court in contemporary Georgia, which causes uneven fights for women and men, not to mention other gender identities. The sub-hypothesis proposes that the gender stereotypes derive from feudal representations, which persisted during the Soviet rule. It is precisely those stereotypes that feed gender-based discrimination today. However, this paper’s main focus is on the main hypothesis, describing the revealed stereotypes, and identifying the Court as a place where their presence is most hindering societal development. First of all, this happens by demotivating people, causing loss of trust in the Court, and therefore potentially encouraging crime. Secondly, it becomes harder to adequately mobilize human resources, since more than a half of the population is female, and under the influence of rigid or more subtle forms of discrimination, they lose not only equal rights, but also the motivation to work or fight for them. Consequently, this paper falls under democracy studies as well – considering that an unbiased Court is one of the most important criteria for assessing the democratic character of a state. As the research crosses the disciplines of sociology, law, and history, a complex of qualitative research methods is applied, among which this paper relies mainly on expert interviews, interviews with attorneys, and desk research. By showcasing and undermining the gender stereotypes that work at the Court of Georgia, this research might assist in rising trust towards it in the long-term. As for the broader relevance, the study of the Georgian case opens the possibility to conduct comparative analyses in the region and the continent, and, presumably, carve the lines of cultural influences.

Keywords: gender, stereotypes, bias, democratization, judiciary

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