Search results for: Democracy

Authors: Ryo Sato

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The United States and many other countries witness alarmingly low voting rates among youths, skewing democratic representation. Many scholars and pundits have ascribed to this trend young voters' laziness, indifference, and self-centeredness and placed blame on them. However, a growing body of research is focusing on structural barriers to voting, which are defined as built-in obstacles lying in electoral laws and procedures. Drawing on national survey data from 891 young adults in 2020 and extant literature on structural barriers to voting, the project aims to develop a framework for analyzing systematic obstacles to voting experienced by young people and offer tangible policy recommendations. The preliminary findings presented at this conference include an intersectional analysis of the survey data, focusing on how different social categories — race, gender, socioeconomic status, immigration status, and others — in combination create unique voting experiences and barriers. This project offers a critical framework to combat the individualized understanding of low voting rates among youths and inform pathways to functional democracy.

Keywords: youth voting behavior, structural barriers, intersectionality, democratic participation, S

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Authors: Gang Wang

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Education is widely believed to be a prerequisite for democracy and civil society, but the causal link between education and outcome variables is usually hardly to be identified. This study applies a fuzzy regression discontinuity design to examine the effects of college education on democratic attitudes in the Chinese context. In the analysis treatment assignment is determined by students’ college entry years and thus naturally selected by subjects’ ages. Using a sample of Chinese college students collected in Beijing in 2009, this study finds that college education actually reduces undergraduates’ motivation for political development in China but promotes political loyalty to the authoritarian government. Further hypotheses tests explain these interesting findings from two perspectives. The first is related to the complexity of politics. As college students progress over time, they increasingly realize the complexity of political reform in China’s authoritarian regime and rather stay away from politics. The second is related to students’ career opportunities. As students are close to graduation, they are immersed with job hunting and have a reduced interest in political freedom.

Keywords: china, college education, democratic attitudes, regression discontinuity

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Authors: Roxan Venter

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Ombudsmen often face the challenge of a lack of authority to have their decisions and recommendations enforced. This lack of authority may be seen as one of the major obstacles in the way of the effectiveness of the institutions of Ombudsman and also the South African Public Protector. The paper will address the current legal position in South Africa with regard to the status of the decisions and recommendations of the South African Public Protector and the enforcement thereof. In addition, the paper will compare the South African position with the experiences of other jurisdictions, including Scandinavian countries like Sweden, Denmark and Norway, but also New Zealand and Northern Ireland, with regard to the enforcement of the decisions of Ombudsmen. Finally, the paper will make recommendations with regard to the enhancement of the power and authority of Ombudsmen in order to effectively enforce their decisions. It is submitted that the creation of the office of Ombudsman, and the Public Protector in the South African system, is an essential tool to ensure the protection of society against governmental abuse of power and it is therefore imperative to ensure that these watchdogs of democracy are not muzzled by a lack of powers of enforcement.

Keywords: enforcement of decisions of ombudsmen, governmental control, ombudsman, South African public protector

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Authors: Nirmalasanti Pramesi

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In 2004 the CLD KHI Team offered several new ideas in the field of Islamic family law, such as marriage, inheritance (waris), and waqf. The new idea is based on six main principles; pluralism, nationality, human rights, democracy, maslahah, and gender equality. However, the existence of this has actually caused various criticisms, appreciations, and controversies. For this reason, CLD-KHI, as the idea of reforming family law, especially in the field of marriage, really needs to be studied academically with a comprehensive method as an unfinished problem. The main issues examined in this study are what are the ideas for reforming the law of marriage that have been formulated by the CLD KHI team, as well as how to implement Maqasid Sharia in legal reform. The methodology used in this research is a qualitative method with a normative-empirical-sociological approach. The results of this research show every substance of the idea considers aspects of locality, nationality, and global ethics. The Maqasid approach used in most of the legal provisions is moderate (wasati). Meanwhile, in matters of wali niqah and inheritance, it is adjusted to the context of Indonesian society.

Keywords: Maqasid syari'ah, CLD KHI, marriage law reform, moderate

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Authors: C. Arslan, K. Yakar

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Social media is one of the most important and effective means of social interaction among people in which they create, share and exchange their ideas via photos, videos or voice messages. Although there are lots of communication tools. Social media sites are the most prominent ones that allows the users articulate themselves in a matter of seconds all around the world with almost any expenses and thus, they became very popular and widespread after its emergence. As the usage of social media increases, it becomes an effective instrument in social matters. While it is possible to use social media to emphasize basic human rights and protest some failures of any government as in “Arab Spring”, it is also possible to spread propaganda and misinformation just to cause long lasting insurgency, upheaval, turmoil or disorder as an instrument of intervention to internal affairs and state sovereignty by some hostile groups or countries. It is certain that social media has positive effects on participation in democracies allowing people express themselves freely and limitlessly, but obviously, the misuse of it is very common and it is quite possible that even a five-minute-long video record can topple down a government or give a solid reason to a government to review its policies on some certain areas. As one of the most important and effective means of participation, social media presents some opportunities as well as risks. In this study, the place of social media for participation in democracies will be demonstrated under the light of opportunities and risks.

Keywords: social media, democracy, participation, risks, opportunities

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Authors: Xiwu Feng

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The paper is to analyze research ethics in social and behavioral sciences from a cross-cultural perspective. A multi-phase study investigated implementations of ethical standards and guidelines in higher institutions in China. Institutional policies and procedures on human subject research and perceptions of human subject protection were assessed in the Chinese research universities from different regions. The findings of the study indicate that the implementations of ethical standards and guidelines vary from institution to institution and from region to region. Education and cultural backgrounds of the participants influence their perceptions of the welfare and privacy of human subjects. The results of the study reveal great differences and complexities in ethical standards for the protection of human subjects of research in contrast to the Western world. The Chinese collectivistic values and the cooperative-harmonious democracy play a significant role in perceiving and implementing ethical guidelines. Chinese researchers find themselves a long way to go before seeing implementations of regulations and guidelines on human subject research in social and behavioral sciences.

Keywords: ethical standards, human subjects, research ethics, social and behavioral research

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Authors: Shahzada Gulfam

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Islamism was considered as a new phenomenon in Muslim World to revolt against static Religious Traditionalists and the Imperialists. Islamist political parties viewed the establishment of an Islamic state within the limits of Sharia’h as their destination. The Islamists movements like Ikhwan-ul Muslimun, Jamaat-i-Islami etc. did appear with revolutionary agenda but were contained by military forces and the secular modernists of Muslim World. The Muslim rulers, historically could not respect the democratic and moral norms and equally emerged as dictators in democracies, military rule as well as in monarchies. The Arab Spring did not follow the Islamists agenda but gathered the common masses against the corrupt rulers to have a just democratic political system. The Islamic State and Sharia’h were not their immediate targets but the achievement of moral norms in Muslim societies and eradication of dictatorial rule were the basic aims. This phenomenon is named as post-Islamism. The political struggle of PAT (Pakistan Awami Tehreek) and the PTI (Pakistan Tehreek-i-Insaf) has been following the footsteps of Arab Spring and can be noted as the extension of Arab Spring in Muslim World. The results of this struggle would define the fate of Post-Islamism in Pakistan. Has Jamaat-i-Islami got the potential to reform its agenda accordingly? This paper intends to study the Jamaat’s struggle and tries to predict Jamaat’s role in post-Islamism scenario. There is a clear distinction between the people of religion and the people following the popular materialistic westernized value system. This division is also evident in political parties. Pakistan has been ruled mostly by the secular parties and rulers. The inability to establish Islamic system by replacing the imperial system has created militancy and revolt which requires the establishment of a sound model Islamic based system in the country. The political parties of Pakistan could not device a modernize agenda, equally acceptable in modernized world and addressing the prevailing issues and also having the indigenous religious and cultural roots. The inability of Jamaat-i-Islami Pakistan to transform its agenda accordingly to serve the post-Islamism has made it irrelevant in Pakistan’s politics. Once Jamaat leaves behind its hard position as an Islamist party and accepts the post-Islamism as beginning to create its idealized state and society, it can pursue its agenda gradually. The phenomenon of post-Islamism does not make Islamists irrelevant but invites them to listen to the priorities of masses rather than insisting on the agenda of their respective ideologues to be followed for all times. The ruling Muslim democrats and military dictators of Pakistan have been following unfair means to sustain their political power which gave rise to space for the new political parties to emerge and organize agitation successfully in Pakistani Politics. Jamaat-i-Islami could not fill that space to be an agent of Post-Islamism and could not break their chains which had been tying them to the prevailing failed democracy of Pakistan. Post-Islamists are the addressers of the rulers corruption and are struggling for reforms in system. Jamaat due to its ideological compulsions could not transform its agenda accordingly. The new scenario indicates that the Post-Islamism which emerged in Arab World can be taken as first step to establish democracy and justice in state and society and then the establishment of Islamic law and the establishment of an Islamic state should have been the next targets. This gradual agenda would have delivered public support to the Jamaat which deserved that but PTI & PAT have cashed this opportunity in Pakistani politics by strengthening their respective vote banks.

Keywords: arab spring, islamic state, islamic political parties, muslim world, post-islamism

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Authors: Qian Zaijian

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E-government is one of the hot issues in the current academic research of public policy and management. As the organic integration of information and communication technology (ICT) and public administration, e-government is one of the most important areas in contemporary information society. Policy information system is a basic subsystem of public policy system, its operation affects the overall effect of the policy process or even exerts a direct impact on the operation of a public policy and its success or failure. The basic principle of its operation is information collection, processing, analysis and release for a specific purpose. The function of E-government for public policy information system lies in the promotion of public access to the policy information resources, information transmission through e-participation, e-consultation in the process of policy analysis and processing of information and electronic services in policy information stored, to promote the optimization of policy information systems. However, due to many factors, the function of e-government to promote policy information system optimization has its practical limits. In the building of E-government in our country, we should take such path as adhering to the principle of freedom of information, eliminating the information divide (gap), expanding e-consultation, breaking down information silos and other major path, so as to promote the optimization of public policy information systems.

Keywords: China, e-consultation, e-democracy, e-government, e-participation, ICTs, public policy information systems

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Authors: Muhammed Jamiu Mustapha, Jamiu Folarin, Stephen Obiri Agyei, Rasheed Ademola Adebiyi, Mutiu Iyanda Lasisi

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The role of information in societal development and growth cannot be over-emphasized. It has remained an age-long strategy to adopt the information flow to make an egalitarian society. The same has become a tool for throwing society into chaos and anarchy. It has been adopted as a weapon of war and a veritable instrument of psychological warfare with a variety of uses. That is why some scholars posit that information could be deployed as a weapon to wreak “Mass Destruction" or promote “Mass Development". When used as a tool for destruction, the effect on society is like an atomic bomb which when it is released, pollutes the air and suffocates the people. Technological advancement has further exposed the latent power of information and many societies seem to be overwhelmed by its negative effect. While information remains one of the bedrock of democracy, the information ecosystem across the world is currently facing a more difficult battle than ever before due to information pluralism and technological advancement. The more the agents involved try to combat its menace, the difficult and complex it is proving to be curbed. In a region like Africa with dangling democracy enfolds with complexities of multi-religion, multi-cultures, inter-tribes, ongoing issues that are yet to be resolved, it is important to pay critical attention to the case of information disorder and find appropriate ways to curb or mitigate its effects. The media, being the middleman in the distribution of information, needs to build capacities and capabilities to separate the whiff of misinformation and disinformation from the grains of truthful data. From quasi-statistical senses, it has been observed that the efforts aimed at fighting information pollution have not considered the built resilience of media organisations against this disorder. Apparently, the efforts, resources and technologies adopted for the conception, production and spread of information pollution are much more sophisticated than approaches to suppress and even reduce its effects on society. Thus, this study seeks to interrogate the phenomenon of information pollution and the capabilities of select media organisations in Sub-Saharan Africa. In doing this, the following questions are probed; what are the media actions to curb the menace of information pollution? Which of these actions are working and how effective are they? And which of the actions are not working and why they are not working? Adopting quantitative and qualitative approaches and anchored on the Dynamic Capability Theory, the study aims at digging up insights to further understand the complexities of information pollution, media capabilities and strategic resources for managing misinformation and disinformation in the region. The quantitative approach involves surveys and the use of questionnaires to get data from journalists on their understanding of misinformation/disinformation and their capabilities to gate-keep. Case Analysis of select media and content analysis of their strategic resources to manage misinformation and disinformation is adopted in the study while the qualitative approach will involve an In-depth Interview to have a more robust analysis is also considered. The study is critical in the fight against information pollution for a number of reasons. One, it is a novel attempt to document the level of media capabilities to fight the phenomenon of information disorder. Two, the study will enable the region to have a clear understanding of the capabilities of existing media organizations to combat misinformation and disinformation in the countries that make up the region. Recommendations emanating from the study could be used to initiate, intensify or review existing approaches to combat the menace of information pollution in the region.

Keywords: disinformation, information pollution, misinformation, media capabilities, sub-Saharan Africa

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Authors: Christian Nounkeu Tatchou

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The concept of mediatization of politics describes changes with regards to media and politics, as the political sphere is increasingly shaped by the media and conforms to its logic. The mediatization of politics in established democracies of the West has been the object of several researches. However, there is an overwhelming paucity of literature on this reconfiguration of the political life around the media in the emerging democracies of the Sub-Saharan Africa. A majority of Sub-Saharan countries have been progressively experiencing the modernization of their societies and significant developments with respect to political communication since the early 1990s. This has been facilitated by factors such as the adoption of democratic reforms, the development of mass media, the advent of social media and the rapid spread of new information and communication technologies. Thus, this paper investigates the extent to which political communication in Sub-Saharan Africa is mediatized, especially with regards to the social media. Through in-depths interviews with twenty political leaders and political observers in Cameroon and Ghana, this article argues that the social media has become the main arena of voters’ mobilization and political participation in Sub-Saharan Africa. However, a greater extent of freedom for political activism on social media is observed in the new democracy of Ghana, unlike in the enduring authoritarian political system of Cameroon where the government attempts to control the use and content of political discourse on social media.

Keywords: mediatization, political communication, social media, sub-saharan africa

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Authors: Umar Ubandawaki

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Political participation involves voluntary and deliberate efforts by the members of a political system to determine the kinds of political institution and individuals that will govern them and equally influence the mobilization and allocation of the available societal resources. Over the years, youths in Nigeria participated actively in political party rallies and voting to elect their leaders and representatives in governance. This paper examines categories and nature of participation in politics as well as factors that derived youths into politics in Sokoto State. Through the use of qualitative and quantitative data generated from focus group discussions, interviews and questionnaire, the paper find out that youth, in Sokoto State, have been induced in participatory activities that encourage political thuggery and manipulation of electoral outcomes. Moreover, they are neglected in the mobilization and allocation of the available resources of the society i.e they are denied dividends of good governance. The paper recommends that youths should be engaged into positive participatory activities for ensuring inclusiveness and promotion of good governance in Nigeria. It is hoped that this will enlighten youth and policy implementers on the constructive strategies in controlling youth’s participation in politics in Nigeria.

Keywords: democracy, governance, inclusivenes, participation and politic

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Authors: Karen Lesley Webster, Charles Crothers

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As the population of the Auckland region in New Zealand becomes markedly more super-diverse, the question of fair and effective representation becomes increasingly relevant. This paper explores who stood and who was elected to local office, in the three Auckland triennial local elections, following the 2010 amalgamation of the regions local authorities. It addresses the question of how representative the electoral candidates and elected members of local government in Auckland were of the diverse population they serve. A quantitative analysis of the gender and ethnicity of the Auckland Council candidates and elected members in 2013, 2016, and 2019 triennial elections was undertaken, and the gender and ethnicity compared with that of the Auckland population. Our findings show that under the two-tiered shared governance model established by the Local Government Act (Auckland Council) 2009, electoral candidates have become more ethnically and gender representative of Aucklanders at the local level, while at the regional level, divergence from predominantly New Zealand European, male local representatives is emerging, albeit with less pace. These findings warrant further investigation, but overall, the research presents a cautiously optimistic picture of Auckland local democracy in terms of increasing representational diversity.

Keywords: local government, representation, diversity, gender, ethnicity

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Authors: Udokporo Emeka Leonard

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The thrust of this paper is to examine how entrepreneurship can assist in the attainment of the first goal among the MDGs – eradication of extreme poverty and hunger in Nigeria. The paper discusses how national development can be driven through employment creation and wealth generation that can lead to reduction in widespread poverty so as to attain one crucial target, in fewer years. The task before Nigeria is certainly a herculean one; it is, in fact a race against time. However, in view of the clear and present danger that the increasing rate of poverty portends for our democracy and our nation, is a race we must; for it is a time bomb on our hands. The paper has been structured into sections; with the introduction as section one. Section two discusses the concept of entrepreneurship; Section three examines the link between entrepreneurship and economic development, while section four examines the challenges facing entrepreneurship in Nigeria. In section five, measures and recommendations to boost entrepreneurship that can drive economic development that translates into poverty reduction and employment creation in Nigeria are suggested. This work is a literature review with some understanding of current trends and situations. It outlines some of the difficulties facing entrepreneurship in Nigeria as the operating environment, inadequate understanding and skewed incentive. It also makes recommendations on possible ways to significantly reduce poverty in 2015.

Keywords: development, entrepreneur, Nigeria, poverty

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Authors: Arenca Trashani

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20 years after its first entrance in a General Assembly of the United Nation’s Resolution, human security has became a very important tool in a global debate affecting directly the whole main rules and regulations in international law and more closely in international human rights law. This paper will cover a very important issue of today at how the human security has its impact to the development of international human rights law, not as far as a challenge as it is seen up now but a tool of moving toward development and globalization. In order to analyze the impact of human security to the global agenda, we need to look to the main pillars of the international legal order which are affected by the human security in itself and its application in the policy making for this international legal order global and regional ones. This paper will focus, also, on human security, as a new and very important tool of measuring development, stability and the level of democratic consolidation and the respect for human rights especially in developing countries such as Albania. The states are no longer capable to monopolize the use of human security just within their boundaries and separated from the other principles of a functioning democracy. In this context, human security would be best guaranteed under the respect of the rule of law and democratization. During the last two decades the concept security has broadly developed, from a state-centric to a more human-centric approach: from state security to respect for human rights, to economic security, to environmental security as well. Last but not least we would see that human rights could be affected by human security not just at their promotion but also at their enforcement and mainly at the international institutions, which are entitled to promote and to protect human rights.

Keywords: human security, international human rights law, development, Albania, international law

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Authors: Ismail Sualman, Mohd Khairuddin Othman

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General Election has been the backbone of democracy that permits people to choose their representatives as they deem fit. The support preferences of the voter differ from one to another, particularly in a plural society like Malaysia. The turning up of high numbers of young voters during the Malaysia 14th General Election has been said to have been caused by social media including Facebook, Twitter, WhatsApp, Instagram, YouTube and Telegram, WeChat and SMS/MMs. It has been observed that, besides using social media as an interaction tool among social friends, it is also an important source of information to know about issues, politics and politicians. This paper exhibits the role of social media in providing political information to young voters, before an election and during the election campaign. This study examines how this information is being translated into election support. A total of 799 Malay young respondents in Selangor have been surveyed and interviewed. This study revealed that social media has become the source of political information among Malay young voters. This research suggested that social media had a significant effect on the support during the election. Social media plays an important role in carrying information such as current issues, voting trends, candidate imagery and matters that may influence the view of young voters. The information obtained from social media has been translated into a voting decision.

Keywords: social media, political behaviour, voters’ choice, election.

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Authors: Lisa J. Piergallini

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This project uses panel regression analyses to investigate the relationships between geography, institutions, and economic development, as guided by the theories of the 18^th century French philosopher Montesquieu. Contemporary scholars of political economy perpetually misinterpret Montesquieu’s theories on climate, and in doing so they miss what could be the key to resolving the geography vs. institutions debate. There is a conspicuous gap in this literature, in that it does not consider whether geography and institutors might have an interactive, dynamic effect on economic development. This project seeks to bridge that gap. Data are used for all available countries over the years 1980-2013. Two interaction terms between geographic and institutional variables are employed within the empirical analyses, and these offer a unique contribution to the ongoing geography vs. institutions debate within the political economy literature. This study finds that there is indeed an interactive effect between geography and institutions, and that this interaction has a statistically significant effect on economic development. Democracy (as measured by Polity score) and rule of law and property rights (as measured by the Fraser index) have positive effects on economic development (as measured by GDP per capita), yet the magnitude of these effects are stronger in contexts where a low percent of the national population lives in the geographical tropics. This has implications for promoting economic development, and it highlights the importance of understanding geographical context.

Keywords: Montesquieu, institutions, geography, economic development, political philosophy, political economy

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Authors: P. Mbecke

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The role of the government to tangibly alleviate poverty, improve and sustain the quality of people’s lives remains a “work in progress” twenty-two years after the dawn of democracy in South Africa despite a host of socio-economic programs and pro-poor policies and legislations. This paper assesses the development process and the implementation of the White Paper on Families in South Africa as one of the pro-poor policies intended to curb poverty and redress the imbalances of the apartheid regime. The paper is the result of a qualitative implementation research theory facilitated through in-depth interviews with social work managers complemented by literature and policy review techniques. It investigates the level of basic knowledge and understanding as well as the implementation challenges of the White Paper on Families as causes of its failure. The paper emphasizes the importance of the family-centered approach in the implementation of pro-poor policies. To facilitate the understanding of the White Paper on Families by its users, the Department of Social Development needs take stock of the identified challenges of its implementation so as to facilitate its success in fostering positive family well-being that will directly contributes to the overall socio-economic development of South Africa.

Keywords: poverty alleviation, pro-poor policy, social development, social welfare, South Africa

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Authors: Baba Iddrisu Musah

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Many Ghanaians, including the rich and downtrodden, elite and unlettered, rural and urban dwellers, politicians and civil servants, in one way or the other, believe in and practice witchcraft. The existence of witches’ camp in northern Ghana, the rise of Pentecostal churches, especially in southern Ghana with the penchant to cleanse people of witchcraft, as well as media reports of witchcraft imputations assuming wider dimensions in the country, often classified as a citadel of democracy, good governance and human rights in Africa, buttress the pervasive nature of belief in and the practice of witchcraft in the country. This is in spite of the fact that tremendous efforts, especially by British colonial authorities, were made to regulate witchcraft beliefs and its associated practices. Informed by Western values and philosophy, witchcraft was considered by colonial authorities as illogical and unscientific. This paper, which is largely a review of existing literature, supplemented by archival information from the national archives of Ghana, focuses on the nature of witchcraft regulation in Ghana’s pre-colonial and colonial past, as well as immediately after Ghana obtained her independence in 1957. This article concludes by rhetorically questioning whether or not believing in and the practice of witchcraft in contemporary Ghana in general, and the existence of witches’ camps in the northern region of the country are attributed to the failure of past regulations, as well as the failure of present government policies.

Keywords: colonial, natives, regulation, witchcraft

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Authors: Andi Triswoyo

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The establishment of ASEAN Community 2015 was proposed to integrate concretely, in terms of regional cooperation. All of the members of the ASEAN itself compete to prepare themselves in the actual place. Regarding to the Bali Concord III, subsequently ASEAN Community was categorized by three elements, such as (1) ASEAN Political-security Community (APC), (2) ASEAN Economic Community (AEC), and (3) ASEAN Socio-cultural Community (ASC). Preparing on three components above, civil society organizations must be prioritized as the main body, which ensure grassroots society itself obtain maximum benefits or advantage of these declarations. NU, as the representative of mass-based organizations, was choose, due to the highly influences toward Moslem rural-traditionalist, which has the largest followers in Indonesia. This paper was aimed to explain the contribution of NU in developing and empowering society. Furthermore, it will use historical perspective, by looking for related data, which contain basic- knowledge and explanatory facts in literary desk. It would elaborate in NU’s urgency for promoting civil societies roles in ASEAN Community. In the ends, this paper was proposed to measure to what extend NU’s roles in promoting the Civil Society in Indonesia and its potential capability to get involved at the upcoming regional communities. Hopefully, the attempt to strengthen Civil Society Organizations (CSOs), like NU can push faster in creating good governance and democracy, toward social configurations amongst state, market and civil society.

Keywords: ASEAN community, Nahdlatul Ulama, civil society organizations(CSO), civil society

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Authors: Mohammad Aynal Haque

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Under the international cooperation — Paris Agreement — countries outline their self-determined policy ambition for emissions reduction in their Nationally Determined Contributions (NDCs) as a key to addressing climate change globally. Although practically all countries commit themselves to reach the Paris landmark (below 20 C) globally, some act as climate leaders, others behave as followers, and others turn out to be climate laggards. As a result, there is a substantial variation in ‘emissions reduction targets’ across countries. Thus, a question emerges: What explains this variation? Or why do some countries opt for higher while others opt for lower ‘emissions reduction targets toward global mitigation efforts? Conceptualizing the ‘emissions reduction targets by 2030’ outlined in NDCs by each country as the climate policy ambition (CPA), this paper explores how certain national political, economic, environmental, and external factors play vital roles in determining climate policy ambition. Based on the cross-country regression analysis among 168 countries, this study finds that democracy, vulnerability to climate change effects, and foreign direct investment have substantial effects on CPA. The paper also finds that resource capacity has a minimal negative effect on CPA across developed countries.

Keywords: climate change, Paris agreement, international cooperation, political economy, environmental politics, NDCs

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Authors: Sibonginkosi Mazibuko

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The “adoption” of the Freedom Charter in 1955 at Kliptown south of Johannesburg, South Africa represented a desire to create a society that is based on common citizenship, and democracy. The architects of the Charter had a vision of a society that lived in peace with itself. Today, the Charter is still promoted as the best thing that ever happened to a society ravaged by racism, dispossession, oppression and exploitation – a society divided in all aspects of its life. This paper moves from the understanding that land is fundamental to all life. It interrogates the Charter’s claim on land. At a time when the colonised world sought to free themselves from the chains of colonialism and Africans throughout the continent demanded Africa for the Africans, the Freedom Charter claimed South Africa for all who lived in it. To the extent that this paper problematizes the philosophical underpinnings of the Charter, it uses the methodology of dialectic materialism to understand the theoretical basis of the Freedom Charter. The paper argues that the understanding, desire and the vision of the Freedom Charter were, as they are today, irreconcilable. To that effect and in pursuit of narrow class interests, the Charter justified land dispossession and unsustainable living conditions for the dispossessed majority. The paper then concludes that, by misrepresenting the critically fundamental land question, the Charter tried to reconcile the dispossessed with their dispossession and thus reflected coloniality and whiteness long before colonialism and settler-colonialism came to an end in South Africa.

Keywords: colonialism, contradictions, freedom charter, South Africa

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Authors: Trinh Hoang Hong Hue

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Citizen Participation has been largely considered as an important objective of improving democracy and government decision-making in Vietnam recently. The Public Administration Performance Index Survey data (PAPI) indicated that citizens in provinces that have a higher proportion of male often less participate in local governance than those in provinces that have lower proportion of male. That means Vietnamese women more actively participate at the local governance rather than men. Thus this study will explore factors involving gender differences that impact on citizen participation at the local level. Applying qualitative approach, mainly in-depth interview, this study explores four diverse perspectives on enhancing citizen participation for both women and men at the local governance including civic knowledge; the trust of citizens; suitable policies of local government; and the role of NGOs. Furthermore, this study also points out two crucial reasons that are leading to the gender differences of citizen participation at the local level. Firstly, because Vietnamese women play the main role in family financial management; then they are willing to highly contribute to ‘voluntary contributions’; one of the four sub-dimensions of the concept ‘citizen participation’ of PAPI. Secondly, in Vietnam, women are deeply prone to be interested in the small issues at the local governance; whereas men are much keen on the bigger issues at national and international governance.

Keywords: citizen participation, gender, women, local governance, PAPI, Vietnam

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Authors: Odewumi Olatunde, Adegun Sunday

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Linguistic diversity is seen to complicate attempts to build a stable and cohesive political community. Hence, the challenge of integration is enormous in a multi-ethno-lingual country like Nigeria. In the same vein, justification for minority language rights claims in relation to broader political theories of justice, freedom and democracy cannot be ignored. It is in the light of the fore-going that this paper explores Nigeria’s experiments at language policy and planning(LPP) and the long drawn agitations for self-determination and linguistic freedom by the minority ethnic groups in the polity which has been exacerbated by the National Policy on Education language provisions. The paper succinctly reviews Nigeria’s LPP efforts and its attendant theater of conflicts; explores international attempts at evolving normative principles of freedom and equality for language policy and finally evaluates the position of the Nigerian LPP in the light of evolving international conventions. On this premise, it is concluded that giving a conscientious and honest implementation of the Nigerian language provisions as assessed from their face validity, the nation’s efforts could be exonerated from running afoul of any known civilized values and best practices. It is, therefore, recommended that an effectual and consistent commitment to implementation driven by a renewed political will is what is required for the nation to succeed in this direction.

Keywords: integration, rights, challenge, conventions, policy

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Authors: Verónica Arredondo, Miguel Martínez-Panero, Teresa Peña, Victoriano Ramírez

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The Mexican Chamber of Deputies is composed of 500 representatives: 300 of them elected by relative majority and another 200 ones elected through proportional representation in five electoral clusters (constituencies) with 40 representatives each. In this mixed-member electoral system, the seats distribution of proportional representation is not independent of the election by relative majority, as it attempts to correct representation imbalances produced in single-member districts. This two-fold structure has been maintained in the successive electoral reforms carried out along the last three decades (eight from 1986 to 2014). In all of them, the election process of 200 seats becomes complex: Formulas in the Law are difficult to understand and to be interpreted. This paper analyzes the Mexican electoral system after the electoral reform of 2014, which was applied for the first time in 2015. The research focuses on contradictions and issues of applicability, in particular situations where seats allocation is affected by ambiguity in the law and where asymmetrical treatment of political parties arises. Due to these facts, a proposal of electoral reform will be presented. It is intended to be simpler, clearer, and more enduring than the current system. Furthermore, this model is more suitable for producing electoral outcomes free of contradictions and paradoxes. This approach would allow a fair treatment of political parties and as a result an improved opportunity to exercise democracy.

Keywords: electoral mathematics, electoral reform, Mexican electoral system, political asymmetry, proportional representation

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Authors: Tareq M. Aziz Elven

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The issue of Human Rights enforcement in Southeast Asia has become the serious problem and attract the attention of international community. Principally, Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) has mentioned the Human Rights as one of the focus and be a part of the ASEAN Charter in 2008. It was followed by the establishment of ASEAN Inter-Governmental Commission on Human Rights (AICHR). AICHR is the commission of Human Rights enforcement in Southeast Asia which has a duty, function, and an authority to conduct dissemination and protection of Human Rights. In the end of 2016, however, the function of protection mandated to AICHR have not achieved yet. It can be proved by several cases of Human Rights violation which still exist and have not settled yet. One of case which attracts the public attention recently is human rights violation towards Rohingya in Myanmar. Using the juridical-normative method, the research aims to examine the urgency of Human Rights court establishment in Southeast Asia region which able to issue the decision that binds the ASEAN members or the violating parties. The data shows that ASEAN needs to establish a regional court which intended to settle the Human Rights violations in ASEAN region. Furthermore, the research also highlights three strong factors should be settled by ASEAN for establishing human rights court i.e. the significant distinction of democracy and human rights development among the members, the strong implementation of non-intervention principle, and the financial matter to sustain the court.

Keywords: AICHR, ASEAN, human rights, human rights court

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Authors: Hameda Suwaed

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Group work, time management and accepting others' opinions are practices rooted in the socio-political culture of democratic nations. In Libya, a country transitioning towards democracy, what is the impact of encouraging college students to use such practices in the English language classroom? How to encourage teachers to use such practices in educational system characterized by using traditional methods of teaching? Using action research and classroom research gathered data; this study investigates how teachers can use education to change their students' understanding of their roles in their society by enhancing their belonging to it. This study adjusts a model of change that includes giving students clear directions, sufficient motivation and supportive environment. These steps were applied by encouraging students to participate actively in the classroom by using group work and variety of activities. The findings of the study showed that following the suggested model can broaden students' perception of their belonging to their environment starting with their classroom and ending with their country. In conclusion, although this was a small scale study, the students' participation in the classroom shows that they gained self confidence in using practices such as group work, how to present their ideas and accepting different opinions. What was remarkable is that most students were aware that is what we need in Libya nowadays.

Keywords: educational change, students' motivation, group work, foreign language teaching

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Authors: Uluhan Berk Ondul

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This article aims to shed light on the new stage of transitional justice in Argentina through examining the representations of the 2x1 decision of the Supreme Court and Santiago Maldonado’s Disappearance in the newspaper, La Nación. The two events hold the key to understanding Argentina’s journey since return to democracy as they are about the same crimes of the dictatorship, namely, the forced disappearance of civilians and the subsequent impunity that follows. In the case of a convicted torturer, The Supreme Court of Argentina ruled on 3rd of May 2017 that the days spent in preventive detention after two years should be counted double for the overall sentence. This court decision was met with severe resistance from the members of the parliament as well as the human rights movement. The second item on the list still continues and divides the country into two camps: (1) those who think that the police force has committed another act of forced disappearance in the case of activist Santiago Maldonado and (2) the others who blame the peronistas (the party and supporters of the ex-president Cristina Fernandez de Kirchner) of using this subject as a means to score political points. As a newspaper known for its proximity to the current administration, La Nación offers an insight to the direction of the country and also demonstrates how the neoliberal mindset works. The results of the study show that the transitional justice process in Argentina is far from being complete as the Promise of Nunca Más is still not a shared value but a political statement.

Keywords: Argentina, Fallo 2x1, impunity, Santiago Maldonado, transitional justice

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Authors: Teten Masduki

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Indonesia is a unitary state which has a wide range of cultures, local languages, religions, ethnicity, race, traditions, and beliefs held by people who are scattered in several islands Indonesia. But with such diversity has the potential to cause various problems in society. Because one of the characteristics of diversity is the difference. Unresolved differences could develop into conflicts or contradictions in society. Pancasila as the philosophy and ideology of the nation was stated in the opening of the 1945 Constitution as an alternative solution to the conflict that occurred in Indonesia. Because the ideology of Pancasila role as a nation and also as an integral tool that upholds humanity, justice, unity, harmony, and balance on the belt by the five precepts. If the values contained in Pancasila can be applied and lived by the public of Indonesia, it will be the creation of a just, peaceful and peace. However, the lack of public awareness in implementing pancsila can lead to conflict within the community itself, such as the existence of separatist movements in Papua who gathered in the Organisasi Papua Merdeka (OPM) with the active movement that has a lot of casualties. This paper raised the topic of which offer solutions revitalization (reviving) the values of Pancasila as an alternative solution to the conflict in Indonesia is based on a case study of separatist movements in Papua. This paper will also discuss the implementation of strategic steps in the implementation of solutions which are summarized in the conclusions of this paper.

Keywords: Pancasila, separatism, revitalization, democracy

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Authors: Mauricio Filho, Carina Castro

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The object of this project is to analyze long-time public agents that passed through several governments and see themselves in the position of having to deliberate with new agents, recently settled in the public administration. For theoretical ends, internal deliberation is understood as the one practiced on the public administration agencies, without any direct participation from the general public in the process. The assumption is: agents with longer periods of public service tend to step away from momentary political discussions that guide the current administration and seek to concentrate on institutionalized routines and procedures, making the most politically aligned individuals with the current government deliberate with less "passion" and more exchanging of knowledge and information. The theoretical framework of this research is institutionalism, which is guided by a more pragmatic view, facing the fluidity of reality in ways showing the multiple relations between agents and their respective institutions. The critical aspirations of this project rest on the works of professors Cass Sunstein, Adrian Vermeule, Philipp Pettit and in literature from both institutional theory and economic analysis of law, greatly influenced by the Chicago Law School. Methodologically, the paper is a theoretical review and pretends to be unfolded, in a future moment, in empirical tests for verification. This work has as its main analytical tool the appeal to theoretical and doctrinaire areas from the Juridical Sciences, by adopting the deductive and analytical method.

Keywords: institutions, state, law, agencies

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Authors: Naziema Begum Jappie

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This paper explores the relationship between educational transformation and gender equity in higher education. It draws on various policies and experiences and investigates the paradox of increased female leadership in higher education and the persistence of gender discrimination in the sphere of work. The paper will also address specific aspects of culture and education in post-colonial South Africa. Traditional features of past education systems were not isolated, they became an essential component of the education system, post-democracy. This is currently contested through the call for decolonizing the education system. The debates and discussions seek to rectify the post-colonial education structure within which women suffered triple oppression. Using feminist critical policy analysis and post-colonial theory, the paper examines how transformation over the past two decades has impacted on gender equity and how educational reform is itself gendered. It considers the nature of gender restructuring and key developments in gender equity policy. The social inequality in education is highlighted throughout this discussion. Through an analysis of research and interviews, this paper argues that gender can no longer be privileged when identifying and responding to educational and workplace inequality. In conclusion, the paper discusses the important assumptions that support how social and educational change deliver equity and how social justice may inform equity policy and practice in a culturally diverse educational framework.

Keywords: culture, educational leadership, gender inequality in the workplace, policy implementation

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