Search results for: restriction of constitutional rights

Authors: Katharina Crepaz

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Both minority rights and disability rights are relatively new fields for policy-making in a European context, and both are affected by the EU’s diversity mainstreaming approach, as well as by the non-discrimination legislation drafted at the European level. These processes correspond to the classic understanding of Europeanization, namely a “top-down” stream of influence from the European to the national and subnational levels. However, both minority and disability rights movements also show instances of “bottom-up” Europeanization, e.g. transnational advocacy networks and efforts to reach joint goals at the EU-level. This paper aims to provide a comparative perspective on Europeanization in both fields, pointing out similar dynamics and patterns, but also explaining in which sectors outcomes may be different and which domestic and other scope conditions may be responsible for these differences.

Keywords: europeanization, disability rights, minority rights, comparative perspective

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Authors: Anthony Mpiani

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Recent media and NGO reports suggest that human rights violations have been a salient characteristic of the government Joint Task Force (JTF) in the war on Boko Haram. However, there has been relatively scant scholarly engagement with the forms of abuses committed by the JTF against civilians and why such human rights violations occur. The focus of this paper is to analyse the various human rights violations committed by JTF in the war against Boko Haram. Employing a historical approach, it argues that the JTF's human rights violations is shaped by the philosophy of colonial policing in Nigeria. Consequently, the failure of successive post-colonial governments to ideologically transform policing is accountable for the human rights abuses being witnessed in Nigeria today. A philosophical transformation in Nigeria's security forces especially the police and military is a prerequisite for ending human rights abuses in the fight against Boko Haram.

Keywords: colonialism, policing, joint task force, counterinsurgency, Boko Haram, human rights violations

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Authors: Hamid Vahidkia

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This exposition investigates the connection between two viewpoints on the nature of human rights. Agreeing with the “political” or “practical” point of view, human rights are claims that people have against certain regulation structures in specific present-day states, in the ethicalness of interface they have in settings that incorporate them. Agreeing with the more conventional “humanist” or “naturalistic” viewpoint, human rights are pre-institutional claims that people have against all other people in the ethicalness of interface characteristic of their common humankind. This paper contends that once we recognize the two viewpoints in their best light, we are able to see that they are complementary, and, in reality, we require both to form a great standardizing sense of the modern home of human rights. It clarifies how humanist and political contemplations can and ought to work in couple to account for the concept, substance, and legitimization of human rights.

Keywords: politics, human rights, humanities, mankind, law

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Authors: Carol Howells, Edwin Parks

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This paper explores the existing and evolving constitutional arrangements within the United Kingdom and within the wider international context of the EU. It considers the nature of an ‘English’ constitution and internal colonialism that underpins it. The debates over the UK’s exit from the EU have been many however the constitutional position of the devolved nations (Scotland, Northern Ireland and Wales) is little understood or explored. Their constitutional position has been touched upon in academic debate (but not widely) and is only now beginning to receive attention. The paper considers the constitutional role of the legislatures within the UK; the UK Parliament Bill for exiting the European Union and provides a commentary on the Brexit process in relation to constitutional arrangements within the UK and EU. Questions arise over the constitutional framework and, whether, having delegated competencies, the UK Parliament can now legislate in relation to delegated competencies without the consent. The Scottish Parliament and Welsh Assembly are a permanent and a fixed feature of the UK’s constitution, but their position is set within the traditional concept of the ‘English’ constitution. The current situation is opaque and complex and raises significant constitutional questions. In relation to exit from the EU two of the nations did not vote in favour of Brexit and the third is in receipt of an inequitable funding settlement. Questions arise as to whether the work of modernising the UK’s constitution over the past twenty years in recognising the Nations and governments within those nations is now being unpicked and whether the piecemeal and unequal process of devolution and new constitutional arrangements hold weight. Questions of democratic legitimacy arise throughout. An advisory referendum (where no definition of the EU was provided) in which two of the four nations voted to leave the EU and two voted to remain has led the UK Government negotiating a wholesale exit from the EU based on ‘English’ constitutional law principles. Previous constitutional referendums in relation to devolution within the UK have been treated differently. Within the EU questions are being raised in relation to the focus on member states. The goals of the EU mention member countries and its purpose is seen as being to promote greater social, political and economic harmony among the nations of Europe. The emphasis on member states is proving challenging and has led flawed processes. Scrutiny of legislative proposals, historical developments, and social commentary reveal distinct national identities within the UK. Analysis of the debate, legislation and case law surrounding the exiting process from the EU reveal a muddled picture of a constitution in crisis and significant challenges to principles underpinning the rule of law. Suggestions are made for future reforms and a move towards new constitutional arrangements beyond the current ‘English’ constitution.

Keywords: English, constitution, parliament, devolved

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Authors: G. A. Kuanaliyeva, G. T. Aigarinova, G. K. Shulanbekova

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This article is devoted to judicial control in criminal legal proceedings of the Republic of Kazakhstan in the light of the new Concept of legal policy till 2020. In article the general characteristic and concept of judicial control, and also its signs and types are considered. Different views of scientists are analyzed. Foreign experiment on application of judicial control is given. The author states also the point sight on this problem and gives the definition to concept of judicial control. The code of criminal procedure of the Republic of Kazakhstan (RK Criminal Procedure Code) doesn't consolidate concept of judicial control. The author in article suggests making change and addition to the existing Code of criminal procedure of the Republic of Kazakhstan by definition of judicial control. The decree of the President of the Republic of Kazakhstan of August 24, 2009 No. 858 approved the Concept of legal policy of the Republic for the period from 2010 to 2020. The new Concept of legal policy of the Republic of Kazakhstan, defines prospects of development of national legal system of the country on the following decade. The concept of legal policy completely mentions also institute of judicial control. Since finding of the independence by Kazakhstan the set of laws, including the rights directed on providing, freedoms and a legitimate interest of citizens was accepted. Certainly, in any country, whatever democratic it was, there are problems to human rights. However, it is obvious that Kazakhstan strongly intends to guarantee all Republic of Kazakhstan proclaimed in the Constitution the rights and freedoms of the citizens. Our country seeks for creation of the constitutional state, tries to provide a guarantee from various arbitrariness in activity of competent government bodies, officials. In the concept of legal policy of the Republic of Kazakhstan it is specified: "...priority of development of the criminal procedure right there is a further consecutive realization of the fundamental principles of the criminal legal proceedings directed on protection of the rights and freedoms of the person". Judicial control just also is such guarantee.

Keywords: rights and freedoms of the person, concept, legal policy, court, judicial control

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Authors: Adriana Pereira Arteaga

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In many Latin American countries the transition towards legal pluralism - has developed as part of what is called Latin-American-Constitutionalism over the last thirty years. The aim of this paper is to discuss how legal pluralism in its current form in Bolivia may produce exclusion and violence. Legal sources and discourse analysis - as an approach to examine written language on discourse documentation- will be used to develop this paper. With the constitution of 2009, Bolivia was symbolically "re-founded" into a multi-nation state. This shift goes hand in hand with the "indigenista" and "decolonisation" ideologies developing since the early 20th century. Discourses based on these ideologies reflect the rejection of liberal and western premises on which the Bolivian republic was originally built after independence. According to the "indigenista" movements, the liberal nation-state generates institutions corresponding to a homogenous society. These liberal institutions not only ignore the Bolivian multi-nation reality, but also maintain the social structures originating form the colony times, based on prejudices against the indigenous. The described statements were elaborated through the image: the indigenous people humiliated by a cruel western system as highlighted by the constitution's preamble. This narrative had a considerable impact on the sensitivity of people and received great social support. Therefore the proposal for changing structures of the nation-state, is charged with an emancipatory message of restoring even the pre-Columbian order. An order at times romantically described as the perfect order. Legally this connotes a rejection of the positivistic national legal system based on individual rights and the promotion of constitutional recognition of indigenous justice administration. The pluralistic Constitution is supposed to promote tolerance and a peaceful coexistence among nations, so that the unity and integrity of the country could be maintained. In its current form, legal pluralism in Bolivia is justified on pre-existing rights contained for example in the International - Labour - Organization - Convention 169, but it is more developed on the described discursive constructions. Over time these discursive constructions created inconsistencies in terms of putting indigenous justice administration into practice: First, because legal pluralism has been more developed on level of political discourse, so a real interaction between the national and the indigenous jurisdiction cannot be observed. There are no clear coordination and cooperation mechanisms. Second, since the recently reformed constitution is based on deep sensitive experiences, little is said about the general legal principles on which a pluralistic administration of justice in Bolivia should be based. Third, basic rights, liberties, and constitutional guarantees are also affected by the antagonized image of the national justice administration. As a result, fundamental rights could be violated on a large scale because many indigenous justice administration practices run counter to these constitutional rules. These problems are not merely Bolivian but may also be encountered in other regional countries with similar backgrounds, like Ecuador.

Keywords: discourse, indigenous justice, legal pluralism, multi-nation

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Authors: Zoe Polk

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In cities across the US, race continues to predict an individual’s likelihood to be employed, to receive a quality education, to live in a safe neighborhood, to life expectancy to contacts with the criminal justice system. Deep and pervasive disparities exist despite laws enacted at the federal, state and local level to eliminate discrimination. This paper examines the strengths of the U.S. civil rights movement in making discrimination a moral issue. Following the passage of the 1964 Civil Rights Act, cities throughout the US adopted laws that mirror the language, theories of practice and enforcement of the law. This paper argues that while those laws were relevant to the way discrimination was conducted in that time, they are limited in their ability to help cities address discrimination today. This paper reviews health indicators This paper concludes that in order for cities to create environments where race no longer predicts one’s success, cities must conduct institutional and structural racism audits.

Keywords: racism, racial equity, constitutional law, social justice

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Authors: Neha Tiwari

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Rights are prerequisite for individuals to pursue their aims and enrich themselves. Laski has said rights are, ‘conditions of social life without which no man can seek himself at his best.’ However with superior technology, rights of many individuals are at stake as well. One such sufferer is the babies born out of the practice of commercial surrogacy. Commercial surrogacy has emerged as the most viable option for the childless couples. The practice has garnered lot of debate in both academia and media. Some argue for a complete ban and some for strict rules and regulation. Most of the time the debate is regarding the rights of the surrogate, something which we cannot ignore. Equally important are the rights of the children born out of such arrangements. However, not much attention is being paid to them. Recently, a controversy emerged when a surrogate gave birth to twins. One of the babies, Gammy born with down syndrome was left behind by the couple. Gammy could die because his poor Thai surrogate mother may not be able to pay for his treatment. Even if he survives, he will never know his twin sister as her identity would never be disclosed. This is just one of many such cases where the future of such babies is being played with. If the rights of these children are not taken care of many of them will have to bear the brunt of society's ignorance and perhaps live with a scar which won't heal in their lifetime.

Keywords: babies, commercial surrogacy, rights, technology

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Authors: C. O. Igberi, M. U. Amadi

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This research paper on the impact of import restriction on rice production in Nigeria is aimed at finding/proffering valid solutions to the age long problem of rice self-sufficiency, through a better understanding of policy measures used in the past, in this case, the effectiveness of rice import restriction of the early 90’s. It tries to answer the questions of; import restriction boosting domestic rice production and the macroeconomic determining factors of Gross Domestic Rice Product (GDRP). The research probe is investigated through literature and analytical frameworks, such that time series data on the GDRP, Gross Fixed Capital Formation (GFCF), average foreign rice producers’ prices(PPF), domestic producers’ prices (PPN) and the labour force (LABF) are collated for analysis (with an import restriction dummy variable, POL1). The research objectives/hypothesis are analysed using; Cointegration, Vector Error Correction Model (VECM), Impulse Response Function (IRF) and Granger Causality Test(GCT) methodologies. Results show that in the short-run error correction specification for GDRP, a percentage (1%) deviation away from the long-run equilibrium in a current quarter is only corrected by 0.14% in the subsequent quarter. Also, the rice import restriction policy had no significant effect on the GDRP at this time. Other findings show that the policy period has, in fact, had effects on the PPN and LABF. The choice variables used are valid macroeconomic factors that explain the GDRP of Nigeria, as adduced from the IRF and GCT, and in the long-run. Policy recommendations suggest that the import restriction is not disqualified as a veritable tool for improving domestic rice production, rather better enforcement procedures and strict adherence to the policy dictates is needed. Furthermore, accompanying policies which drive public and private capital investment and accumulation must be introduced. Also, employment rate and labour substitution in the agricultural sector should not be drastically changed, rather its welfare and efficiency be improved.

Keywords: import restriction, gross domestic rice production, cointegration, VECM, Granger causality, impulse response function

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Authors: Muhammad Ilham Agus Salim

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This study aims to reconstruct the discourse of human rights which focused on the issue of freedom of religion/belief (FORB) in Indonesia. This topic always has an appeal considering the development of Islam, both as a phenomenon of religion as well as social and political phenomenon, always in touch with human rights issues. For the majority, Islam is involved in human rights discourse needs to be viewed as a natural thing as it also occurs in the majority group in other countries. The natural state is increasingly gaining affirmation when also considering the doctrine of Islam which is also related to human rights. So the involvement of Islamic parties to human rights talks in Indonesia is not as excessive when considering the sociological position and character of Islamic doctrine. But because of who made the object of conversation, namely human rights and particularly freedom of religion or belief again, not something that is taken for granted, then the diversity within Islam itself impossible can be avoided. In this study the diversity of views presented in the trial which categorically can be grouped into two views, namely: inclusive and exclusive.

Keywords: Islam doctrine, Islamic parties, human rights, freedom of religion

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Authors: Nqobizwe Mvelo Ngema

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The right to equality has been accepted as one of the principles of jus cogens since the Second World War and it is protected in numerous international and regional human rights instruments. The convention on the elimination of all forms of discrimination against women (CEDAW) is a comprehensive document that serves as the international Bill of Rights for women and it prohibits polygamy. This paper examines whether the most unusual customary practice of polyandry would serve as a solution in elevating the status of women to be on par with that of man that are polygamists or not. This paper concludes by arguing that polyandry cannot solve the problem of inequalities that are confronted by women because even in polyandrous societies there is male domination that is detrimental to the equality rights of women.

Keywords: human rights, polygamy, polyandry, polygyny

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Authors: Nithyananda K. V.

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Organizations follow various strategies for managing their intellectual property rights, either in the form of securing IP rights or using such IP rights through leveraging, monetizing, and commercializing them. It is well known that organizations adopt different intellectual property strategies in response to other organizations within the industry. But within an organization, and within the products that are being manufactured and sold by it, the strategies for managing its intellectual property rights keep changing at different stages of the product life cycle. Organizations could adopt not only different strategies for managing its intellectual property rights, but could also adopt different kinds of business models to leverage, monetize, and commercial the IP rights. This paper analyzes the various strategies that can be adopted by organizations to manage its IP rights at different stages of the product life cycle and the rationale for adopting such strategies. This would be a secondary research, based solely on the literature of strategic management, new product development, resource-based management, and the intellectual property management. This paper synthesizes the literature from these streams to propose a conceptual framework of strategies that can be adopted by organizations for managing its IP rights in conjunction with the life cycle of the products that it manufactures and sells in the market. This framework could be adopted by organizations in implementing strategies for effectively managing their IP rights.

Keywords: intellectual property strategy, management of intellectual property rights, New product development, product life cycle

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Authors: Ákos Cserny

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The unequivocal increase of the area of operation of the executive power can happen with the appearance of new areas to be influenced and its integration in the power, or at the expense of the scopes of other organs with public authority. The extension of the executive can only be accepted within the framework of the rule of law if parallel with this process we get constitutional guarantees that the exercise of power is kept within constitutional framework. Failure to do so, however, may result in the lack, deficit of democracy and democratic sense, and may cause an overwhelming dominance of the executive power. Therefore, the aim of this paper is to present executive power and responsibility in the context of different dimensions.

Keywords: confidence, constitution, executive power, liabiliy, parliamentarism

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Authors: Miftahuddin Khilji

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The concept of human right is not alien to Islam. The Shari‘ah requires all its followers the sense of responsibility to perform their duties first and then claim their rights. This eventually guarantees the protection of human rights and ensures a peaceful society. The ultimate goal of Shari‘ah is to preserve five basic necessities which are also known as Maqasid ul Shari‘ah or Objectives of Islamic Law. This goal ensures for the members of society their rights without harming public welfare. Despite of the fact that human rights have been fully guaranteed by Islam and their compliance is required by Allah Almighty; not by any legislative body or other sovereign such as kings etc. However, many western writers, organizations and so called liberal thinkers try to create concerns, doubts and misconceptions in minds of the society members. A number of issues are pointed out and people are misguided about the concept of human rights in Islam. This paper aims to discuss main the concept of human rights in the light of perfect and balanced system of laws and principles of Shari‘ah and address those misconceptions and doubts by analyzing them and answering to questions raised about the subject. It would be an effort to prove that human rights are much more significant to Shari‘ah more than any other national or international legislative body.

Keywords: human rights, Islamic law, law, Shariah

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Authors: Charles A. Khamala

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In 2003, constrained by an absent “rule of law culture” and negative economic growth, the new Kenyan government chose to pursue incremental judicial reforms rather than comprehensive constitutional reforms. President Mwai Kibaki’s first administration’s judicial reform strategy was two pronged. First, to implement unprecedented “radical surgery,” he appointed a new Chief Justice who instrumentally recommended that half the purportedly-corrupt judiciary should be removed by Presidential tribunals of inquiry. Second, the replacement High Court judges, initially, instrumentally-endorsed the “radical surgery’s” administrative decisions removing their corrupt predecessors. Meanwhile, retention of the welfare-reducing Constitution perpetuated declining public confidence in judicial institutions culminating in refusal by the dissatisfied opposition party to petition the disputed 2007 presidential election results, alleging biased and corrupt courts. Fatefully, widespread post-election violence ensued. Consequently, the international community prompted the second Kibaki administration to concede to a new Constitution. Suddenly, the High Court then adopted a non-instrumental interpretation to reject the 2003 “radical surgery.” This paper therefore critically analyzes whether the Kenyan court’s inconsistent interpretations–pertaining to the constitutionality of the 2003 “radical surgery” removing corruption from Kenya’s courts–was predicated on political expediency or human rights principles. If justice “must also seen to be done,” then pursuit of the CJ’s, Judicial Service Commission’s and president’s political or economic interests must be limited by respect for the suspected judges and magistrates’ due process rights. The separation of powers doctrine demands that the dismissed judges should have a right of appeal which entails impartial review by a special independent oversight mechanism. Instead, ignoring fundamental rights, Kenya’s new Supreme Court’s interpretation of another round of vetting under the new 2010 Constitution, ousts the High Court’s judicial review jurisdiction altogether, since removal of judicial corruption is “a constitutional imperative, akin to a national duty upon every judicial officer to pave way for judicial realignment and reformulation.”

Keywords: administrative decisions, corruption, fair hearing, judicial review, (non) instrumental

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Authors: Michael Augustus Akagbor

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When discussing human rights, the philosophical underpinnings of discussions about African realities are controversial, often hinging on whether human rights existed in pre-colonial Africa as not just a philosophy of thought but also a way of imagining the individual's place in society. Critics have often fixated on what many argue is the lack of socio-political structures that could have fostered the emergence and development of human rights contraptions in “mechanical” solidarities such as pre-colonial agrarian African societies. This paper debunks the notion that the perceived ‘absence’ of an ‘advanced’ and differentiated social system where the philosophical imaginaries of Hobbes and Locke could have emerged is not grounds to deny the imagined place of the human rights of the ‘individual’ in pre-colonial Africa. The paper adopts the qualitative methodology by reviewing and analyzing secondary data from various sources to advance the view that the concepts of human rights are not alien to indigenous Africa’s legal and political processes.

Keywords: human rights, reality, philosophical, Africa, individual

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Authors: Amy Buckley

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The purpose of this article is to assess the problem of constitutional hyper-rigidity to consider how it and the associated tensions with democratic constitutionalism can be diminished by means of using digital democratic technologies. In other words, this article examines how digital technologies can assist us in ensuring fidelity to the will of the constituent power without paying the price of hyper-rigidity. In doing so, it is impossible to ignore that digital strategies can also harm democracy through, for example, manipulation, hacking, ‘fake news,’ and the like. This article considers the tension between constitutional hyper-rigidity and democratic constitutionalism and the relevant strengths and weaknesses of digital democratic strategies before undertaking a case study on Canadian e-consultations and drawing its conclusions. This article observes democratic constitutionalism through the lens of the theory of deliberative democracy to suggest that the application of digital strategies can, notwithstanding their pitfalls, improve a constituency’s amendment culture and, thus, diminish constitutional hyper-rigidity. Constitutional hyper-rigidity is not a new or underexplored concept. At a high level, a constitution can be said to be ‘hyper-rigid’ when its formal amendment procedure is so difficult to enact that it does not take place or is limited in its application. This article claims that hyper-rigidity is one problem with ordinary constitutionalism that fails to satisfy the principled requirements of democratic constitutionalism. Given the rise and development of technology that has taken place since the Digital Revolution, there has been a significant expansion in the possibility for digital democratic strategies to overcome the democratic constitutionalism failures resulting from constitutional hyper-rigidity. Typically, these strategies have included, inter alia, e- consultations, e-voting systems, and online polling forums, all of which significantly improve the ability of politicians and judges to directly obtain the opinion of constituents on any number of matters. This article expands on the application of these strategies through its Canadian e-consultation case study and presents them as a solution to poor amendment culture and, consequently, constitutional hyper-rigidity. Hyper-rigidity is a common descriptor of many written and unwritten constitutions, including the United States, Australian, and Canadian constitutions as just some examples. This article undertakes a case study on Canada, in particular, as it is a jurisdiction less commonly cited in academic literature generally concerned with hyper-rigidity and because Canada has to some extent, championed the use of e-consultations. In Part I of this article, I identify the problem, being that the consequence of constitutional hyper-rigidity is in tension with the principles of democratic constitutionalism. In Part II, I identify and explore a potential solution, the implementation of digital democratic strategies as a means of reducing constitutional hyper-rigidity. In Part III, I explore Canada’s e-consultations as a case study for assessing whether digital democratic strategies do, in fact, improve a constituency’s amendment culture thus reducing constitutional hyper-rigidity and the associated tension that arises with the principles of democratic constitutionalism. The idea is to run a case study and then assess whether I can generalise the conclusions.

Keywords: constitutional hyper-rigidity, digital democracy, deliberative democracy, democratic constitutionalism

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Authors: Lynamata Chhun

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Human Rights enforcement in the newly independent countries like Asian and African has always been penetrating issues. In spite, the existing of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR), regions like Africa and Asia where values and cultural norms far differ from the concept had formed their own Human Rights instruments to tackle Human Rights issues in their regions instead of embracing the concept of UDHR completely. ASEAN Human Rights Declaration is one of the examples. This paper aims to examine the enforcement of Human Rights in South East Asia in the context of ASEAN regional integration. Precisely, the author attempts to analyse the effectiveness in undertaking Human Rights issues in the region by applying both the existing international and regional frameworks using the Myanmar Rohingya Crisis as the case study. The methodology of the paper is qualitative analysis where cross-impact analysis is employed to examine the case study. It is anticipated that the main findings of this paper will illuminate how applicable the international instruments are in comparison to the regional instruments in apprehending the human rights issues and will shed light on how ASEAN and dialogue partners should cooperate in the future regarding with the challenging issues of Human Rights in the region.

Keywords: ASEAN Human Rights Declaration, ASEAN integration, ASEAN way, international and regional instruments, Universal Declaration of Human Rights

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Authors: Lipeng Zhang, Limei Li, Yanming Pearl Zhang

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This paper takes a philosophical view as axiom, and reveals the relationship between information theory and Natural Intelligence and Artificial Intelligence under real world conditions. This paper also derives the relationship between natural intelligence and nature. According to communication principle of information theory, Natural Intelligence can be divided into real part and virtual part. Based on information theory principle that Information does not increase, the restriction mechanism of Natural Intelligence creativity is conducted. The restriction mechanism of creativity reveals the limit of natural intelligence and artificial intelligence. The paper provides a new angle to observe natural intelligence and artificial intelligence.

Keywords: natural intelligence, artificial intelligence, creativity, information theory, restriction of creativity

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Authors: Seraphina Bakta

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In many societies in Africa, it is a taboo to speak, let alone to practice or in any way to engage in matters relating to sexual and reproductive health. For instance, girls using contraceptives may be labeled prostitutes, and married women using family planning methods may be divorced on account that they are disobedient to their husbands as they do not want to bear children. As such, sexual and reproductive health as a right is still very far from reality to many men and women. To a large extent, the objections are mainly backed up in culture, which is deeply rooted in many African traditions. While such culture have both the good and bad side, the African Charter on Human and Peoples Rights has identified the bad ones as’ harmful cultural practices. This paper argues that, while cultural norms may hinder the realization of human rights, adopting a human rights based approach to address harmful cultural practices is likely, the best approach to realizing women’s rights to sexual and reproductive health rights in Africa.

Keywords: rights, culture, health, women

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Authors: Husen Ahmed Tura

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There are strong links between secure land rights and food security in Africa. However, as land is owned by governments, land users do not have adequate legislative protection. This article explores normative and implementation gaps in relation to small-scale farmers’ land rights under the Ethiopia’s law. It finds that the law facilitates eviction of small-scale farmers and indigenous peoples from their land without adequate alternative means of livelihood. It argues that as access to land and other natural resources is strongly linked to the right to adequate food, Ethiopia should reform its land laws in the light of its legal obligations under international human rights law to respect, protect and fulfill the right to adequate food and ensure freedom from hunger.

Keywords: smallholder, secure land rights , food security, right to food, land grabbing, forced evictions

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Authors: Ugwu Chukwuka E.

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The African context of human right instruments as recognized today can be traced to Africa’s relationship with the Western World. A significant preponderance of these instruments are found in both colonial and post colonial statutes as the colonial laws, the post colonial legal documents as constitutions or Africa’s adherence to relevant international instruments on human rights as the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (1948) and the African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights (1981). In spite of all these human rights instruments inherent in the African continent, it is contended in this paper that, these Western-oriented notion of human rights, emphasizes rights that hardly meets the current needs of contemporary African citizens. Adopting a historical research methodology, this study interrogates the dynamics of the African poverty context in relation to the implementation of human rights instruments in the continent. In this vein, using human rights and poverty scenarios from one Anglophone (Uganda) and one Francophone (Senegal) countries in Africa, the study hypothesized that, majority of Africans are not in a historical condition for the realization of these rights. The raison d’etre for this claim emerges from the fact that, the present generations of African hoi polloi are inundated with extensive powerlessness, ignorance, diseases, hunger and overall poverty that emasculates their interest in these rights instruments. In contrast, the few Africans who have access to the enjoyment of these rights in the continent hardly needs these instruments, as their power and resources base secures them that. The paper concludes that the stress of African states and stakeholders on African affairs should concentrated significantly, on the alleviation of the present historical poverty squalor of Africans, which when attended to, enhances the realization of human right situations in the continent.

Keywords: Africa, human rights, poverty, western world

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Authors: Mariam Begadze

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Separation of Powers (SOP) has often been the most frequently posed objection against the judicial enforcement of socio-economic rights. Although a lot has been written to refute those, very rarely has it been assessed what effect the current practice of social rights adjudication has had on the construction of SOP doctrine in specific jurisdictions. Colombia is an appropriate case-study on this question. The notion of collaborative SOP in the 1991 Constitution has affected the court’s conception of its role. On the other hand, the trends in the jurisprudence have further shaped the collaborative notion of SOP. Other institutional characteristics of the Colombian constitutional law have played its share role as well. Tutela action, particularly flexible and fast judicial action for individuals has placed the judiciary in a more confrontational relation vis-à-vis the political branches. Later interventions through abstract review of austerity measures further contributed to that development. Logically, the court’s activism in this sphere has attracted attacks from political branches, which have turned out to be unsuccessful precisely due to court’s outreach to the middle-class, whose direct reliance on the court has turned into its direct democratic legitimacy. Only later have the structural judgments attempted to revive the collaborative notion behind SOP doctrine. However, the court-supervised monitoring process of implementation has itself manifested fluctuations in the mode of collaboration, moving into more managerial supervision recently. This is not surprising considering the highly dysfunctional political system in Colombia, where distrust seems to be the default starting point in the interaction of the branches. The paper aims to answer the question, what the appropriate judicial tools are to realize the collaborative notion of SOP in a context where the court has to strike a balance between the strong executive and the weak and largely dysfunctional legislative branch. If the recurrent abuse lies in the indifference and inaction of legislative branches to engage with political issues seriously, what are the tools in the court’s hands to activate the political process? The answer to this question partly lies in the court’s other strand of jurisprudence, in which it combines substantive objections with procedural ones concerning the operation of the legislative branch. The primary example is the decision on value-added tax on basic goods, in which the court invalidated the law based on the absence of sufficient deliberation in Congress on the question of the bills’ implications on the equity and progressiveness of the entire taxing system. The decision led to Congressional rejection of an identical bill based on the arguments put forward by the court. The case perhaps is the best illustration of the collaborative notion of SOP, in which the court refrains from categorical pronouncements, while does its bit for activating political process. This also legitimizes the court’s activism based on its role to counter the most perilous abuse in the Colombian context – failure of the political system to seriously engage with serious political questions.

Keywords: Colombian constitutional court, judicial review, separation of powers, social rights

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Authors: M. Naidoo

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Artificial intelligence often requires large amounts of good quality data. Within important fields, such as healthcare, the training of AI systems predominately relies on health and personal data; however, the usage of this data is complicated by various layers of law and ethics that seek to protect individuals’ privacy rights. This research seeks to establish the challenges AI and data sciences pose to (i) informational rights, (ii) privacy rights, and (iii) data protection. To solve some of the issues presented, various methods are suggested, such as embedding values in technological development, proper balancing of rights and interests, and others.

Keywords: artificial intelligence, data science, law, policy

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Authors: C. Leiber

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International human rights treaties ensure basic rights to all people, regardless of nationality. These treaties have developed in a predominantly Western environment, and their implementation into non-western contexts often raises questions of the transfer-ability of value systems and governance structures. International human rights treaties also postulate the right to the full enjoyment and expression of one’s own culture, known as cultural rights. Many cultural practices and traditions in South Sudan serve as an obstacle to the adaptation of human rights and internationally agreed-upon standards, specifically those pertaining to women’s rights and gender equality. This paper analyzes the specific social, political, and economic conflicts between women’s rights and cultural rights within the context of South Sudan’s evolution into a sovereign nation. It comprehensively evaluates the legal status of South Sudanese women and –based on the empirical evidence- assesses gender equality in four key areas: Marriage, Education, Violence against Women, and Inheritance. This work includes an exploration into how South Sudanese culture influences, and indeed is intertwined with, social, political, and economic spheres, and how it limits gender equality and impedes the full implementation of international human rights treaties. Furthermore, any negative effects which systemic gender inequality and cultural practices that are oppressive to women have on South Sudan as a developing nation are explored. Finally, those areas of conflict between South Sudanese cultural rights and international women’s rights are outlined which can be mitigated or resolved in favor of elevating gender equality without imperializing or destroying South Sudanese culture.

Keywords: cultural rights, gender equality, international human rights, South Sudan

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Authors: Ankita Shanker, Angus Nurse

Abstract:

The notion of animal rights is an emerging trend in various spaces, including judicial and societal discourse. But one of the key purposes of recognizing the fundamental rights of anyone is their de-objectification. Animals are a prime example of a group that has rights that are neither recognized nor protected in any meaningful way, and anything that purports differently fails to ameliorate this because it still objectifies animals. Animals are currently treated by law and society as commodities with primarily (though not exclusively) instrumental value to some other rights-holder, such as humans or nature. So most protections that are afforded to them are done so in furtherance of the interests that they allegedly further, be it social morality or environmental protection. Animal rights are thus often seen as an application or extension of the rights of humans or, more commonly, the rights of nature. What this means is that animal rights are not always protected or even recognized in their own regard, but as stemming from some other reason, or worse, instrumentally as means to some other ends. This has two identifiable effects from a legal perspective: animal rights are not seen as inherently justified and are not seen as inherently valuable. Which in turn means that there can be no fundamental protection of animal rights. In other words, judicial protection does not always entail protection of animal ‘rights’ qua animal rights, which is needed for any meaningful protections to be afforded to animals. But the effects of this legal paradigm do not end at the legal status of animals. Because this status, in turn, affects how persons and the societies of which they form part see animals as a part of the rights of others, such as humans or nature, or as valuable only insofar as they further these rights, as opposed to as individuals with inherent worth and value deserving of protection regardless of their instrumental usefulness to these other objectives. This does nothing to truly de-objectify animals. Because even though most people would agree that animals are not objects, they continue to treat them as such wherever it serves them. For individuals and society to resolve, this inconsistency between stance and actions is for them to believe that animals are more than objects on a psychological and societal level. In this paper, we examine the implications of this perception of animals and their rights on the legal protections afforded to them and on the minds of individuals and civil society. We also argue that a change in the legal and societal status of animals can be brought about only through judicial, psychological, and sociological acknowledgment that animals have inherent value and deserve protection on this basis. Animal rights derived in such a way would not need to place reliance on other justifications and would not be subject to subjugation to other rights should a conflict arise.

Keywords: animal rights law, animal protection laws, psycho-socio-legal studies, animal rights, human rights, rights of nature

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Authors: Tashwill Esterhuizen

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Throughout Africa, several countries continue to have laws which criminalise same-sex sexual activities, which increases the vulnerability of the LGBT community to stigma, discrimination, and persecution. These criminal provisions often form the basis upon which states deny LGBT activists the right to freely associate with other like-minded individuals and form organizations that protect their interests and advocate for the rights and aspirations of the LGBT community. Over the past year, however, there has been significant progress in the advancement of universal, fundamental rights of LGBT persons throughout Africa. In many instances, these advancements came about through the bravery of activists who have publically insisted (in environments where same-sex sexual practices are criminalised) that their rights should be respected. Where meaningful engagement with the State was fruitless, activists took their plight to the judiciary and have successfully sought to uphold the fundamental rights of LGBT persons, paving the way for a more inclusive and tolerant society. Litigation Progress: Botswana is a prime example. For several years, the State denied a group of LGBT activists their right to freely associate and form their organisation Lesbians, Gays, and Bisexuals of Botswana (LEGABIBO), which aimed to promote the interests of the LGBT community in Botswana. In March 2016, the Botswana Court of Appeal found that the government’s refusal to register LEGABIBO violated the activists’ right to associate freely. The Court held that the right freedom of association applies to all persons regardless of their sexual orientation or gender identity. It does not matter that the views of the organisation are unpopular or unacceptable amongst the majority. In particular, the Court rejected the government of Botswana’s contention that registering LEGABIBO would disturb public peace and is contrary to public morality. Quite remarkably, the Court of Appeal recognised that while LGBT individuals are a minority group within the country, they are nonetheless persons entitled to constitutional protections of their dignity, regardless of whether they are unacceptable to others on religious or any other grounds. Furthermore, the Court held that human rights and fundamental freedoms are granted to all, including criminals or social outcasts because the denial of an individual’s humanity is the denial of their human dignity. This is crucial observation by the Court of Appeal, as once it is accepted that human rights apply to all human beings, then it becomes much easier for vulnerable groups to assert their own rights. Conclusion: The Botswana Court of Appeal decision, therefore, represents significant progress in the promotion of the rights of lesbian, gay, bisexual and transgender persons. The judgment has broader implications for many other countries which do not provide recognition of sexual minorities. It highlights the State’s duty to uphold basic rights and to ensure dignity, tolerance, and acceptance for marginalised persons.

Keywords: acceptance, freedom of association, freedom of expression, fundamental rights and freedoms, gender identity, human rights are universal, inclusive, inherent human dignity, progress, sexual orientation, tolerance

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Authors: Uche A. Nnawulezi

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This study evolved from the need to look at and evaluate the difficulties in the domestication of International Laws and Human Rights Laws in Nigeria. Essentially, the paper-based its examination on documentary evidence and depended much on secondary sources, for example, textbooks, journals, articles, periodicals and research reports emanating from suggestions of international law experts, jurists and human rights lawyers on the development challenges in domesticating international laws and human rights laws in Nigeria. These data were analyzed by the application of content analysis and careful observation of the current municipal laws which has posed great challenges in the domestication of International laws. This paper might follow the historical backdrop of the practices in the use of International law in Nigeria and should likewise consider the challenges inherent in these practices. The paper suggests that a sustainable domestication of International Laws and its application in Nigerian courts will ensure a better enforcement of human rights within the domestic jurisdiction.

Keywords: international law, human rights, domestication, challenges

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Authors: Elvin Lim

Abstract:

This article integrates the debate about presidential powers with the debate about federalism, arguing that there are two ways of exercising presidential powers, one working in tandem with expanding federal powers, and the other working against it. Alexander Hamilton and Thomas Jefferson—the former a Federalist and the latter echoing the views of many Anti-Federalists—disagreed not only on the constitutional basis of prerogative, but also on the ends for which it should be deployed. This tension has always existed in American politics, and is reproduced today. Modern Democrats and Republicans both want a strong executive, but the Democrats who want a strong executive to pass legislation to expand the reach of the federal government; naturally, they must rely on an equally empowered Congress to do so. Republicans generally do not want an intrusive federal government, which is why their defense of a strong presidency does not come alongside a call for a strong Congress. This distinction cannot be explained without recourse to foundational yet opposing views about the appropriate role of federal power. When we bring federalism back in, we see that there are indeed two presidencies; one neo-Federalist, in favor of moderate presidential prerogative alongside a robust Congress directed collectively to a national state-building agenda and expanding the federal prerogative; another, neo-Anti-Federalist, in favor of expansive presidential prerogative and an ideologically sympathetic Congress equally suspicious of federal power to retard or roll back national state-building in favour of states rights.

Keywords: US presidency, federalism, prerogative, anti-federalism

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Authors: Anny Retnowati, Elisabeth Sundari

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This research aims to elaborate the meaning of personal data protection principles on patient access to health data in medical records in Indonesia and its implications. The method uses normative legal research by examining health law in Indonesia regarding the patient's right to access their health data in medical records. The data will be analysed qualitatively using the interpretation method to elaborate on the limitation of the meaning of personal data protection principles on patients' access to their data in medical records. The results show that patients only have the right to obtain copies of their health data in medical records. There is no right to inspect directly at any time. Indonesian health law limits the principle of patients' right to broad access to their health data in medical records. This restriction has implications for the reduction of personal data protection as part of human rights. This research contribute to show that a limitaion of personal data protection may abuse the human rights.

Keywords: access, health data, medical records, personal data, protection

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