Search results for: political unrest

Authors: S. Ithai, A. Oloo

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The emergence of globalization has cultivated an international consensus that without economic development; it is very unlikely that a country may realize social or political development. It is equally important to note that the economic effect on social development automatically influence the country healthcare services as healthcare systems are improved and adopted. For decades and before 1980's, the colonial and the Governments of Kenya had pursued a goal to provide free healthcare services to its citizen with minimal success; but as population increased, this endeavor became almost a mirage. The challenge called for a change of strategy with introduction of cost sharing which also could not guarantee sustainability of healthcare services in the country due to increased number of poor people and poverty. An involvement of multisectral approach to provision of health individual, collaboration and adoption of all dimensions through globalization provides a ray of hope to not only economic, political and social development but also guaranteed equitable and reliable healthcare systems in Kenya and specifically referral healthcare services at KNH. With the advent of globalization, KNH has made positive strides that have guaranteed patients with reliable healthcare services. These include increased donor funding, collaboration levels, training and research as well as enhanced the hospital relations with international partners. During this period, the hospital has increased number of local doctors and nurses, enhanced transfer of skills, innovations and technologies which are driving forces to quality and efficient healthcare services. The period has also brought in challenges for the hospital which include increased competition, attraction of qualified nurses and doctors to international are some the issues that have made the hospital to spend more resources in research and development in order to stay afloat. This paper reveals the link between globalization and healthcare and its influence on institution policy choice. However, the process is not expected to take place automatically without institutional initiatives if KNH is to reap the benefits of globalization. KNH need to make use of the existing infrastructure, human resources and donor confidence, the opportunities that are indeed important in propelling KNH toward Vision 2030 and achieving the desired Millennium Development Goals (MDGs).

Keywords: globalization, Kenyatta National Hospital, native, healthcare

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Authors: Saeidreza Radpour, Md. Ahiduzzaman, Amit Kumar

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Alberta’s mining sector consumed 871.3 PJ in 2012, which is 67.1% of the energy consumed in the industry sector and about 40% of all the energy consumed in the province of Alberta. Natural gas, petroleum products, and electricity supplied 55.9%, 20.8%, and 7.7%, respectively, of the total energy use in this sector. Oil sands mining and upgrading to crude oil make up most of the mining energy sector activities in Alberta. Crude oil is produced from the oil sands either by in situ methods or by the mining and extraction of bitumen from oil sands ore. In this research, the factors affecting oil sands production have been assessed and a framework has been developed for market penetration of new efficient technologies in this sector. Oil sands production amount is a complex function of many different factors, broadly categorized into technical, economic, political, and global clusters. The results of developed and implemented statistical analysis in this research show that the importance of key factors affecting on oil sands production in Alberta is ranked as: Global energy consumption (94% consistency), Global crude oil price (86% consistency), and Crude oil export (80% consistency). A framework for modeling oil sands energy technologies’ market penetration (OSETMP) has been developed to cover related technical, economic and environmental factors in this sector. It has been assumed that the impact of political and social constraints is reflected in the model by changes of global oil price or crude oil price in Canada. The market share of novel in situ mining technologies with low energy and water use are assessed and calculated in the market penetration framework include: 1) Partial upgrading, 2) Liquid addition to steam to enhance recovery (LASER), 3) Solvent-assisted process (SAP), also called solvent-cyclic steam-assisted gravity drainage (SC-SAGD), 4) Cyclic solvent, 5) Heated solvent, 6) Wedge well, 7) Enhanced modified steam and Gas push (emsagp), 8) Electro-thermal dynamic stripping process (ET-DSP), 9) Harris electro-magnetic heating applications (EMHA), 10) Paraffin froth separation. The results of the study will show the penetration profile of these technologies over a long term planning horizon.

Keywords: appliances efficiency improvement, diffusion models, market penetration, residential sector

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Authors: Po-Ching Wang

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Public art may be regarded as a social agenda. It is assumed that public art acts as an intermediate form that contributes significantly to community resurgence. That is, public art may be regarded as a verb/process or social intervention. It functions as a vanguard form, attacking boundaries and providing a sensibility for social strategy. Public art in tradition is generally expected to bring aesthetic pleasure to public. Contemporary public art, however, not only focuses on art installation, but it also often offers a process that aims to comment on, question, and challenge the socio-cultural status quo. During the last few decades, accelerated changes in the values and expectations brought to bear on varied urban issues, together with the destruction of the hegemony of traditional art and of museum authorities, has begun to contribute to freer and more democratic representations of public art. It is said that part of a public artwork’s role is to ruffle sacred feathers. In many cases, public art is created to address the dynamic social contradictions and mutability of public life; and artists and community participants approach public art from a variety of social critical perspectives and methodologies. Urban issues, such as social and environmental justice, health problems, violence, and political statements, provide plentiful source materials that fuel the performance of public art in many different settings. Further, public artworks have been extensively adopted to express social identity, make political statements, and/or to remedy social and environmental crises. Many murals on urban walls, for instance, reflect social conflicts and address civic rights, and these projects are usually the work of artists who though denied access to traditional gallery and museum channels are supported by community engagement and involvement. Public art as a social practice challenges the traditional western view of artistic practice. Art in the public realm creates a new media that provides a platform for a dialogical exchange between diverse social groups. It seems that public art has evolved as an arena for activism that addresses wide-ranging and highly controversial social issues and civilian concerns. The findings of this study indicate that public artworks are capable of playing a role of activist in facilitating community evolution via social progress.

Keywords: aesthetics, community regeneration, city development, publicness, public participation, social progress

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Authors: He Li

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Around the mid-1980s, Confucianism was reintroduced into China from Taiwan and Hong Kong as a result of China’s policies of reform and openness. Since then, the revival of neo-Confucianism in mainland China has accelerated and become a crucial component of the public intellectual sphere. The term xinrujia or xinruxue, loosely translated as “neo-Confucianism,” is increasingly understood as an intellectual and cultural phenomenon of the last four decades. The Confucian scholarship is in the process of restoration. This paper examines the Chinese intellectual discourse on Confucianism and democracy and places it in comparative and theoretical perspectives. With China’s rise and surge of populism in the West, particularly in the US, the leading political values of Confucianism could increasingly shape both China and the world at large. This state of affairs points to the need for more systematic efforts to assess the discourse on neo-Confucianism and its implications for China’s transformation. A number of scholars in the camp of neo-Confucianism maintain that some elements of Confucianism are not only compatible with democratic values and institutions but actually promote liberal democracy. They refer to it as Confucian democracy. By contrast, others either view Confucianism as a roadblock to democracy or envision that a convergence of democracy with Confucian values could result in a new hybrid system. The paper traces the complex interplay between Confucianism and democracy. It explores ideological differences between neo-Confucianism and liberal democracy and ascertains whether certain features of neo-Confucianism possess an affinity for the authoritarian political system. In addition to printed materials such as books and journal articles, a selection of articles from the website entitled Confucianism in China will be analyzed. The selection of this website is due to the fact that it is the leading website run by Chinese scholars focusing on neo-Confucianism. Another reason for selecting this website is its accessibility and availability. In the past few years, quite a few websites, left or right, were shut down by the authorities, but this website remains open. This paper explores the core components, dynamics, and implications of neo-Confucianism. My paper is divided into three parts. The first one discusses the origins of neo-Confucianism. The second section reviews the intellectual discourse among Chinese scholars on Confucian democracy. The third one explores the implications of the Chinese intellectual discourse on neo-Confucianism. Recently, liberal democracy has entered more conflict with official ideology. This paper, which is based on my extensive interviews in China prior to the pandemic and analysis of the primary sources in Chinese, will lay the foundation for a chapter on neo-Confucianism and democracy in my next book-length manuscript, tentatively entitled Chinese Intellectual Discourse on Democracy.

Keywords: China, confucius, confucianism, neo-confucianism, democracy

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Authors: Tracey Jean Boisseau

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Recently, the rise of concerted right-wing and authoritarian movements has put feminists as well as women, queer, trans, and non-binary folk, immigrants, refugees, the global poor, and people of color in their crosshairs. The U.S. is seeing unprecedented attacks on liberal democratic institutions, escalating “culture wars,” and increased anti-intellectual vitriol specifically targeting feminist and anti-racist educators and scholars. Such vitriol has fueled new legislation curtailing or outright banning of “gender studies” for its ideological commitment to theorizing gender identity as a cultural construct and an inherently political project rather than a “natural” binary that can not be contested or interrogated. At the same time, across the globe—in Afghanistan, Argentina, Brazil, France, Haiti, Hungary, Kenya, Nicaragua, Nigeria, Pakistan, the Philippines, Poland, Russia, South Korea, Sweden, Turkey, Uganda, the United Kingdom, and elsewhere—emergent anti-feminist, nativist, and white-supremacist political parties, as well as established autocratic and authoritarian regimes, have instituted blatantly misogynistic, anti-queer, and anti-trans legislation, often accompanied by governmental and extra-governmental policies explicitly intended to marginalize, erase, suppress, or extinguish gender studies as a legitimate academic discipline, topic of research, and teaching field. This paper considers the origins and effects of such legislation -as well as the strategies exhibited by practitioners of gender studies to counter these effects and resist erasure- from a cross-cultural perspective. The research underpinning this paper’s conclusions includes a survey of nearly 2000 gender studies programs in the U.S. and interviews with dozens of gender studies scholars and administrative leaders of gender-studies programs located worldwide. The goal of this paper is to illuminate distinctions, continuities, and global connections between anti-gender studies legislation that emanates from within national borders but arises from rightwing movements that supercede those borders, and that, ultimately, require globalist responses.

Keywords: anti-feminist, anti-LGBTQ, legislation, criminalization, authoritarianism, globalization

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Authors: Elaiho Osaruwense, Ajuzie Godson Chidiebere

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Nigeria of at least 250 ethnic group a have suffered a lot of social, economic and political setback especially in the regime of oil and gas, that are exploited from the minority region of the Niger south -south areas. The rate of insecurity in the north gives a lot of questioning and concern, with the series of killings by the Boko Haram in some part of the north etc. the fact still remains on how the gap and the compromise will be reconciling especially with the incoming president of Muhammadu Buhari with all the problems which was not resolve by the past administration (President Ebele Jonathan), considering the configuration and the character of the Nigerian state. This paper tends to critically evaluate all this problems, assertion, proffering possible solution.

Keywords: ethnic minority, oil theft, insecurity, the gap and the compromise

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Authors: Bakari Mohammed

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Sports performance and achievements have been the avenue through which great nations of the world exhibit their supremacy over others through sports development strategy. Effective sports development, therefore, requires variables like sports policy, sports funding, sports programme, sports facilities and sponsorship. The extent to what these variables are met shall no doubt affects the effectiveness of any sports development. Two distinguishing features of the Nigerian sports system are its central organization and its employment for specific socio-political objectives, it is against this backdrop that this paper will x-ray the politicization of sports which parallels sports development in the enhanced role of sports and in contrast with developed nations system and management.

Keywords: sport development, sport policy, personnel, program, facilities, funding, sponsorship

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Authors: Kelly S. Parkinson, Katherine Y. Teh-White

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Futureye has a bespoke social licence to operate methodology which has successfully secured community approval and commercial return for fisheries which have faced regulatory and financial risk. This unique approach to fisheries management focuses on delivering improved social and environmental outcomes to support the fishing industry make steps towards achieving the United Nations SDGs. An SLO is the community’s implicit consent for a business or project to exist. An SLO must be earned and maintained alongside regulatory licences. In current and new operations, it helps you to anticipate and measure community concerns around your operations – leading to more predictable and sensible policy outcomes that will not jeopardise your commercial returns. Rising societal expectations and increasing activist sophistication mean the international fishing industry needs to resolve community concerns at each stage their supply chain. Futureye applied our tested social licence to operate (SLO) methodology to help Austral Fisheries who was being attacked by activists concerned about the sustainability of Patagonian Toothfish. Austral was Marine Stewardship Council certified, but pirates were making the overall catch unsustainable. Austral wanted to be carbon neutral. SLO provides a lens on the risk that helps industries and companies act before regulatory and political risk escalates. To do this assessment, we have a methodology that assesses the risk that we can then translate into a process to create a strategy. 1) Audience: we understand the drivers of change and the transmission of those drivers across all audience segments. 2) Expectation: we understand the level of social norming of changing expectations. 3) Outrage: we understand the technical and perceptual aspects of risk and the opportunities to mitigate these. 4) Inter-relationships: we understand the political, regulatory, and reputation system so that we can understand the levers of change. 5) Strategy: we understand whether the strategy will achieve a social licence through bringing the internal and external stakeholders on the journey. Futureye’s SLO methodologies helped Austral to understand risks and opportunities to enhance its resilience. Futureye reviewed the issues, assessed outrage and materiality and mapped SLO threats to the company. Austral was introduced to a new way that it could manage activism, climate action, and responsible consumption. As a result of Futureye’s work, Austral worked closely with Sea Shepherd who was campaigning against pirates illegally fishing Patagonian Toothfish as well as international governments. In 2016 Austral launched the world’s first carbon neutral fish which won Austral a thirteen percent premium for tender on the open market. In 2017, Austral received the prestigious Banksia Foundation Sustainability Leadership Award for seafood that is sustainable, healthy and carbon neutral. Austral’s position as a leader in sustainable development has opened doors for retailers all over the world. Futureye’s SLO methodology can identify the societal, political and regulatory risks facing fisheries and position them to proactively address the issues and become an industry leader in sustainability.

Keywords: carbon neutral, fisheries management, risk communication, social licence to operate, sustainable development

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Authors: Ning Chia

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Each of the three different language texts (Manchu, Russian, and Latin) of the 1689 Treaty of Nerchinsk bore official seals from Imperial Russia and Qing China. These seals have received no academic attention, yet they can reveal a site of a layered and shared material, cultural, political, and diplomatic world of the time in Eastern Eurasia. The very different seal selections from both empires while ratifying the Treaty of Beijing in 1860 have obtained no scholarly advertency either; they can also explicate a tremendously changed relationship with visual and material manifestation. Exploring primary sources in Manchu, Russian, and Chinese languages as well as the images of the visual seals, this study investigates the reasons and purposes of utilizing official seals for the treaty agreement. A refreshed understanding of Russian-Qing diplomacy will be developed by pursuing the following aspects: (i) Analyzing the iconographic meanings of each seal insignia and unearthing a competitive, yet symbols-delivered and seal-generated, 'dialogue' between the two empires (ii) Contextualizing treaty seals within the historical seal cultures, and discovering how domestic seal system in each empire’s political institution developed into treaty-defined bilateral relations (iii) Expounding the seal confiding in each empire’s daily governing routines, and annotating the trust in the seal as a quested promise from the opponent negotiator to fulfill the treaty terms (iv) Contrasting the two seal traditions along two civilization-lines, Eastern vs. Western, and dissecting how the two styles of seal emblems affected the cross-cultural understanding or misunderstanding between the two empires (v) Comprehending the history-making events from the substantial resources such as the treaty seals, and grasping why the seals for the two treaties, so different in both visual design and symbolic value, were chosen in the two relationship eras (vi) Correlating the materialized seal 'expression' and the imperial worldviews based on each empire’s national/or power identity, and probing the seal-represented 'rule under the Heaven' assumption of China and Russian rising role in 'European-American imperialism … centered on East Asia' (Victor Shmagin, 2020). In conclusion, the impact of official seals on diplomatic treaties needs profound knowledge in seal history, insignia culture, and emblem belief to be able to comprehend. The official seals in both Imperial Russia and Qing China belonged to a particular statecraft art in a specific material and visual form. Once utilized in diplomatic treaties, the meticulously decorated and politically institutionalized seals were transformed from the determinant means for domestic administration and social control into the markers of an empire’s sovereign authority. Overlooked in historical practice, the insignia seal created a wire of 'visual contest' between the two rival powers. Through this material lens, the scholarly knowledge of the Russian-Qing diplomatic relationship will be significantly upgraded. Connecting Russian studies, Qing/Chinese studies, and Eurasian studies, this study also ties material culture, political culture, and diplomatic culture together. It promotes the study of official seals and emblem symbols in worldwide diplomatic history.

Keywords: Russia-Qing diplomatic relation, Treaty of Beijing (1860), Treaty of Nerchinsk (1689), Treaty seals

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Authors: A. Beril Tugrul

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Demand on production and thereby the global need of energy is growing continuously. Each country has different trends on energy demand and supply according to their geopolitical and geographical locations, underground reserves, weather conditions and level of industrialization. Conventional energy resources such as oil, gas and coal –in other words fossil resources- remain dominant on primary energy supply in spite of causing of environmental problems. Energy supply and demand securities are essential within the energy importing and exporting countries. This concept affected all sectors, but especially impressed on political aspects of the countries and also global economic views.

Keywords: energy policy, energy economics, energy strategy, global trends, petro-dollar recycling

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Authors: Haoqiang Zhang

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Golf is usually defined as “a sport for the wealthy” in China. With relatively few people playing golf and having only two professional golf players nationwide, China is lagging in adopting golf as a sport. The current research used a literature review to examine the political and educational reasons behind this phenomenon. In addition, the current study compared the sports education system between U.S. and China and showed its significant role in adopting sports like golf. Lastly, the current research proposed hypothetical solutions from the educational and societal perspective on how to make China adopt golf as a global sport.

Keywords: golf education, golf in China, sports economics, sports education

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Authors: Kasuri Kaushalya Pathirana Pahamunu Pathirannehelage

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Recent changes in the international system challenged the traditional idea of citizenship, prompting a need for a clearer definition. With the rapid globalization and shifting geopolitical dynamics, the concept of dual citizenship has emerged as a focal point of debate regarding its implications for state interests. As borders become less rigid and people identify with multiple nationalities, the traditional idea of citizenship is changing. This change is especially important given the increased connections between countries and the challenges that sovereign states face. While many countries accept dual citizenship, others are hesitant, seeing it as a potential threat to their national goals. This difference underscores the complicated relationship between national interests and the evolving concept of citizenship in the modern world. This study seeks to critically assess whether dual citizenship represents a significant threat to sovereign states by examining its effects across economic, social, and political sectors. Employing qualitative methodologies, including the analysis of published articles, reports, government acts, and a mix of primary and secondary sources, this research delves into the complexities surrounding dual citizenship. The findings reveal a nuanced landscape, showcasing both positive and negative impacts on state sovereignty and international cooperation. By exploring the tension between multinationalism and state interests, particularly through the lens of Sri Lanka’s evolving policies, this study aims to contribute valuable insights to the fields of political science and international relations, ultimately addressing the question of dual citizenship's implications for state interests. The evolving framework of dual citizenship in Sri Lanka provides a unique opportunity to examine its implications for various aspects of the nation. Specifically, this study will analyse the impact of dual citizenship on the country's economy, international cooperation, and social development. By exploring these dimensions, the research aims to provide a comprehensive understanding of how dual citizenship influences not only individual rights but also broader state interests and development goals within the context of globalization. It’s crucial to assess the potential threats posed by dual citizenship, as it can impact national security, economic stability, social unity, and political issues within countries. Understanding these effects is important for policymakers and researchers as they work to balance globalization with the need to protect state sovereignty. Dual citizenship presents a complex interplay of challenges and benefits to state interests, influencing critical areas such as international cooperation and state sovereignty. On the one hand, it can foster stronger ties between nations, enhance economic collaboration, and encourage cultural exchange, ultimately contributing to more robust international relationships. On the other hand, it may create tensions related to national identity, complicate governance, and raise concerns about loyalty and allegiance, which can challenge the notion of state sovereignty. As countries navigate these dual realities, it becomes essential to carefully assess and manage the implications of dual citizenship. By doing so, states can harness the potential advantages while addressing the associated risks, ultimately striving for a balance that promotes both national interests and international relations.

Keywords: dual citizenship, globalization, sustainable development, nationalism

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Authors: Saeed Musaid H. Alzahrani

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The role of middle leaders, especially in primary schools, is a multi-faced role that has been subject to changes in nature over recent decades, with claims for more distributed leadership practices. This research examines the way 18 middle leaders in Saudi and English primary schools conceptualise their roles and responsibilities, and different factors influencing those roles and responsibilities. It begins from the premise that both the power of the role and the values of middle leaders are grounded in cultural and political bases, a belief held by the researcher as an 'insider' within the Saudi educational leadership context. The study consisted of a comparative analysis of the role and the responsibilities of middle leaders in Saudi primary schools and their equivalents in English primary schools. A purely qualitative methodological stance was adopted, using in-depth face-to-face semi-structured interviews, observations and document analysis. Middle leaders were asked to reflect deeply on their perceptions and understanding of their roles and explain what they thought influenced their daily practices and responsibilities. The findings suggest that the concept of middle leadership has been influenced by power imposed from above by political authority, via internal and external hierarchical structures, which shapes the nature of the role of the middle leaders and forces them to comply. Middle leaders seem to believe they have the power to make decisions and promote change, but these findings suggest that this is illusory. The power that keeps middle leaders performing is the power of their cultural and religious values. Those values are the resource to which they turn in their search for more energy when they lack support and are short of time taken. Middle leaders in Saudi, just like their equivalents in English schools must comply with the requirements of their role. However, Saudi middle leaders are given no leeway to make decisions or implement change, neither do they have the culture of collegiality that seems to give middle leaders in England more power over their resources and decisions. However, in neither educational setting have middle leaders been given the power to lead, so they remain managers rather than leaders. The findings of this research suggest that there are more similarities between the educational settings of Saudi and England than differences; and in the light of different factors identified in the study, suggest the establishment of a framework for middle leadership, in the hope of enhancing the way the role is practiced.

Keywords: middle leader, primary school, power, educational leadership, value, culture, model, Saudi Arabia, England

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Authors: Yelda Yenel, Orkut Acele

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In a media-saturated world, celebrities have become ubiquitous figures, encountered both in public spaces and within the privacy of our homes, seamlessly integrating into daily life. From Alexander the Great to contemporary media personalities, the image of celebrity has persisted throughout history, manifesting in various forms and contexts. Over time, as the relationship between society and the market evolved, so too did the roles and behaviors of celebrities. These transformations offer insights into the cultural climate, revealing shifts in habits and worldviews. In Türkiye, the emergence of private television channels brought an influx of celebrities into everyday life, making them a pervasive part of daily routines. To understand modern celebrity culture, it is essential to examine the ideological functions of media within political, economic, and social contexts. Within this framework, celebrities serve as both reflections and creators of cultural values and, at times, act as intermediaries, offering insights into the society of their era. Starting its broadcasting life in 1992 with religious films and religious conversation, Türkiye Newspaper, Radio, Television channel (TGRT) later changed its appearance, slogan, and the celebrities it featured in response to the political atmosphere. Celebrities played a critical role in transforming from the existing slogan 'Peace has come to the screen' to 'Watch and see what will happen”. Celebrities hold significant roles in society, and their images are produced and circulated by various actors, including media organizations and public relations teams. Understanding these dynamics is crucial for analyzing their influence and impact. This study aims to explore Turkish society in the 1990s, focusing on TGRT and its visual and discursive characteristics regarding celebrity figures such as Seda Sayan. The first section examines the historical development of celebrity culture and its transformations, guided by the conceptual framework of celebrity studies. The complex and interconnected image of celebrity, as introduced by post-structuralist approaches, plays a fundamental role in making sense of existing relationships. This section traces the existence and functions of celebrities from antiquity to the present day. The second section explores the economic, social, and cultural contexts of 1990s Türkiye, focusing on the media landscape and visibility that became prominent in the neoliberal era following the 1980s. This section also discusses the political factors underlying TGRT's transformation, such as the 1997 military memorandum. The third section analyzes TGRT as a case study, focusing on its significance as an Islamic television channel and the shifts in its public image, categorized into two distinct periods. The channel’s programming, which aligned with Islamic teachings, and the celebrities who featured prominently during these periods became the public face of both TGRT and the broader society. In particular, the transition to a more 'secular' format during TGRT's second phase is analyzed, focusing on changes in celebrity attire and program formats. This study reveals that celebrities are used as indicators of ideology, benefiting from this instrumentalization by enhancing their own fame and reflecting the prevailing cultural hegemony in society.

Keywords: celebrity culture, media, neoliberalism, TGRT

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Authors: Lakshmi Chebolu

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'War’, the word itself, is so vibrant and handcuffs the entire society. Since the beginning of manhood, the world has been evident in constant struggles. However, along with the growth of communities, relations, on the one hand, and disputes, on the other hand, infinitely increased. When states cannot or will not settle their disputes or differences by means of peaceful agreements, weapons are suddenly made to speak. It does not mean states can engage in war whenever they desire. At an international level, there has been a vast development of the law of war in the 20th century. War, it may be internal or international, in all situations, belligerent actors should follow the principles of warfare. With the advent of technology, the shape of war has changed, and it violates fundamental principles without observing basic norms. Conversely, states' attitudes towards international relationships are also undermined to some extent as state parties are not prioritized the communal interest rather than political or individual interest. In spite of the persistent development of communities, still many people are innocent victims of modern wars. It costs a toll on many lives, liberties, and properties and remains a major obstacle to nations' development. Recent incidents in Afghan are a live example to World Nations. We know that the principles of international law cannot be implemented very strictly on perpetrators due to the lacuna in the international legal system. However, the rules of war are universal in nature. The Geneva Convention, 1949 which are the core element of IHL, has been ratified by all 196 States. In fact, very few international treaties received this much of big support from nations. State’s approach towards Modern International Law, places a heavy burden on States practice towards in implementation of law. Although United Nations Security Council possesses certain powers under ‘Pacific Settlement of Disputes’, (Chapter VI) of the United Nations Charter to prevent disputes in a peaceful manner, conversely, this practice has been overlooked for many years due to political interests, favor, etc. Despite international consensus on the prohibition of war and protection of fundamental freedoms and human dignity, still, often, law has been misused by states’. The recent tendencies trigger questions about states’ willingness towards the implementation of the law. In view of the existing practices of nations, this paper aims to elevate the legal obligations of the international community to save the succeeding generations from the scourge of modern war practices.

Keywords: modern wars, weapons, prohibition and suspension of war activities, states’ obligations

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Authors: Shehu Usman Rano Aliyu

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Despite the significance of finance as a major trade lubricant, evidence in the literature alludes to its scarcity and increasing cost, especially in developing countries where small and medium-scale enterprises are worst affected. The creation of the African Continental Free Trade Area (AFCFTA) in 2018, an organ of the African Union (AU), was meant to serve as a beacon for deepening economic integration through the removal of trade barriers inhibiting intra-African trade and movement of persons, among others. Hence, this research explores the role Islamic trade finance (ITF) could play in spurring intra- and inter-African trade. The study involves six countries; Egypt, Kenya, Malaysia, Morocco, Nigeria, and Saudi Arabia, and employs survey research, a total of 430 sample data, and SmartPLS Structural Equation Modelling (SEM) techniques in its analyses. We find strong evidence that Shari’ah, legal and regulatory compliance issues of the ITF institutions rhythm with the internal, national, and international compliance requirements equally as the unique instruments applied in ITF. In addition, ITF was found to be largely driven by global economic and political stability, socially responsible finance, ethical and moral considerations, risk-sharing, and resilience of the global Islamic finance industry. Further, SMEs, Governments, and Importers are the major beneficiary sectors. By and large, AfCFTA’s protocols align with the principles of ITF and are therefore suited for the proliferation of Islamic finance in the continent. And, while AML/KYC and BASEL requirements, compliance to AAOIFI and IFSB standards, paucity of Shari'ah experts, threats to global security, and increasing global economic uncertainty pose as major impediments, the future of ITF would be shaped by a greater need for institutional and policy support, global economic cum political stability, robust regulatory framework, and digital technology/fintech. The study calls for the licensing of more ITF institutions in the continent, participation of multilateral institutions in ITF, and harmonization of Shariah standards.

Keywords: AfCFTA, islamic trade finance, murabaha, letter of credit, forwarding

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Authors: Razieh Rezabeigi Sani, Alireza Farahani, Mahdi Haghi

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Displacement, local discontent, and forced exclusion have become prominent parts of urban regeneration activities in the Global North and South. This paper discusses the processes of massive displacement and neighborhood alteration as the consequences of a large-scale political/ideological placemaking project in central Tehran that transformed people's daily lives in surrounding neighborhoods. The conversion of Imam Hussein Square and connecting 17-Shahrivar Street to a pedestrian plaza in 2016 resulted in adjacent neighborhoods' physical, social, and economic degradation. The project has downgraded the economic and social characteristics of urban life in surrounding neighborhoods, commercialized residential land uses, displaced local people and businesses, and created unprecedented housing modes. This research has been conducted in two stages; first, after the project's implementation between 2017-2018, and second, when the street was reopened after local protests in 2021. In the first phase, 50+ on-site interviews were organized with planners, managers, and dwellers about the decision-making processes, design, and project implementation. We find that the project was based on the immediate political objectives and top-down power exertion of the local government in creating exclusive spaces (for religious ceremonies) without considering locals' knowledge, preferences, lifestyles, and everyday interactions. In the continued research in 2021, we utilized data gathered in facilitation activities and several meetings and interviews with local inhabitants and businesses to explore, design, and implement initiatives for bottom-up planning in these neighborhoods. The top-down and product-oriented (rather than process-oriented) planning, dependency on municipal financing rather than local partnerships, and lack of public participation proved to have continued effects on local participation. The paper concludes that urban regeneration projects must be based on the participation of different private/public actors, sustainable financial resources, and overall social and spatial analysis of the peripheral area before interventions.

Keywords: displacement, urban regeneration, distressed neighborhoods, ideological placemaking, Tehran

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Authors: Reka Zsuzsanna Mathe

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The globalization and the Europeanization have significantly contributed to a change in the role of the nation-states. The global economic crisis, the climate changes, and the recent refugee crisis, are just a few among many challenges that cannot be effectively addressed by the traditional role of the nation-states. One of the main roles of the states is to solve collective action problems, however due to their changing roles; apparently this is getting more and more difficult. Depending on political culture, collective action problems are solved either through cooperation or conflict. The political culture of Central and Eastern European (CEE) countries is marked by low civic participation and by a weak civil society. In this type of culture collective action problems are likely to be induced through conflict, rather than the democratic process of dialogue and any type of social change is probably to be introduced by social movements. Several studies have been conducted on the social movements of the CEE countries, yet, it is still not clear if the most significant social movements of the region tend to choose rather the cooperative or the conflictual way as action strategy. This study differentiates between a national and a European action field, having different social orders. The actors of the two fields are the broadly understood civil society members, conceptualized as social movements. This research tries to answer the following questions: a) What are the norms that best characterize the CEE countries’ social order? b) What type of actors would prefer a change and in which areas? c) Is there a significant difference between the main actors active in the national versus the European field? The main hypotheses are that there are conflicting norms defining the national and the European action field, and there is a significant difference between the action strategies adopted by social movements acting in the two different fields. In mapping the social order, the study uses data provided by the European Social Survey. Big data of the Global Data on Events, Location and Tone (GDELT) database offers information regarding the main social movements and their preferred type of action. The unit of the analysis is the so called ‘Visegrad 4’ countries: Poland, Czech Republic, Slovakia and Hungary and the research uses data starting from 2005 (after the European accession of these four countries) until May, 2017. According to the data, the main hypotheses were confirmed.

Keywords: big data, Central and Eastern Europe, civil society, GDELT, social movements

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Authors: Foyewa R. A.

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This paper examined the role of English language and the quest for a national language in Nigeria. Various hindrances to the choice of a national language in Nigeria were observed. These include: The dominant role of English language, political instability and multilingual nature of the country. The writer suggested that ’’the three big’’ that is, Hausa, Igbo and Yoruba should be selected as the national languages. It was also suggested that a credit pass in a student’s mother tongue and one of “the three big” (Hausa, Igbo and Yoruba) should constitute the prerequisite for admission into Nigerian higher institutions.

Keywords: English, roles of English, national language, Nigerian languages, Hausa, Igbo, Yoruba

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Authors: Bheki R. Mngomezulu

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The present paper cogently and systematically traces the history of Umkhonto Wesizwe (MK) and identifies its important role in shaping South Africa’s post-apartheid foreign policy and international relations under black leadership. It provides the political and historical contexts within which we can interpret and better understand South Africa’s controversial ‘Quiet Diplomacy’ approach to Zimbabwe’s endemic political and economic crises, which have dragged for too long. On 16 December 1961, the African National Congress (ANC) officially launched the MK as its military wing. The main aim was to train liberation fighters outside South Africa who would return into the country to topple the apartheid regime. Subsequently, the ANC established links with various countries across Africa and the globe in order to solicit arms, financial resources and military training for its recruits into the MK. Drawing from archival research and empirical data obtained through oral interviews that were conducted with some of the former MK cadres, this paper demonstrates how the ANC forged relations with a number of countries that were like-minded in order to ensure that its dream of removing the apartheid government became a reality. The findings reveal that South Africa’s foreign policy posture and international relations after the demise of apartheid in 1994 built on these relations. As such, even former and current socialist countries that were frowned upon by the Western world became post-apartheid South Africa’s international partners. These include countries such as Cuba and China, among others. Even countries that were not recognized by the Western world as independent states received good reception in post-apartheid South Africa’s foreign policy agenda. One of these countries is Palestine. Within Africa, countries with questionable human rights records such as Nigeria and Zimbabwe were accommodated in South Africa’s foreign policy agenda after 1994. Drawing from this history, the paper concludes that it would be difficult to fully understand and appreciate South Africa’s foreign policy direction and international relations after 1994 without bringing the history and the politics of the MK into the equation. Therefore, the paper proposes that the utilitarian role of history should never be undermined in the analysis of a country’s foreign policy direction and international relations. Umkhonto Wesizwe and South Africa are used as examples to demonstrate how such a link could be drawn through archival and empirical evidence.

Keywords: African National Congress, apartheid, foreign policy, international relations

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Authors: Esra Polat

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Partial Least Squares Discriminant Analysis (PLSDA) is a statistical method for classification and consists a classical Partial Least Squares Regression (PLSR) in which the dependent variable is a categorical one expressing the class membership of each observation. PLSDA can be applied in many cases when classical discriminant analysis cannot be applied. For example, when the number of observations is low and when the number of independent variables is high. When there are missing values, PLSDA can be applied on the data that is available. Finally, it is adapted when multicollinearity between independent variables is high. The aim of this study is to determine the economic and/or demographic indicators, which are effective in grouping the 28 European Union (EU) member countries and 7 candidate countries (including potential candidates Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH) and Kosova) by using the data set obtained from database of the World Bank for 2014. Leaving the political issues aside, the analysis is only concerned with the economic and demographic variables that have the potential influence on country’s eligibility for EU entrance. Hence, in this study, both the performance of PLSDA method in classifying the countries correctly to their pre-defined groups (candidate or member) and the differences between the EU countries and candidate countries in terms of these indicators are analyzed. As a result of the PLSDA, the value of percentage correctness of 100 % indicates that overall of the 35 countries is classified correctly. Moreover, the most important variables that determine the statuses of member and candidate countries in terms of economic indicators are identified as 'external balance on goods and services (% GDP)', 'gross domestic savings (% GDP)' and 'gross national expenditure (% GDP)' that means for the 2014 economical structure of countries is the most important determinant of EU membership. Subsequently, the model validated to prove the predictive ability by using the data set for 2015. For prediction sample, %97,14 of the countries are correctly classified. An interesting result is obtained for only BiH, which is still a potential candidate for EU, predicted as a member of EU by using the indicators data set for 2015 as a prediction sample. Although BiH has made a significant transformation from a war-torn country to a semi-functional state, ethnic tensions, nationalistic rhetoric and political disagreements are still evident, which inhibit Bosnian progress towards the EU.

Keywords: classification, demographic indicators, economic indicators, European Union, partial least squares discriminant analysis

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Authors: Alphonso Augustine Goliath

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In 1997 South Africa adopted legislation introducing severe mandatory minimum sentences. This was a political response to counter the escalating violent crime the country experienced when it transitioned to democracy. Despite minimum sentences being fully operational for more than two decades, violent crimes like murder and rape have not abated. This paper provides a critique of the efficacy of minimums sentences with a primary focus on the legislation’s main aim of preventing or curbing crime, its relationship with prison overcrowding, and its continued constitutionality.

Keywords: constitutionality, deterrence, incapacitation, minimum sentencing legislation, prison overcrowding, rehabilitation, recidivism, retribution, violent crime

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Authors: Duplan Yves Jamont Junior

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The Diamond-Mortensen-Pissarides model widely used in labor economics is tailored to fishery. By this way, a fishing function is defined to depict the fishing technology, and Bellman equations are established to describe the behaviors of fishermen and conservationists. On this basis, a negotiation takes place as a Nash-bargaining over the upper limit of the fishing pressure between both political representative groups of fishermen and conservationists. The existence and uniqueness conditions of the Nash-bargained fishing pressure are established. Given the biomass evolution equation, the dynamics of the model variables (fishing pressure, biomass, fish need) is studied.

Keywords: conservation, fishery, fishing, Nash bargaining

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Authors: Sandro Nikolaishvili

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The end of the eleventh and the beginning of the twelfth century was a transitional period for the Byzantine empire as well as for the Caucasus. The empire was struggling for its survival under Alexios I Komnenos while Medieval Georgia was emerging as a dominant player in the Caucasus under Davit IV the Builder. The reigns of these two rulers were periods of renewal and transformation. I aim to compare the imperial image of Alexios I Komnenos with the renewed kingship ideology under Davit IV. I will hypothesize about the possible translation of the Byzantine political culture into the Medieval Georgia.

Keywords: Byzantium, Georgia, imperial, image

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Authors: Sanaa Riaz

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Spirits occupy a world that simultaneously dwells between the divine and the earthly binary while speaking to all forces of nature, marginality, and extremity in between. This paper examines the conceptualizations, interactions with, and experience of spiritual beings in relation to the concept of self and social agency, defined as a continuum of cooperation leaving those involved with an enhanced or diminished perception of self-agency. To do justice to the diverse mythological and popular interpretations of spirit entities, ethnographic examples from Africa, in particular, will be used. An examination of the nature and role of spirits in Africa allows one to understand the ways in which colonial influences brought by Catholicism and Islam added to the pre-colonial repertoire and syncretic imaginations of spirits. A comprehensive framework to analyze spirits requires situating them as a cognitive configuration of humans to communicate with other humans and forces of nature to receive knowledge about the normative in social roles, conduct, and action. Understanding spirits also requires a rethinking of the concept of self as not one encapsulated in the individual but one representing positionalities in collective negotiations, adversity, and alliances. To use the postmodern understanding of identity as a far from a coherent collection of selves fluidly moving between and dialoguing with gravitational and contradictory social forces, benevolent and maleficent spirit forces represent how people make sense of their origin, physiological and ecological changes, subsistence, and political environment and social relations. A discussion on spirits requires examining the rituals and mediational forces and their performance that allow participants to tackle adversity, voicelessness and continue to work safely and morally for the collective good. Moreover, it is important to see the conceptualization of spirits in unison with sorcery and spirit possession, central to voodoo practices, also because they speak volumes about the experiences of slavery and marginalization. This paper has two motives: It presents a critical literature review of ethnographic accounts of spirit entities in African spiritual experiences to examine the ways in which spirits become mediums through which the self is conceptualized and asserted. Second, the paper highlights the ways in which spirits become a medium to represent political and sociocultural ambiguities and desires along a spectrum of social agencies, including joint agency, vicarious agency, and interfered agency.

Keywords: spirits, social agency, self, ethnographic case studies

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Authors: G. T. Aigarinova

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This article considers the legal issues of food security as a major component of national security of the republic. The problem of food security is the top priority of the economic policy strategy of any state, the effectiveness of this solution influences social, political, and ethnic stability in society. Food security and nutrition is everyone’s business. Food security exists when all people, at all times, have physical, social and economic access to sufficient safe and nutritious food that meets their dietary needs and food preferences for an active and healthy life. By analyzing the existing legislation in the area of food security, the author identifies weaknesses and gaps, suggesting ways to improve it.

Keywords: food security, national security, agriculture, public resources, economic security

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Authors: Abdel-Samad M. Ali, Ali A. Hadi Al-Shawi

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Discrimination against women and girls impairs progress in all domains of development articulated either in the framework of Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) or in the Post-2015 Development Agenda. Paper aspires to create greater awareness among researchers and policy makers of the challenges posed by gender gaps and the opportunities created by reducing them within the Arab region. The study reveals how Arab countries are closing in on gender-oriented targets of the third and fifth MDGs. While some countries can claim remarkable achievements particularly in girls’ equality in education, there is still a long way to go to keep Arab’s commitments to current and future generations in other countries and subregions especially in the economic participation or in the political empowerment of women. No country has closed or even expected to close the economic participation gap or the political empowerment gap. This should provide the incentive to keep moving forward in the Post-2015 Agenda. Findings of the study prove that while Arab states have uneven achievements in reducing maternal mortality, Arab women remain at a disadvantage in the labour market. For Arab region especially LDCs, improving maternal health is part of the unmet agenda for the post-2015 period and still calls for intensified efforts and procedures. While antenatal care coverage is improving across the Arab region, progress is marginal in LDCs. To achieve proper realization of gender equality and empowerment of women in the Arab region in the post-2015 agenda, the study presents critical key challenges to be addressed. These challenges include: Negative cultural norms and stereotypes; violence against women and girls; early marriage and child labour; women’s limited control over their own bodies; limited ability of women to generate their own income and control assets and property; gender-based discrimination in law and in practice; women’s unequal participation in private and public decision making autonomy; and limitations in data. However, in all Arab states, gender equality must be integrated as a goal across all issues, particularly those that affect the future of a country.

Keywords: gender, equity, millennium development goals, post-2015 development agenda

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Authors: Arlinda Memetaj

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A sound system of administrative justice represents a vital element of democratic governance. The proper control of public administration consists not only of a sound civil service framework and legislative oversight, but empowerment of the public and courts to hold public officials accountable for their decision-making through the application of fair administrative procedural rules and the use of appropriate administrative appeals processes and judicial review. The establishment of effective public administration, has been since 1990s among the most 'important and urgent' final strategic objectives of the Republic of Macedonia. To this aim the country has so far adopted a huge series of legislative and strategic documents related to any aspects of the administrative justice system. The latter is designed to strengthen the legal position of citizens, businesses, civic organizations, and other societal subjects. 'Changes and reforms' in this field have been thus the most frequent terms being used in the country for the last more than 20 years. Several years ago the County established Administrative Courts, while permanently amending the Law on the General Administrative procedure (LGAP). The new LGAP was adopted in 2015 and it introduced considerable innovations concerned. The most recent inputs in this regard includes the National Public Administration Reform Strategy 2017 – 2022, one of the key expected result of which includes both providing effective protection of the citizens` rights. In doing the aforesaid however there is still a series of interrelated shortcomings in this regard, such as (just to mention few) the complex appeal procedure, delays in enforcing court rulings, etc. Against the above background, the paper firstly describes the Macedonian institutional and legislative framework in the above field, and then illustrates the shortcomings therein. It finally claims that the current status quo situation may be overcome only if there is a proper implementation of the administrative courts decisions and far stricter international monitoring process thereof. A new approach and strong political commitment from the highest political leadership is thus absolutely needed to ensure the principles of transparency, accountability and merit in public administration. The main method used in this paper is the descriptive, analytical and comparative one due to the very character of the paper itself.

Keywords: administrative justice, administrative procedure, administrative courts/disputes, European Human Rights Court, human rights, monitoring, reform, benefit.

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Authors: Vahid Saatchian, Seyyed Farideh Hadavi

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The main aim of this study was developing the collaboration model of physical education and sport sciences faculties with service section of sport industrial.The research methods of this study was a qualitative. So researcher with of identifying the priority list of collaboration between colleges and service section of sport industry and according to sampling based of subjective and snowball approach, conducted deep interviews with 22 elites that study around the field of research topic. indeed interviews were analyzed through qualitative coding (open, axial and selective) with 5 category such as causal condition, basic condition, intervening conditions, action/ interaction and strategy. Findings exposed that in causal condition 10 labels appeared. So because of heterogeneity of labes, researcher categorized in total subject. In basic condition 59 labels in open coding identified this categorized in 14 general concepts. Furthermore with composition of the declared category and relationship between them, 5 final and internal categories (culture, intelligence, marketing, environment and ultra-powers) were appeared. Also an intervening condition in the study includes 5 overall scopes of social factors, economic, cultural factors, and the management of the legal and political factors that totally named macro environment. Indeed for identifying strategies, 8 areas that covered with internal and external challenges relationship management were appeared. These are including, understanding, outside awareness, manpower, culture, integrated management, the rules and regulations and marketing. Findings exposed 8 labels in open coding which covered the internal and external of challenges of relation management of two sides and these concepts were knowledge and awareness, external view, human source, madding organizational culture, parties’ thoughts, unit responsible for/integrated management, laws and regulations and marketing. Eventually the consequences categorized in line of strategies and were at scope of the cultural development, general development, educational development, scientific development, under development, international development, social development, economic development, technology development and political development that consistent with strategies. The research findings could help the sport managers witch use to scientific collaboration management and the consequences of this in those sport institutions. Finally, the consequences that identified as a result of the devopmental strategies include: cultural, governmental, educational, scientific, infrastructure, international, social, economic, technological and political that is largely consistent with strategies. With regard to the above results, enduring and systematic relation with long term cooperation between the two sides requires strategic planning were based on cooperation of all stakeholders. Through this, in the turbulent constantly changing current sustainable environment, competitive advantage for university and industry obtained. No doubt that lack of vision and strategic thinking for cooperation in the planning of the university and industry from its capability and instead of using the opportunity, lead the opportunities to problems.

Keywords: university and industry collaboration, sport industry, physical education and sport science college, service section of sport industry

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Authors: George Bocean

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In the mainstream academic spheres of thought, there is a tendency to associate the writings of Russian Marxists as being constantly against the practice of religion itself. Such arguments mainly stem from how the attitude of the Russian Marxists, specifically the Bolsheviks, towards the concept of religion supposedly originates from its own Marxist ideology. Although Marxism is critical of religion as an institution, the approach that Marxism would have on the question of religion is not as clear. Such aspect is specifically observed in the use of language of major leading Russian Marxist figures, such as Lenin and Trotsky, throughout the early 20th century, where the use of religious metaphors was widely used in their philosophical writings and speeches, as well as in propaganda posters of general left-wing movements in Russia as a whole. The methodology of the research will consist of a sociolinguistic and sociology of language approach within a sociohistorical framework of late Tsarist and early Soviet Russia, 1905-1926. The purpose of such approaches are not simply to point out the religious metaphors used in the writings and speeches of Marxists in Russia, but rather in order to analyse how the use of such metaphors represent an important socio-political connection with the context of Russia at the time. In other words, the use of religious metaphors was not only more akin to Russian culture at the time, but this also resonated and was more familiar with the conditions of the working class and peasantry. An example in this study can be observed in the writings of Lenin, where the theme of chudo (miracle) is often mentioned in his writings, and such a word is commonly associated with an idealist philosophy rather than a materialist one, which represents a common theme in Russian culture in regards to the principle of hope for a better life. A further and even more obvious example is Trotsky’s writings about how the revolution of 1905 “would be revived”, which not only resonates with the theme of resurrection, but also prophesises the “second coming” of a future revolution. Such metaphors are important in the writings of such authors, as they simultaneously contain Marxist ideas, as well as religious themes. In doing this research, this paper will demonstrate two aspects. Firstly, the paper will analyse the use of the metaphors by Russian Marxists as a whole in regards to a socio-political and ideological perspectives akin to those of Marxism. Secondly, it will also demonstrate the role that such metaphors have in regards to their impact on the left-wing movements within Russia itself, as well as their relation to the working class and peasantry of Russia within the historical context.

Keywords: language and politics, Marxism, Russian history, social history, sociology of language

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