Search results for: contentious politics

Authors: Chuenaarom Chantimachaiamorn

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This study is an analysis of the roles of the Thai monks i.e. the Sangha in the development of the civil society, democracy and politics in Thailand. This study may be significant for determining the relation of Buddhism and its Sangha to the Thai society and polity. This study is based upon the documentary research from the sources of Pali Scripture, historical documents, and other publications and related matter, including with the interviews concerning political thought and role of high senior monk, scholarly monks and Dhamma-espousing monk who are well known and accepted by people in general for their political role in contemporary Thai society.

Keywords: Buddhism, role, monk, Sangha, civil society, politics

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Authors: Bharti Yadav

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Global migration and the rise of far-right parties have expanded the significance of political discussions enclosing multiculturalism. This research paper will focus on the rise of far-right political parties in Europe over the last nearly two decades and how right-wing politics affect multiculturalism in a detrimental way; major European leaders have publicly stated that multiculturalism in their countries has failed. This paper also discusses the main reasons for right-wing politics is normalizing in Europe. Far-right political parties are the fastest-growing parties in Europe, and multiculturalism is an unescapable significant political issue. The rise of far-right anti-immigrant parties diminishes mainstream party support for multiculturalism. Mainstream parties are more receptive to both increasing in ethnic minorities’ electoral power and the rise of far-right parties.

Keywords: political parties, far-right, migration, multiculturalism

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Authors: Abhivardhan, Ritu Agarwal

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The role of entrepreneurial ethics is connected with materializing the core components of human life, and the flexible and gullible attributions dominate the materialization of human lifestyle and outreach in the age of the internet and globalization. One of the key bi-products of the age of information – Artificial Intelligence has become a relevant mechanism to materialize and understand human empathy and originality via various algorithmic policing methodologies with specific intricacies. Since it has a special connection with ethnocentrism – it has the potential to influence the approach of international law and politics owed to the rise of and approach towards perception and communication via populism in progressive and third world countries. The paper argues about the cultural persona of artificial intelligence, and its ontological resemblance in human life is connected with the ethnocentric treatment of cyberspace, with an analysis of the influence of the ethics of entrepreneurship in international politics. The paper further provides an analysis of fake news and misinformation as the sub-strata of communication strategies involving populism determined as a communication strategy and about the legal case of constitutional redemption in recent legislative developments in Europe, the U.S, and Asia with reference to certain important strategies, policy documentation, declarations, and legal instruments. The paper concludes that the capillaries of the anthropomorphic developments of cultural perception via towards artificial intelligence have a hidden and unstable connection with the common approach of entrepreneurial ethics, which influences populism to disrupt the peaceful order of international politics via some minor backlashes in the technological, legal and social realm of human life. Suggestions with the conclusion are hereby provided.

Keywords: ethnocentrism, perception politics, populism, international law, slacktivism, artificial intelligence ethics, enculturation

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Authors: Abdulsalami Muyideen Deji

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Nigeria as nation got independence in 1960 from British government which allowed indigenous people to form self-government and rule themselves base on the acceptable laws and orders provided by indigenes. All citizens saw it as a welcome development that gave them opportunity to develop at their own pace. Certainly, this occurred at the first instance up to the first republic of 1963. But things became worse for the country when the first military coup of January 15, 1966 sowed apple of discord between the three major tribes in Nigeria Hausa, Yoruba and Igbo as a result of miscarriage of well-conceived plan of master-minder of that coup Major Chukwuma Kaduna Nzeogwu. Although, the argument had emanated from different quarters that if Nigeria was given opportunity to develop at the pace it was going at that time probably the Nigeria would have been among developed nation today, but that ill-fated coup was a clog in the wheel of nation’s progress. The base of this argument is that Nigeria achievements after independence still depend on the work of leaders who secure independence and also directed the affairs of nation within that short period of time up till today. Since then Nigeria has been grasping with different system of government, yet, the nation is still far from the solution. This paper will analyze Nigeria politics from independence, offer suggestion on the way forward. The source is strictly base on secondary source from textbook, newspapers, internet and journals.

Keywords: politics, government, independence, development

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Authors: Minjeoung Kim

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Since women obtained the right to vote in 1893 for the first time in New Zealand, they have tried to participate actively into politics but still the world has a few women in political leadership. The article asks which factors might influence the appearance of women leadership in politics. The article investigates two factors such as political context, personal factors. Countries where economic development is stable and political democracy is consolidated have a tendency of appearance of women political leadership but in less developed and politically unstable countries, women politicians can be in power with their own reasons. For the personal factor, their feminist propensity is studied but there is no relationship between the appearance of women leaders and their feminist propensity.

Keywords: women political leadership, political context, slow track, transitory countries, feminist propensity

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Authors: Bhavana Mahajan

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International Relations is a discipline of paradoxes. The State is the dominant political institution, yet little attention has been accorded to why individual countries behave the way they do with the theoretical analysis dismissing the State as a reactionary monolith – thus States either play to “quest for power” or to “systemic” forces. However, States do behave as and are influenced by agents when interacting with international structures as well as with other states. While questions on “competitive power politics” and “trust” have been examined and developed to a fair extent by International Relations theorists in the post 1990s period, their application to the domain of South Asian politics is limited and little research, if any, examines the conduct of foreign policy beyond rational choice. This paper is an initial attempt to marry these theoretical insights with the foreign policy exercised by India especially the case of the “Gujral Doctrine, as one of “non-reciprocal accommodation”. Ignoring the view that such a policy move can be viewed as political “feinting” or deception, it is noteworthy that India even made the first move in terms of defining its role as one who “trusts” rather than one who “seeks” to trust, given the country’s geo-strategic context and threat perceptions.

Keywords: India’s foreign policy, South Asia, social constructivism, English school, trusting relationships, Gujral Doctrine, rationality

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Authors: Nasrollah Sekhavaty

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This topic has many points, one of which could be "the relationship between Islam and democracy". In this paper we discuss the relationship between them. The logic has taught us that there is only one relationship between an object and itself. But if we have two things, there is one of the four relations between them; contradiction, equivalence, absolute generality & peculiarity or generality & peculiarity in some respect. To clarify the relationship between Islam and democracy, at first we must examine the meaning of Islam and Democracy. Islam is a religion which has ideas about politics and governance. The politics in Islam includes both individual and social affairs, to achieve worldly and heavenly blessings. With this assumption, Islam and democracy are not the same, or contrast, nor the absolute generality & peculiarity; but, the relationship between these two concepts is the generality & peculiarity in some respect. Conclusion: If one considers democracy as content, it does not accumulate with Islam which is content. But if democracy means a structure and style of governing, then its content could be Islam.

Keywords: Islam, democracy, contradiction, equivalence, absolute generality, generality & peculiarity

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Authors: Praveen Priyadarshi

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What is the nature of the 'political subjects' in the new urban spaces of the Indian cities? How do they become a 'public'? The paper explores these questions by studying the National Capital Region's gated communities in India. Even as the 'gated-ness' of these neighborhoods constantly underlines the definitive spatial boundary of the 'public' that it is constituted within the walls of a particular gated community, the making of this 'public' occurs as much in the digital spaces—in the digital space of online messaging apps and platforms—populated by unique digital identities. It is through constant exchanges of the digital identities that the 'public' is created. However, the institutional framework and the formal rules governing the making of the public are still analogue because they presume and privilege traditional modes of participation for people to constitute a 'public'. The institutions are designed as rules and norms governing people's behavior when they participate in traditional, physical mode, whereas rules and norms designed in the algorithms regulate people's social and political behavior in the digital domain. In exploring this disjuncture between the analogue institutions and the digital public, the paper analytically evaluates the nature of everyday politics in gates neighborhoods in India.

Keywords: gated communities, everyday politics, new urban spaces, digital publics

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Authors: Faguna Barmahalia

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Politics of ethnic identity in the north-east India is well-known phenomenon. The ethnic assertion in this region is mostly linguistic and cultural in nature. Most of the ethnic groups in the north-east region have been demanding either autonomous or separate state to maintain their socio-cultural identity. After the Indian Independence, the ethnic groups of people think that they have not developed till. Despite having many natural resources, North East India remained backward in terms of economic, education as well as politics. In this scenario, many educated and middle-class elite people have involved in working for the all-round development of their community. The Bodos are one of the major tribes in North Eeast India. In Assam, the Bodos are assumed by themselves to be exploited and suppressed by the Assamese Hindu society. Consequently, the socio-cultural identity movement has emerged among the Bodos.The main aims of my study are: i. to focus on how the Bodos of Assam are using the folk media in their political movement and iii. To analyse the role of folklore towards serving the ethnic unity and nationalism among the Bodos. Methodology: The study is based on the primary and secondary sources. Interview and observation method was conducted for collecting the primary data. For secondary source, some printed books, magazines and others materials published by the distinguished publishers and websites have been used.

Keywords: media, culture, nationalism, politics

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Authors: Minjeoung Kim

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The education plays an important role of political socialization in politics. In Korean and in France, religion in education is situated in an important place, but religious education in school is dealt differently in two countries. In this article, the author tries to reveal the reason why in France private Catholic schools can keep their religious discipline, but in Korea, private Christian schools cannot insist Christianism to their students. This is because of the different situation of their budget. In Korea, even though private schools are named ‘private’, they cannot be managed without government subsidy but in France, private Catholic schools are owned by private foundation and their budget is based on their own resource. That’s why French private schools do not need to follow governmental guidance but not in Korean case.

Keywords: religion, politics, South Korea, France

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Authors: Hanna Corsini

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This article provides an analysis of counter-hegemonic movements and their consequences for the neoliberal world order at the international level. Even if calls for change are becoming louder, current research on populist forces at the domestic level in comparative politics is lacking an investigation of the international dimensions of the rise of such movements. At the same time, in the International Relations field, the focus still remains on the surge of challengers at the global level, while the national one stays neglected. This paper argues that to fill this gap as identified in the academic literature, the concept of hegemony, and more precisely, as deployed by Antonio Gramsci, can bear some interesting insights. An adaptation to the 21st century of Gramsci’s concept is proposed, highlighting the explanatory power that key concepts of his theoretical framework have. Transposing it to contemporary politics provides precious elements for an in-depth understanding of counter-hegemonic movements and the consequences of their rise for the neoliberal world order. In an era of disruption and turmoil in national politics, International Relations theory cannot avoid to engage with this dimension. However, populism as a theoretical concept lacks the capacity to go beyond the domestic border. It is therefore essential to create a dialogue between these two fields. Ultimately, the paper claims that (counter-)hegemony is crucial to build a bridge between the international and the domestic level.

Keywords: counter-hegemonic movements, Gramsci, hegemony, international relations

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Authors: Yousef Barahmeh

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There is a wide cultural belief that Jordanians are po-faced and unable to produce humour and satire. However, in the light of the harbingers of the Arab Spring in the early 2011, socio-political satire has thrived notably in social media as a rigorous act of critique and dissent against the institutionalized discourse. This paper seeks to explore the case study of Ahmad Hassan al-Zou’bi’s satirical articles and Facebook posts in the context of theories of satire and digital politics. Al-Zou’bi is the most prominent and prolific Jordanian satirist who rose to prominence after the Arab Spring. The analysis shows that his satirical articles provide a vintage point to the rhetoric behind the socio-political and economic reform programs as much as the adverse impact of neoliberal governments in the modern history of Jordan.

Keywords: Arab Spring, digital politics, humour and socio-political satire

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Authors: Abdulsalami M. Deji

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Prolonged military incursion in Nigeria politics which favored the oligarchy brought agitation for democratic rule it exacerbated ethnicity integration of minority for fear of domination. The advent of democracy ushered in new breath of life to Nigerians from the shackle of military oppression to democratic governance. Democratic rule became a mirage as a result of prevalent insecurity in Nigeria; effort to bring lasting peace to all sections of the country had not yielded positive result till date. In the process of struggling for democracy among ethnic groups in Nigeria, they had instituted various militia groups defending the interest of their identity due to unequal distribution of wealth by military junta. When democracy came on board, these various militia groups became demons hunting democratic institutions. Quest by the successful government to find lasting solution has proved abortive. The security of politics which guaranteed stability is not visible in Nigeria, what we have now is politics of security. The unrest in Nigeria today has cripple socio-political and economy of the nation; the growth of economy favored elites without meaningful impact on the common man. This paper focus on the effects of democracy on Nigerians and, how security under democratic rule has hindered dividends of democracy since 1999-till date and way forward. The source is strictly base on secondary source from textbook, newspapers, internet, and journals.

Keywords: democracy, interest, militia, security

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Authors: Su-Lin Yu

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This paper will explore how gender and care discourse are intersected, reformulated and contested in American daughters’ caregiving memoirs. In particular, it will attempt to show how gender structure has worked to regulate a daughter’s response to her mother’s illness. In other words, how do certain cultural notions and class difference affect the ways in which the daughter enacts her caregiving response to her mother’s illness? What is the interrelation of female subjectivity and care practice? To understand care and gender politics in the memoirs, this paper will engage in close readings of five texts: Sandra Bullock Simith’s Trading Places: Becoming My Mother’s Mother: A Daughter’s Memoir (2015),Martha Stettinius’s Inside the Dementia Epidemic: A Daughter’s Memoir (2012), Patricia Thompson Collamer’s Grace on the Ledge: a Caregiver's Memoir, Judith Henry’s The Dutiful Daughter's Guide to Caregiving: A Practical Memoir (2015), and The Daughter's Dilemma: A Survival Guide to Caring for an Aging, Abusive Parent by Emily Wanderer Cohen (2018). By analyzing these texts, this paper will show why adult daughters become the primary caregivers, how gender norms and care practices influence a daughter’s thoughts and actions, and how it affects her self-understanding. Taken as a whole, then, the paper will provide an important examination not only of care and gender politics, but also a contribution to the intersecting discourses of illness, death, and mother-daughter relationship.

Keywords: care ethics, daughter-mother relationship, gender politics, memoirs

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Authors: Sally Barsoum

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This paper is providing a significant insight into the role of satire in Egyptian politics and how it has been received from the government and viewer’s point of view. It mainly sets out to test whether Bassem Youssef’s satirical program has played a significant role in Egypt recent politics and to investigate what is the nature and extent of this role. In order to test this hypothesis, the researcher chose to critically analyze one episode of Bassem Youssef’s satirical show, El Bernameg. This paper goes further to highlight that the aims of satire is to invite citizens to analyze, criticize and question people in power and the realm of politics rather than remain as untouched subjects by combining humor with critique in order to enhance citizens’ political awareness and perhaps even political engagement. Moreover it identifies that Bassem Youssef’s satire is to use laughter as a medium to communicate his political message. By first informing the public and secondly engaging them through laughter, satire plays a very constructive political role, which have been argued finally that Bassem Youssef has indeed played an important part in the Egyptian political scene of today and this can be measured by the degree of censorship that he has been subject to and the level of international and domestic reaction towards his satirical show. At the end, this paper is suggesting that the measure of a strong government is its ability not only to accommodate satire but also to learn from it.

Keywords: political satirist, Bassem Youssef, capital broadcasting center, TV channel, muslims brotherhood regime, ONTV Egyptian TV channel

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Authors: Clarissa Valença Travassos da Silva

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In this article, it is intended to study the book “The unbearable Lightness of Being” by the Czech Republican writer Milan Kundera. The main objective is to be an interdisciplinary study basis for students in the world about love and politics at old communist Czechoslovakia. Love is presented by discussing the relationship between Tomas and Tereza and the discovery of true love. Furthermore, it is debated the Russian invasion in Czechoslovakia and the outcomes of it for the personages, all this related to the contradiction of lightness and heaviness in life. For the production of this didactic material, the researcher based her work on the original book, “The Unbearable Lightness of Being” by Kundera, Milan Kundera’s interviews, Friedrich Nietzche, Zygmunt Bauman and George Orwell, among Brazilian and international articles on the issue.

Keywords: lightness, heaviness, Russia, Czechoslovakia, love

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Authors: Md Motibur Rahman

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The present paper attempts to study the electoral politics and voting behavior of 2011 assembly election of West Bengal state in India. Electoral geography is considered as the study of geographical aspects of the organization, conduct, and result of elections. It deals with the spatial voting patterns/behaviour or the study of the spatial distribution of political phenomena of voting. Voting behavior is a form of political psychology which played a great role in political decision-making process. The voting behavior of the electorates is largely influenced by their perception that existing during the time of election. The main focus of the study will be to analyze the electoral politics of the party organizations and political profile of the electorates. The principle objectives of the present work are i) to study the spatial patterns of voting behavior in 2011 assembly election in West Bengal, ii) to analysis the result and finding of 2011 assembly election. The whole study based on the secondary source of data. The electoral data have taken from Election Commission of India, New Delhi and Centre for the study of Developing Societies (CSDS) in New Delhi. In the battle of 2011 Assembly election in West Bengal, the two major parties were Left Front and Trinamool Congress. This election witnessed the remarkable successes of Trinamool Congress and decline of 34 years longest ruler party that is Left Front. Trinamool Congress won a majority of seats that 227 out of 294 but Left Front won only 62 seats out of 294 seats. The significance of the present study is that it helps in understanding the voting pattern, voting behaviour, trends of voting and also helps for further study of electoral geography in West Bengal. The study would be highly significant and helpful to the planners, politicians, and administrators who are involved in the formulation of development plans and programmes for the people of the state.

Keywords: assembly election, electoral geography, electoral politics, voting behaviour

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Authors: Adi Levy

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Military and security personnel defections during nonviolent resistance (NVR) campaigns are recognized as an effective way of undermining the regime’s power, but they also may generate moral dilemmas that contradict the moral standing of NVR tactics. NVR campaigns have been primarily praised for their adherence to moral and legal norms, yet some of NVR tactics raise serious ethical concerns. This paper focuses on NVR tactics that seek to promote defections and disobedience within military and security personnel to sustain their campaign. Academic literature regarding NVR tactics indicates that compared to violent forms of resistance, defections are more likely to occur when security forces confront nonviolent activists. Indeed, defections play a strategically fundamental role in nonviolent campaigns, particularly against authoritarian regimes, as it enables activists to undermine the regime’s central pillars of support. This study examines the events of the Arab Spring and discusses the ethical problems that arise in nonviolent activists’ promotion of defections and disobedience. The cases of Syria and Egypt suggest that the strategic promotion of defections and disobedience was significantly effective in sustaining the campaign. Yet, while such defections enhance nonviolent activists’ resilience, how they are promoted can be morally contentious and the consequences can be dire. Defections are encouraged by social, moral and emotional appeals that use the power disparities between unarmed civilians and powerful regimes to affect soldiers and security personnel’s process of decision-making. In what is commonly referred to as dilemma action, nonviolent activists deliberately entangle security forces in a moral dilemma that compels them to follow a moral code to protect unarmed civilians. In this way, activists sustain their struggle and even gain protection. Nonviolent activists are likely to be completely defeated when confronted with armed forces. Therefore they rely on the military and security personnel’s moral conscious of convincing them to refrain from using force against them. While this is effective, it also leaves soldiers and security forces exposed to the implications and punishments that might follow their disobedience or defection. As long as they remain nonviolent, activists enjoy civilian immunity despite using morally contentious tactics. But the severe implications brought upon defectors. As a result, demand a deep examination of this tactic’s moral permissibility and a discussion that assesses culpability for the moral implications of its application.

Keywords: culpability, defections, nonviolence, permissibility

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Authors: Yaron Katz

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The investigation of immigrants' electoral choices has remained relatively uncharted territory despite the fact that numerous nations extend political rights to their expatriates. This paper centers its attention on the matter of public trust in democracy, with a focus on the intricacies of Israeli politics as a divided system. It delves into the potential implications of political and social transformations stemming from the involvement of expatriate voters in elections taking place in their country of origin. In doing so, the article endeavors to explore a pathway for resolving a persistent challenge facing the stability of the Israeli political landscape over the past decade: the difficulty in forming a resilient government that genuinely represents the majority of voters. An examination is conducted into the role played by a demographic with the capacity to exert significant influence on election outcomes, namely, individuals residing outside of Israel. The objective of this research is to delve into this subject, dissecting social developments and political prospects that may shape the country's trajectory in the coming decades. This inquiry is especially pertinent given the extensive engagement of migrants in Israeli politics and the link between Israelis living abroad and their home country. Nevertheless, the study's findings reveal that while former citizens exhibit extensive involvement in Israeli politics and are cognizant of the potential consequences of permitting them to participate in elections, they maintain steadfastly unfavorable views regarding the inclusion of Israelis living overseas in their home country's electoral processes.

Keywords: trust, globalization, policy, democracy

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Authors: Muhammad Hamza Tariq

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The regrouping of the Islamists and the politics of religious education was the most common debate in the last decades of Turkish history. Religious schools were criticized to be influenced by partisan politics. Within this turmoil, the faculty of Ilahiyat which was established by the Republic to cherish Islamic modernism and to raise modern clergy also underwent a considerable change. This research studies the revisions in the curriculum of the faculty over the last few decades. A series of interviews were also conducted to observe the prevalent trends, especially modernist among the professors at the Ilahiyat faculties. Lastly, a survey was done among the freshman and final year students based on the similar questions to observe the changes of opinions with regards to their views on Islam, modernity, political Islam, interpretation, etc. A shift in the curriculum was noted though it cannot be overgeneralized whereas a degree of prevalence of modernist thoughts was also recorded among the teachers and the students.

Keywords: ilahiyat, divinity, religion, Islamization

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Authors: Victoria Crynes

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The question of England’s role in Britain is increasingly relevant due to the ongoing rise in citizens identifying as English. Furthermore, the Brexit Referendum was predominantly supported by constituents identifying as English. Few politicians appear to comprehend how Englishness is politically manifested. Politics and the media have depicted English identity as a negative and extremist problem - an inaccurate representation that ignores the breadth of English identifying citizens. This environment prompts the question, 'How are British Politicians Addressing the Modern English Identity Question?' Parliamentary debates, political blogs, and interviews are synthesized to establish a more coherent understanding of the current political attitudes towards English identity, the perceived nature of English identity, and the political manifestation of English representation and governance. Analyzed parliamentary debates addressed the democratic structure of English governance through topics such as English votes for English laws, devolution, and the union. The blogs examined include party-based, multi-author style blogs, and independently authored blogs by politicians, which provide a dynamic and up-to-date representation of party and politician viewpoints. Lastly, fourteen semi-structured interviews of British politicians provide a nuanced perspective on how politicians conceptualize Englishness. Interviewee selection was based on three criteria: (i) Members of Parliament (MP) known for discussing English identity politics, (ii) MPs of strongly English identifying constituencies, (iii) MPs with minimal English identity affiliation. Analysis of parliamentary debates reveals the discussion of English representation has gained little momentum. Many politicians fail to comprehend who the English are, why they desire greater representation and believe that increased recognition of the English would disrupt the unity of the UK. These debates highlight the disconnect of parliament from the disenfranchised English towns. A failure to recognize the legitimacy of English identity politics generates an inability for solution-focused debates to occur. Political blogs demonstrate cross-party recognition of growing English disenfranchisement. The dissatisfaction with British politics derives from multiple factors, including economic decline, shifting community structures, and the delay of Brexit. The left-behind communities have seen little response from Westminster, which is often contrasted to the devolved and louder voices of the other UK nations. Many blogs recognize the need for a political response to the English and lament the lack of party-level initiatives. In comparison, interviews depict an array of local-level initiatives reconnecting MPs to community members. Local efforts include town trips to Westminster, multi-cultural cooking classes, and English language courses. These efforts begin to rebuild positive, local narratives, promote engagement across community sectors, and acknowledge the English voices. These interviewees called for large-scale, political action. Meanwhile, several interviewees denied the saliency of English identity. For them, the term held only extremist narratives. The multi-level analysis reveals continued uncertainty on Englishness within British politics, contrasted with increased recognition of its saliency by politicians. It is paramount that politicians increase discussions on English identity politics to avoid increased alienation of English citizens and to rebuild trust in the abilities of Westminster.

Keywords: British politics, contemporary identity politics and its impacts, English identity, English nationalism, identity politics

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Authors: Lucile Richard

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Contemporary thinkers studying biopolitics and its lethal logic find little interest in Foucault's "vague sketch of the pastorate.” Despite pastoral power being depicted as the matrix of governmentality in the genealogy of biopower, most post-Foucauldian theorists disregard its study. Sovereign power takes precedence in the examination of the governmental connection between care, violence, and death. Questioning this recurring motif, this article advocates for a feminist exploration of pastoral power. It argues that giving attention to the genealogy of the pastorate is essential to account for the carelessness that runs today's politics. Examining Foucault's understanding of this "power to care" uncovers the link between care work and politics, a facet of governmentality often overlooked in sovereignty-centered perspectives. His description of “pastoral insurrections”, in so far as it highlights that caring, far from being excluded from politics, is the object of competing problematizations, also calls for a more nuanced and complex comprehension of the politicization of care and care work than the ones developed by feminist theorists. As such, it provides an opportunity to delve into under-theorized dimensions of the "care crisis" in feminist accounts. On one hand, it reveals how populations are disciplined and controlled, not only through caregiving obligations, but also through being assigned or excluded from receiving care. On the other, it stresses that the organization of the public sphere is just as important as the organization of the private sphere, which is the main focus for most feminists, in preventing marginalized perspectives on caring from gaining political momentum.

Keywords: Foucault, feminist theory, resistance, pastoral power, crisis of care, biopolitics

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Authors: Emmanuel Dangana Monday

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Africa as a continent has been ravaged and bedeviled by series of political conflicts associated with politics and power-sharing maneuvering. As a result it has become the most unstable continent in the world in terms of power distribution and stable political culture. This paper examines the efficacy of conscious and deliberate power-sharing strategies to settle or resolve political conflicts in Africa in the arrangements of creation of states, revenue and resources allocation, and office distribution systems. The study is concerned with the spatial impact of conflicts generated in some renowned African countries in which power-sharing would have been a solution. Ethno-regional elite groups are identified as the major actors in the struggles for the distribution of territorial, economic and political powers in Africa. The struggle for power has become so intense that it has degenerated to conflicts and wars of inter and intra-political classes and parties respectively. Secondary data and deductive techniques were used in data collection and analysis. It is discovered that power-sharing has become an indispensable tool to curb the incessant political and power crisis in Africa. It is one of the finest tolerable modality of mediating elite’ competition, since it reflects the interests of both the dominant and the perceived marginalized groups. The study recommends that countries and regions of political, ethnic and religious differences in Africa should employed power-sharing strategy in order to avoid unnecessary political tension and resultant crisis. Interest groups should always come to the negotiation table to reach a realistic, durable and expected compromise to secure a peacefully resolute Africa.

Keywords: Africa, power-sharing, conflicts, politics and political stability

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Authors: Liz van Acker, Linda Colley

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Political processes are shaped by the gendered culture of parliaments. This paper examines how the institution of parliament has been affected by the changing number of women in politics. In order to understand how and why gender change occurs, the paper employs a feminist historical institutionalism approach. It argues that while it is difficult to change the gendered nature of political institutions, it is possible, from a gender perspective, to understand the processes of change both formally and informally. Increasing women’s representation has been a slow process which has not occurred without political struggles. A broadly defined ‘feminist historical institutionalism’ has critiqued existing approaches to institutions and combined historical institutional analysis with tools of gender to enhance our understanding of institutional processes and change. The paper examines the gendered rules, norms, and practices that influence institutional design choices and processes. Institutions such as Parliament often are able to adjust to women’s entry and absorb them without too much interruption. Exploring the hidden aspects to informal institutions involves identifying unspoken and accepted norms that may guide decision-making – exposing and questioning the gender status quo. This paper examines the representation of women in the Queensland Parliament, Australia. It places the Queensland experience in historical context, as well as in the national and international context. The study is interesting, given that its gender representation has rocketed from one of the worst performing states in 2012 to one of the best performing in 2015 with further improvements in 2017. The state currently has a re-elected female Premier, a female Deputy Premier and a female-dominated cabinet – in fact, Queensland was the first ministry in Australia to have a majority of women in its Cabinet. However, it is unnecessary to dig far below these headlines to see that this is uncharacteristic of its history: progress towards this current position has been slow and patchy. The paper finds that matters such as the glass ceiling and the use of quotas explain women’s recent success in Queensland politics.

Keywords: feminist historical institutional approach, glass ceiling, quotas, women’s participation in politics

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Authors: Raja Rodziah Binti Raja Zainal Hassan

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The development of Malaysian political cinema is rapidly taking shape in the local film industry. The paper focuses on the production of independent political documentary by two Malaysian filmmakers, Amir Muhammad and Fahmi Reza. Revolutionary cinema can be understood by utilizing the Third Cinema Theory in order to analyse the meaning and its impact on the audience. The issue surrounding the political cinema in Malaysia is the question of national identity. The implementation of racial or ethnic based politics has resulted in hostility within Malaysia’s multiracial society. Amir Muhammad and Fahmi Reza revisit the Malaysian political history through their films in order to understand the reasons behind the hostility and conflict.

Keywords: Political cinema, third cinema theory, revolutionary cinema, national identity, racial or ethnic politics

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Authors: Gracia Lwanzo Kasongo

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In the realm of cultural heritage, few issues loom larger than the ongoing battle for restitution faced by European and African museums. In Belgium, this contentious process was set in motion by two pivotal events. Firstly, the resounding revelations of the French report on restitution, which boldly declared that 'over 90% of African cultural heritage resides outside of Africa Secondly, the seismic impact of the Black Lives Matter movement following the tragic death of George Floyd. These two events unleashed a wave of outrage among Afro-descendants, who viewed the possession of colonial collections as an enduring symbol of colonial dominance and a stark validation of the systemic racism deeply ingrained within Belgian society. The instrumentalization of cultural property as a means of wielding political power is by no means a novel concept. Its roots can be traced back to the constructed justifications that emerged in the 1950s, during which the Royal Museum for Central Africa in Tervuren played a pivotal role as the self-proclaimed 'guardian of Congolese cultural heritage'. This legacy of legitimizing colonial presence permeates the fabric of Belgium's museum reform policies and the structural management of museums in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC). Employing a dialectical approach, I embark on an exploration of the intricate historical interplay between the Royal Museum for Central Africa and the Institute of National Museums of Congo. From this vantage point, I delve into the arduous struggles faced by museums in both the DRC and Belgium as they grapple with the complex and contentious issue of cultural heritage restitution. Central to these struggles is the profound quest for meaning and (re)definition of museums, particularly for Congolese and Afro-descendant communities whose identities and narratives have long been marginalized and suppressed. As the narrative unfolds, I shed light on the prospects for cooperation that have emerged from my extensive fieldwork. Within the interplay of historical entanglements, struggles for restitution, and the search for a more inclusive and equitable museum landscape, glimmers of hope emerge. Collaborative efforts and potential avenues for mutual understanding between Belgium and the DRC begin to take shape, offering a beacon of possibility amidst the often tumultuous discourse surrounding cultural heritage.

Keywords: restitution, museum stuggles, belgium, DRCongo

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Authors: Pooja Bakshi

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In the following paper, an attempt would be made to engage with the relationship between the state and the imperatives of security from a gendered lens. This will be juxtaposed with the feminist engagement with International Law. Theorizations from the literature on South Asian politics and Global politics would be applied to the manner in which the Indian state has defined and proposed to deal with concerns of internal security pertaining to the ‘Left Wing Extremism’ in 2010-2011. It would be argued that the state needs to be disaggregated into the legislature, executive and the judiciary; since there are times when some institutional parts of the state provide space for progressive democratic engagement whilst other institutions don’t. The specific contours of violence faced by women and children at the hands of the state, in the above-mentioned discourse would also be examined. In the end, implications of the security state discourse on debates in International Law would be elaborated.

Keywords: feminist engagement, human rights, state response to left extremism, security studies in South Asia

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Authors: Ibrahim Elshaer, Samar Kamel

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Organizational politics (OP) has received a great deal of attention in the management literature due to its popularity, mystery, and potential advantages for those how can use it. It involves the use of power and social networks within an organization to promote interests and gain potential benefits. Its implication for human resource (HR) management decisions is heretofore one of its least studied aspects, and awaits further investigation. Therefore, it is our intention to investigate certain relations between organizational politics and the validity of HR decisions in addition to the expected dysfunctional consequences. The study is undertaken on two HR management practices- Performance appraisal (measured by the distributive justice scale) and downsizing- depending on data gathered from the hotel industry in Egypt; a developing Non-Western country, in which Political practices of HR management are common in public and private organizations. Data was obtained from a survey of 600 employees in the Egyptian hotel industry. A total of 500 responses were attained. 100 uncompleted questionnaires were excluded leaving 400 usable with response rate of around 80%. Structural equation modeling (SEM) was employed to test the causal relationship between the research variables. The analysis of the current study data reveals that organizational politics is negatively linked to the perception of distributive justice of performance appraisal, additionally, the perception of distributive justice in performance appraisal is positively linked to the perception of validity in the downsizing decisions and finally the perception of OP is negatively linked to the perception of downsizing decisions validity. This study makes three important contributions. First although there have been several studies on OP, the majority of these studies have focused on examining its effect on employees’ attitudes in workplace. This empirical study helps in identifying the influence of OP on the effectiveness and success of HR decisions and accordingly the organizational system. Second, it draws attention to OP as an important phenomenon that influence HR management in hospitality industry, since empirical evidences concerning OP in the hospitality management literature are meager. Third, this study contributes to the existing downsizing literature by examining OP and low distributive justice as challenges of the effectiveness of the downsizing process. Finally, to the best of the authors’ knowledge, no empirical study in the tourism and hospitality management literature has examined the effect of OP and distributive justice on the workplace using data gathered from the hotel industry in Egypt; a developing non-Western setting.

Keywords: organizational politics, performance appraisal, downsizing, structural equation modeling, hotel industry

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Authors: Baljit Soroya

Abstract:

Transnational communities are as a consequence of greater mobility of people, globalization and digitization have had a major impact on international relations and diasporas in the context of external conflicts. To a significant extent conflicts are becoming deterritorialised and informed by both internal (state politics) and external (foreign policy) players such as in Iraq and Syria leading to forced migration of unprecedented levels within the last two decades. The situation of forced migrants has, it is suggested, worsened as a consequence of the neo-liberal policies and requirements of organizations such as the European Bank. A case example of this being that of Greece, and the exacerbation of insecurity for Greek nationals and the demonization of refugees seeking sanctuary. This has been as a consequence, in part, of the neoliberal dogma of the European Bank. The article analyses the complex intersection of the real and perceived threats of international terrorism and the manner in which UK migration policy and Practice is unfolding. The policy and practice developments are explored in the context of the shift in politics in both the UK and wider Europe to the far right and the drift of main stream political parties to the right. In many cases, the mainstream political groupings, have co-opted the fears as presented by far right organization for political their own political gains, such as in the UK and France In its analysis it will be argued that, whilst international terrorism is an issue of concern, however in the context of the UK it is not of the same scale as the effects of climate change or indeed domestic violence. Given that, the question has to be asked why the threat of international terrorism is having such an impact on UK migration policy and practice and, specifically refugees. Furthermore, it is argued that this policy and practice are being formulated within a narrative that portrays migrants as the problem both in relation to terrorism and the disenfranchisement of ‘ordinary white communities’. The intersectionality of social, economic inequalities, fear of international terrorism, increase in conflicts and the political climate have contributed to a lack of trust of political establishments that have in turn sought to impress the public with their anti-immigrant rhetoric and policy agendas. The article ends by suggesting that whilst politics and political affiliations have become fractured there are nevertheless spaces for collective action, particularly in relation to issues of refugees.

Keywords: international terrorism, migration policy, conflict, media, community, politics

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Authors: Narender Banwala

Abstract:

The study critically evaluates that the politics of foreign aid and its effect on Afghanistan. The study argues that dynamics of foreign aid to Afghanistan are not driven solely by the Afghan political, social, and economic realities but much more by the ephemeral political goals of international donor countries. The objective of this paper is to find out the political reality of foreign aid given to Afghanistan in a post 9/11 era. The study analyses the gap between the donor countries' interests and the Afghan government's priorities in aid coordination and management. The aid given to Afghanistan has been accompanied by the political interests of the major powers and therefore violated the core principles of humanitarianism, i.e., humanity, impartiality, neutrality, and independence. This research attempts to explain the areas which are of high priority, extremely vulnerable, and have been a neglected part since 2001. The study focuses on how as a result of politicization, foreign aid could not yield the expected results even after prolong presence of international donors in Afghanistan. Methodologically, the study includes both qualitative and quantitative data, which are collected by interviews with government officials and other government documents.

Keywords: Afganistan, aid, politics, security

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