Search results for: permissibility

Authors: Ahmad Syauqi

Abstract:

This paper analyzes the permissibility of demonstrations against a leader's decision, policies, as well as statements against Islamic values from an Islamic point of view. Recorded at the end of 2016, a large demonstration in Jakarta involving many people, mostly from Muslim society against the former Governor of Jakarta, Basuki Tjahaja Purnama, was considered a form of harm to the value of harmony and the unity of religious communities in Indonesia. Hence, this paper aims to answer the question that became a tough discussion and a long debate among Indonesian Muslims after an immense demonstration known as the 212 movements, ‘how exactly Islam sees such act of demonstration?’. Is there any particular historical source in Islamic history that mention information related to demonstration? A phenomenological qualitative method was implemented throughout the process of this research to study the perspective of various Muslims scholars by reviewing, and comparing their opinions through the classical source of Islamic history and Hadith literature. One of the main roots of this extensive debate is due to the extremist group, which bans all forms of demonstration, assuming that such acts had come from the West and unknown culture in the Islamic history. In addition, they also claim that all the demonstrators are Bughat. While some other groups, freely declare that demonstration can be done anytime and anywhere, without specific terms and regulations associated. The findings of this research illustrate that the protests which we now know of today, in terms of demonstration had existed since ancient times, even from the time of the prophet Muhammad (peace be upon him). This paper reveals that there is a strong evidence that demonstration is justified in Islamic law and has a historical root. This can, therefore, be a proposition of such permissibility. However, there are still a number of things one has to be aware of when it comes to the demonstration, and clearly, not all demonstrations are legal from the Islamic perspective.

Keywords: Basuki Tjahaja Purnama, demonstration, Muslim scholars, protest

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Authors: Adi Levy

Abstract:

Military and security personnel defections during nonviolent resistance (NVR) campaigns are recognized as an effective way of undermining the regime’s power, but they also may generate moral dilemmas that contradict the moral standing of NVR tactics. NVR campaigns have been primarily praised for their adherence to moral and legal norms, yet some of NVR tactics raise serious ethical concerns. This paper focuses on NVR tactics that seek to promote defections and disobedience within military and security personnel to sustain their campaign. Academic literature regarding NVR tactics indicates that compared to violent forms of resistance, defections are more likely to occur when security forces confront nonviolent activists. Indeed, defections play a strategically fundamental role in nonviolent campaigns, particularly against authoritarian regimes, as it enables activists to undermine the regime’s central pillars of support. This study examines the events of the Arab Spring and discusses the ethical problems that arise in nonviolent activists’ promotion of defections and disobedience. The cases of Syria and Egypt suggest that the strategic promotion of defections and disobedience was significantly effective in sustaining the campaign. Yet, while such defections enhance nonviolent activists’ resilience, how they are promoted can be morally contentious and the consequences can be dire. Defections are encouraged by social, moral and emotional appeals that use the power disparities between unarmed civilians and powerful regimes to affect soldiers and security personnel’s process of decision-making. In what is commonly referred to as dilemma action, nonviolent activists deliberately entangle security forces in a moral dilemma that compels them to follow a moral code to protect unarmed civilians. In this way, activists sustain their struggle and even gain protection. Nonviolent activists are likely to be completely defeated when confronted with armed forces. Therefore they rely on the military and security personnel’s moral conscious of convincing them to refrain from using force against them. While this is effective, it also leaves soldiers and security forces exposed to the implications and punishments that might follow their disobedience or defection. As long as they remain nonviolent, activists enjoy civilian immunity despite using morally contentious tactics. But the severe implications brought upon defectors. As a result, demand a deep examination of this tactic’s moral permissibility and a discussion that assesses culpability for the moral implications of its application.

Keywords: culpability, defections, nonviolence, permissibility

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Authors: Sulaiman Ahmed

Abstract:

This paper will analyse the classical Islamic text in order to determine whether the Arab spring was a rebellion or a revolution. Commencing in 2010, we saw a series of revolutions or what some would call rebellions throughout the Arab peninsula. Many of the religious clergies came out emphatically in support of the people who wanted to overthrow the leaders. This brought forth the important question about the acceptability of rebelling against unjust leaders in Islamic theological texts. The paper will look to analyse the Islamic legal and theological position on the permissibility of rebelling, whether there is scholarly consensus on the issue, and how the texts are analysed in order to come to the current position we have today. The position of the clergy who supported the Arab spring will also be analysed in order to deduce if their position falls within the religious framework. An inquiry will be about to determine the ideology of those who joined the rebellion after the inception and whether these ideas can be found in classical Islamic texts. The nuances of these positions will be analysed in order to determine whether what we witnessed was a rebellion or a revolution.

Keywords: rebellion, revolution, Arab spring, scholarly consensus

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Authors: Saheed Biodun Qaasim-Badmusi

Abstract:

A lot has been written on peaceful co-existence with non-Muslims in Islam, but little attention is paid to the conflict between Ahadith relating to dissociation from non-Muslims as a kernel of Islamic faith, and the one indicating peaceful co-existence with them. Undoubtedly, proper understanding of seemingly contradictory prophetic traditions is an antidote to the bane of pervasive extremism in our society. This is what calls for need to shed light on ‘Harmonization of Conflict Ahadith between Dissociation and Peaceful Co-existence with Non-Muslims. It is in view of the above that efforts are made in this paper to collate Ahadith pertaining to dissociation from non-Muslims as well as co-existence with them. Consequently, a critical study of their authenticity is briefly explained before proceeding to analysis of their linguistic and contextual meanings. To arrive at the accurate interpretation, harmonization is graphically applied. The result shows that dissociation from non –Muslims as a bedrock of Islamic faith could be explained in Sunnah by prohibition of participating or getting satisfaction from their religious matters, and anti-Islamic activities. Also, freedom of apostasy, ignoring da`wah with wisdom and seeking non-Muslims support against Muslims are frowned upon in Sunnah as phenomenon of dissociation from non –Muslims. All the aforementioned are strictly prohibited in Sunnah whether under the pretext of enhancing peaceful co-existence with non-Muslims or not. While peaceful co-existence with non-Muslims is evidenced in Sunnah by permissibility of visiting the sick among them, exchange of gift with them, forgiving the wrong among them, having good relationship with non-Muslim neighbours, ties of non-Muslim kinship, legal business transaction with them and the like. Finally, the degree of peaceful co-existence with non-Muslims is determined by their attitude towards Islam and Muslims.

Keywords: Ahadith, conflict, co-existence, non-Muslims

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Authors: Hanna Schübel, Ivo Wallimann-Helmer

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In order to reach the goal of the Paris Agreement to not overshoot 1.5°C of warming above pre-industrial levels, various countries including the UK and Switzerland have committed themselves to net zero emissions by 2050. The employment of negative emission technologies (NETs) is very likely going to be necessary for meeting these national objectives as well as other internationally agreed climate targets. NETs are methods of removing carbon from the atmosphere and are thus a means for addressing climate change. They range from afforestation to technological measures such as direct air capture and carbon storage (DACCS), where CO2 is captured from the air and stored underground. As all so-called geoengineering technologies, the development and deployment of NETs are often subject to moral hazard arguments. As these technologies could be perceived as an alternative to mitigation efforts, so the argument goes, they are potentially a dangerous distraction from the main target of mitigating emissions. We think that this is a dangerous argument to make as it may hinder the development of NETs which are an essential element of net zero emission targets. In this paper we argue that the moral hazard argument is only problematic if we do not reflect upon which levels of emissions are at stake in order to meet net zero emissions. In response to the moral hazard argument we develop an account of which levels of emissions in given societies should be mitigated and not be the target of NETs and which levels of emissions can legitimately be a target of NETs. For this purpose, we define four different levels of emissions: the current level of individual emissions, the level individuals emit in order to appear in public without shame, the level of a fair share of individual emissions in the global budget, and finally the baseline of net zero emissions. At each level of emissions there are different subjects to be assigned responsibilities if societies and/or individuals are committed to the target of net zero emissions. We argue that all emissions within one’s fair share do not demand individual mitigation efforts. The same holds with regard to individuals and the baseline level of emissions necessary to appear in public in their societies without shame. Individuals are only under duty to reduce their emissions if they exceed this baseline level. This is different for whole societies. Societies demanding more emissions to appear in public without shame than the individual fair share are under duty to foster emission reductions and are not legitimate to reduce by introducing NETs. NETs are legitimate for reducing emissions only below the level of fair shares and for reaching net zero emissions. Since access to NETs to achieve net zero emissions demands technology not affordable to individuals there are also no full individual responsibilities to achieve net zero emissions. This is mainly a responsibility of societies as a whole.

Keywords: climate change, mitigation, moral hazard, negative emission technologies, responsibility

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Authors: Waqas Abrar

Abstract:

Background: Pakistan is confronted with a formidable challenge to increase uptake of modern contraceptive methods. USAID, through its flagship Maternal and Child Survival Program (MCSP), in Pakistan is determined to support provincial Departments of Health and Population Welfare to increase the country's contraceptive prevalence rates (CPR) in Sindh, Punjab and Balochistan to achieve FP2020 goals. To inform program design and planning, a Rapid Situation Assessment (RSA) of family planning was carried out in Rawalpindi and Lahore districts in Punjab and Karachi district in Sindh. Methodology: The methodology consisted of comprehensive desk review of available literature and used a qualitative approach comprising of in-depth interviews (IDIs) and focus group discussions (FGDs). FGDs were conducted with community women, men, and mothers-in-law whereas IDIs were conducted with health facility in-charges/chiefs, healthcare providers, and community health workers. Results: Some of the oft-quoted reasons captured during desk review included poor quality of care at public sector facilities, affordability and accessibility in rural communities and providers' technical incompetence. Moreover, providers had inadequate knowledge of contraceptive methods and lacked counseling techniques; thereby, leading to dissatisfied clients and hence, discontinuation of contraceptive methods. These dissatisfied clients spread the myths and misconceptions about contraceptives in their respective communities which seriously damages community-level family planning efforts. Private providers were found reluctant to insert Intrauterine Contraceptive Devices (IUCDs) due to inadequate knowledge vis-à-vis post insertion issues/side effects. FGDs and IDIs unveiled multi-faceted reasons for poor contraceptives uptake. It was found that low education and socio-economic levels lead to low contraceptives uptake and mostly uneducated women rely on condoms provided by Lady Health Workers (LHWs). Providers had little or no knowledge about postpartum family planning or lactational amenorrhea. At community level family planning counseling sessions organized by LHWs and Male Mobilizers do not sensitize community men on permissibility of contraception in Islam. Many women attributed their physical ailments to the use of contraceptives. Lack of in-service training, job-aids and Information, Education and Communications (IEC) materials at facilities seriously comprise the quality of care in effective family planning service delivery. This is further compounded by frequent stock-outs of contraceptives at public healthcare facilities, poor data quality, false reporting, lack of data verification systems and follow-up. Conclusions: Some key conclusions from this assessment included capacity building of healthcare providers on long acting reversible contraceptives (LARCs) which give women contraception for a longer period. Secondly, capacity building of healthcare providers on postpartum family planning is an enormous challenge that can be best addressed through institutionalization. Thirdly, Providers should be equipped with counseling skills and techniques including inculcation of pros and cons of all contraceptive methods. Fourthly, printed materials such as job-aids and Information, Education and Communications (IEC) materials should be disseminated among healthcare providers and clients. These concluding statements helped MCSP to make informed decisions with regard to setting broad objectives of project and were duly approved by USAID.

Keywords: capacity building, contraceptive prevalence rate, family planning, Institutionalization, Pakistan, postpartum care, postpartum family planning services

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