Search results for: political determinants

Authors: Ester B. Onag, Manuel Morga, Belen Tangco

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Evidence-based research attested that Climate Change is a global phenomenon that has a massive impact on the economy, the government and the people. To minimize its impact, the national government must undertake social orders to ensure the needs of the people by implementing developmental policies that provide adequate social service to improve the quality of life for all. This research attempts to evaluate the political accountability of the Sangguniang Barangay of Malabon on its readiness for climate change. Which, the theory of decentralization takes an active participation, where the the national policies for climate change are adopted by local ordinances and it is enforced, monitored, and reported through the Barangay ordinance enacted by the Sangguniang Barangay. This paper also analyzes certain factors anchored on the political accountability of the Sangguniang Barangay which determines the state of their readiness in climate change, such as the gravity of their accountability which extends beyond the lines of their responsibility as stated in the local government code. It also evaluated the degree of their capabilities in actual legislation, the nature of their prioritization through their enacted ordinances and the extent of participation from different stakeholders of barangay such as the sectoral representatives and the citizens in which their participation is a means that leads to community awareness.

Keywords: climate change, local government, Sangguniang Barangay, government

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Authors: Helyeh Doutaghi

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In 2005, the doctrine of Responsibility to Protect (R2P) was created by the UN Member States agreeing to not only to have the primary responsibility to protect their civilians from genocide, war crimes, crimes against humanity and ethnic cleansing, but also to be responsible towards those civilians whose State was found manifestly failing in that regard. This paper will assess the doctrine of R2P and will argue that R2P too, just like humanitarian intervention, suffers from a lack of legal basis and political will to implement it. Or better said, it is being selectively used by the hegemon’s power to achieve its political will. In doing so, the origin and development shall be explained. Furthermore, it will be submitted that R2P has failed to achieve its purpose due to the unresolved Security Council’s deadlock. Lastly, the concept of legal morality entailed in R2P and its use in real life cases since 2005 will be examined.

Keywords: responsibility to protect, humanitarian intervention, United Nations, legitimacy, legality

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Authors: Nadia Konstantina Zygouri

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This paper aims to provide a concise analysis of the symbolic nature of cinematic light portrayed in Apichatpong Weerasethakul's film Cemetery of Splendour (2015). The study explores the philosophical hypostasis of lighting mechanisms, the idea of which is based on political motives and, in addition, metaphysical theories originating from the Isan region of Thailand. In the film, the colourful hospital space and narcoleptic soldiers represent the deep and tumultuous history of the Thai nation, revealing a symbolic allegory through an incurable disease that the protagonists suffer from, addressing with this metaphor a collective political apathy. Specifically, the film follows Jen, a woman with a leg disability who takes care of Itt, an ex-soldier fallen into narcolepsy amidst a multi-coloured roomful of other comatose soldiers. The film's central theme, as well as the central setting, concerns an abandoned former school now used as a treatment clinic for military patients, each connected to a mechanism of light that can affect their dreams while sleeping. The audience later discovers from two mythological figures emerging from Thailand's ancient religious past that the hospital grounds are built over the ruins of an ancient kingdom's cemetery. The symbolic political implication is that ancient rulers have captured the soldiers’ spirits to fight their eternal battles, leaving their unconscious bodies in torpor, as similar politics of the past and present affect the nation to this day and enforce political apathy. In a contrasting tone, the colourful tubes are present to relieve the soldiers' symptoms and create better memories in their subconscious minds. As a result, the concluding argument of this hypothesis places Apichatpong's direction of cinematic light towards a philosophical and political commentary that, although derived from ancient national history, remains thoroughly contemporary.

Keywords: Apichatpong Weerasethakul, cemetery of Splendour, filmosophy, politics, aesthetics, direction of photography, light in cinema, metaphysics, visual philosophy

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Authors: Marie E. Docken

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At some point in the lifecycle of a country, patterns of political and social unrest of varying degrees are observed. Events involving public disorder or civil disobedience may produce effects that range a wide spectrum of varying outcomes, depending on the level of unrest. Many previous studies, primarily theoretical in nature, have attempted to measure public disorder in answering why or how it occurs in society by examining causal factors or underlying issues in the social or political position of a population. The main objective in doing so is to understand how these activities evolve or seek some predictive capability for the events. In contrast, this research involves the fusion of analytics and social studies to provide more knowledge of the public disorder and civil disobedience intensity in populations. With a greater understanding of the magnitude of these events, it is believed that we may learn how they relate to extreme actions such as mass migration or violence. Upon establishing a model for measuring civil unrest based upon empirical data, a case study on various Latin American countries is performed. Interpretations of historical events are combined with analytical results to provide insights regarding the magnitude and effect of social and political activism.

Keywords: public disorder, civil disobedience, Latin America, metrics, data analysis

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Authors: Tryphon Kollintzas, Lambros Pechlivanos

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In this paper, we formulate a general equilibrium theory that explains the existence and stability of democratically elected governments that support certain groups of individuals in society (insiders) to the detriment of everybody else (outsiders), even if the latter constitute a majority. The vehicle is a dynamic general equilibrium model, where insiders get monopoly rents and outsiders get less than what they would have gotten under a common good regime. We construct such political economy equilibria, and we identify the conditions under which such political regimes (coalitions of insiders): (a) can safeguard against opportunistic behavior (i.e., do not fall from within) and (b) may come to power in the first place (i.e., manage to get elected). To that end, we highlight the role of perception manipulation and self-serving bias as a gluing device to garner an electable coalition.

Keywords: insiders, coalition governments, stability, electability, politico-economic equilibrium, perceptions manipulation

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Authors: Fiza Azam, Sahar Zia, Fatima Nazir Ali, Aysha Hanif

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Health is a fundamental human right, and a healthy population is essential for the prosperity and sustainable development of any country. This research is aligned with United Nations' Goal 3: Good Health and Well-being. It aims to assess and rank key health indicators across selected South Asian countries. The study focuses on urban areas in these nations, drawing on data from the World Bank’s primary collection of relevant indicators and specific health determinants outlined by the World Health Organization (WHO). These determinants include the physical environment, income and social status, education, social support networks, and personal behavior. To evaluate disparities in urban health across the region, the Urban Health Index (UHI) developed by Georgia State University, USA, is employed, followed by a mapping technique including visualization through a choropleth map to identify the pattern of spatial variations in our key variables, such as socioeconomic indicators across the region. This index serves as a comparative tool to rank health outcomes, where higher UHI values indicate better health conditions. The findings reveal notable disparities across South Asia. Afghanistan, with the lowest UHI score of 0.0423, ranks first, indicating the least favorable urban health conditions. Pakistan follows with a UHI score of 0.1190. Bangladesh and India rank third and fourth with UHI scores of 0.3099 and 0.3250, respectively. The Maldives and Sri Lanka rank fifth and sixth, with UHI scores of 0.3432 and 0.3495. Bhutan is ranked seventh with a score of 0.4750. Nepal, with a UHI score of 0.5012, ranks eighth, indicating the best urban health conditions among the countries studied. The findings of this research are crucial for addressing health disparities, improving living conditions, and enhancing social well-being in the region. These insights can inform policy measures aimed at reducing inequalities and promoting sustainable urban health in South Asia.

Keywords: urban health index, health disparities, sustainable development, South Asia, World Health Organization, United Nations, living conditions, public health

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Authors: Henrique Rangel, Alexandre Fadel, Igor De Lazari, Bianca Neri, Carlos Bolonha

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This paper promotes a comparative analysis of American and Brazilian models of federalism assuming their levels of political centralization as main criterion. The central problem faced herein is the Brazilian approach of Unitarian regime. Although the hegemony of federative form after 1989, Brazil had a historical frame of political centralization that remains under the 1988 constitutional regime. Meanwhile, United States framed a federalism in which States absorb significant authorities. The hypothesis holds that the amount of alternative criteria of federalization – which can generate political centralization –, and the way they are upheld on judicial review, are crucial to understand the levels of political centralization achieved in each model. To test this hypothesis, the research is conducted by a methodology temporally delimited to 1994-2014 period. Three paradigmatic precedents of U.S. Supreme Court were selected: United States vs. Morrison (2000), on gender-motivated violence, Gonzales vs. Raich (2005), on medical use of marijuana, and United States vs. Lopez (1995), on firearm possession on scholar zones. These most relevant cases over federalism in the recent activity of Supreme Court indicates a determinant parameter of deliberation: the commerce clause. After observe the criterion used to permit or prohibit the political centralization in America, the Brazilian normative context is presented. In this sense, it is possible to identify the eventual legal treatment these controversies could receive in this Country. The decision-making reveals some deliberative parameters, which characterizes each federative model. At the end of research, the precedents of Rehnquist Court promote a broad revival of federalism debate, establishing the commerce clause as a secure criterion to uphold or not the necessity of centralization – even with decisions considered conservative. Otherwise, the Brazilian federalism solves them controversies upon in a formalist fashion, within numerous and comprehensive – sometimes casuistic too – normative devices, oriented to make an intense centralization. The aim of this work is indicate how jurisdictional federalism found in United States can preserve a consistent model with States robustly autonomous, while Brazil gives preference to normative mechanisms designed to starts from centralization.

Keywords: constitutional design, federalism, U.S. Supreme Court, legislative authority

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Authors: Scott Staring

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This paper critically examines the claim that Canada represents a uniquely ‘postnational’ model of political existence. Canadian political thinkers and politicians alike have played a role in casting their country as the vanguard of an order wherein national sovereignty is gradually being eclipsed, while political authority is increasingly integrated at the international level. Proponents of this view frequently cite as evidence Canada’s high number of foreign-born citizens, its official policy of multiculturalism, its ready embrace of international institutions, and its enthusiasm for international trade deals like NAFTA, CETA and the TPP. This paper builds on historical research to show that the postnationalist thesis has precedents in a Whig-inspired view of Canada that has long challenged the role of a strong central state in the country. An alternative portrait of Canada will be put forward, one that contests both the historical evidence for the Whig view as well as its theoretical presuppositions. The claim will be made that Canada’s celebrated diversity and openness is not the product of a nation-state in retreat; instead, it is largely the product of a strong and sovereign state that has intervened to create a sense of a shared concern amongst its citizens. Canada does indeed offer the world a model of cosmopolitanism, but it is a model that is rooted in the nation-state rather than its eclipse.

Keywords: Canada, cosmopolitanism, postnationalism, statism

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Authors: Vandana Mishra, Niladri Sekhar Dash, Jayshree Charkraborty

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This present paper focuses on the application of corpus linguistics techniques for critical discourse analysis (CDA) of Hindi newspapers. While Corpus linguistics is the study of language as expressed in corpora (samples) of 'real world' text, CDA is an interdisciplinary approach to the study of discourse that views language as a form of social practice. CDA has mainly been studied from a qualitative perspective. However, we can say that recent studies have begun combining corpus linguistics with CDA in analyzing large volumes of text for the study of existing power relations in society. The corpus under our study is also of a sizable amount (1 million words of Hindi newspaper texts) and its analysis requires an alternative analytical procedure. So, we have combined both the quantitative approach i.e. the use of corpus techniques with CDA’s traditional qualitative analysis. In this context, we have focused on the Keyword Analysis Sorting Concordance Lines of the selected Keywords and calculating collocates of the keywords. We have made use of the Wordsmith Tool for all these analysis. The analysis starts with identifying the keywords in the political news corpus when compared with the main news corpus. The keywords are extracted from the corpus based on their keyness calculated through statistical tests like chi-squared test and log-likelihood test on the frequent words of the corpus. Some of the top occurring keywords are मोदी (Modi), भाजपा (BJP), कांग्रेस (Congress), सरकार (Government) and पार्टी (Political party). This is followed by the concordance analysis of these keywords which generates thousands of lines but we have to select few lines and examine them based on our objective. We have also calculated the collocates of the keywords based on their Mutual Information (MI) score. Both concordance and collocation help to identify lexical patterns in the political texts. Finally, all these quantitative results derived from the corpus techniques will be subjectively interpreted in accordance to the CDA’s theory to examine the ways in which political news discourse produces social and political inequality, power abuse or domination.

Keywords: critical discourse analysis, corpus linguistics, Hindi newspapers, power relations

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Authors: Iulia Elena Gîță

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According to the sociological theory of literature, constraints on the creation and share of cultural works can be placed between two extremes: one with a high level of politicization and the other with a high level of commercialization. The overall objective of the present research is to follow the principles of Sociology of Translation to closely map and analyse the publishing activity of Romania concerning China and Chinese literature during four stages of Romanian history between 1948-2018. This paper proposes, thus, an extended approach to literature, to its cultural, political and economic reception. In achieving the proposed objectives, the research expands far beyond the literary text itself, to its macro context, analysing, through quantitative research methods, a statistical database created based on two phases - the first part containing literary and non-fictional works that address and discuss issues related to China; the second part includes literary translations of Chinese literature into Romanian, either by direct translation or by an intermediate language. Throughout this paper we will map not only the number of works, but also the topics approached by writers along the two periods of the political life of Romania.

Keywords: bilateral relations, Chinese literature, intercultural understanding, international relations, socio-cultural reception, socio-political constraints, publishing

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Authors: Ashenafi Ayele, Shewit Haftu, Tesfalem Araya

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Background: “Post-psychotic depression”, “post schizophrenic depression”, and “secondary depression” have been used to describe the occurrence of depressive symptoms during the chronic phase of schizophrenia. Post-psychotic depression is the most common cause of death due to suicide in schizophrenia patients. Overall lifetime risk for patients with schizophrenia is 50% for suicide attempts and 9-13% lifetime risk for completed suicide and also it is associated with poor prognosis and poor quality of life. Objective: To assess determinant of post psychotic depression in schizophrenia patients ACSH and Mekelle General Hospital, Tigray Ethiopia 2019. Methods: An institutional based unmatched case control study was conducted among 69 cases and 138 controls with the ratio of case to control 1 ratio 2. The sample is calculated using epi-info 3.1 to assess the determinant factors of post-psychotic depression in schizophrenia patients. The cases were schizophrenia patients who have been diagnosed at least for more than one-year stable for two months, and the controls are any patients who are diagnosed as schizophrenia patients. Study subjects were selected using a consecutive sampling technique. The Calgary depression scale for schizophrenia self-administered questionnaire was used. Before the interview, it was assessed the client’s capacity to give intended information using a scale called the University of California, San Diego Brief Assessment of Capacity to Consent (UBACC). Bivariant and multiple Logistic regression analysis was performed to determine between the independent and dependent variables. The significant independent predictor was declared at 95% confidence interval and P-value of less than 0.05. Result: Females were affected by post psychotic depression with the (AOR=2.01, 95%CI: 1.003- 4.012, P= 0.49).Patients who have mild form of positive symptom of schizophrenia affected by post psychotic depression with (AOR =4.05, 95%CI: 1.888- 8.7.8, P=0001).Patients who have minimal form of negative symptom of schizophrenia are affected by post psychotic depression with (AOR =4.23, 95%CI: 1.081-17.092, P=.038). Conclusion: In this study, sex (female) and presence of positive and negative symptoms of schizophrenia were significantly associated. It is recommended that the post psychotic depression should be assessed in every schizophrenia patient to decrease the severity of illness, and to improve patient’s quality of life.

Keywords: determinants, post-psychotic depression, Mekelle city

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Authors: Umar Hayat, Shahid Ali, Lala Rukh

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Foreign aid is one of the critical variables that promote economic growth. This paper is an attempt to examine the long-run relationship between foreign aid and economic growth for Pakistan over the period of 1972 to 2021. This study uses Johnson's co-integration technique to investigate the long-run relationship among the variables in the model. For short-run dynamics, we utilized the Error Correction Mechanism (ECM). The results strongly support the conventional view about aid-led growth. The analysis of the impact of aid on growth both at the micro and the macro levels generally gives different results. The result shows that in the short run inference of foreign aid under the nondemocratic form of government is significant negatively, while foreign aid does not affect economic growth in the case of democratic government.

Keywords: foreign aid, economic growth, political regimes, developing economy

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Authors: Jorge Cortés, Alejandra Martínez, Carlos Pérez, Anaid Simón

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The presence of government, news media, and general citizenry in social media allows considering interactions between them as a form of political communication (i.e. the public exchange of contradictory discourses about politics). Twitter’s asymmetrical following model (users can follow, mention or reply to other users that do not follow them) could foster alternative democratic practices and have an impact on Mexican political culture, which has been marked by a lack of direct communication channels between these actors. The research aim is to assess Twitter’s role in political communication practices through the analysis of interaction dynamics between government, news media, and citizens by extracting and visualizing data from Twitter’s API to observe general behavior patterns. The hypothesis is that regardless the fact that Twitter’s features enable direct and horizontal interactions between actors, users repeat traditional dynamics of interaction, without taking full advantage of the possibilities of this medium. Through an interdisciplinary team including Communication Strategies, Information Design, and Interaction Systems, the activity on Twitter generated by the controversy over the presence of Uber in Mexico City was analysed; an issue of public interest, involving aspects such as public opinion, economic interests and a legal dimension. This research includes techniques from social network analysis (SNA), a methodological approach focused on the comprehension of the relationships between actors through the visual representation and measurement of network characteristics. The analysis of the Uber event comprised data extraction, data categorization, corpus construction, corpus visualization and analysis. On the recovery stage TAGS, a Google Sheet template, was used to extract tweets that included the hashtags #UberSeQueda and #UberSeVa, posts containing the string Uber and tweets directed to @uber_mx. Using scripts written in Python, the data was filtered, discarding tweets with no interaction (replies, retweets or mentions) and locations outside of México. Considerations regarding bots and the omission of anecdotal posts were also taken into account. The utility of graphs to observe interactions of political communication in general was confirmed by the analysis of visualizations generated with programs such as Gephi and NodeXL. However, some aspects require improvements to obtain more useful visual representations for this type of research. For example, link¬crossings complicates following the direction of an interaction forcing users to manipulate the graph to see it clearly. It was concluded that some practices prevalent in political communication in Mexico are replicated in Twitter. Media actors tend to group together instead of interact with others. The political system tends to tweet as an advertising strategy rather than to generate dialogue. However, some actors were identified as bridges establishing communication between the three spheres, generating a more democratic exercise and taking advantage of Twitter’s possibilities. Although interactions in Twitter could become an alternative to political communication, this potential depends on the intentions of the participants and to what extent they are aiming for collaborative and direct communications. Further research is needed to get a deeper understanding on the political behavior of Twitter users and the possibilities of SNA for its analysis.

Keywords: interaction, political communication, social network analysis, Twitter

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Authors: Ali Musbah Mohamed Elwahishi

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Democracy is demand for the majority of people in the whole world, Specifically in the regions that are still outside the democratic life such as Libya and other Arab countries. Although democracy has spread across the world through three waves of democratization, Libya is still outside the democratic process, even recently its regime has changed. The challenges of democracy in Libya are not new, they represent accumulations over time that impeded to achieve this goal. This paper concludes that the absence of democracy in Libya because of set of factors that include: colonial legacy, oil wealth, the lack of institutions, the lack of political parties, tribal factor and recently the spread of the armed groups. These factors prevented Libya to be democratic state whether during King Idris’, Qaddafi’s or even after Qaddafi rule.

Keywords: the failure of democracy, political transition, the lack of institutions, Libya, Arab countries

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Authors: Abdul Wahab Rahimi

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This research examines the role of discursive strategies in the politics of self-censorship in Afghanistan, where political pressure, press freedom, and independent media work together, and language plays a vital role in implementing these strategies. Critical Discourse Analysis was conducted to describe the connection between language usage and the exercise of power by analyzing news stories related to women’s rights. This research focuses on 11 months of chronologically collected data from two mainstream television channels in Afghanistan: Tolo News and Ariana News. The findings show that Tolo News sustains and justifies juxtaposition and political critics’ discursive strategies to address women’s rights issues, criticize government policies, and deal with political pressure. At the same time, Ariana News follows the factual narrative strategy, practices self-censorship, and skips or partially focuses on the objective reporting of sensitive issues. The research concludes that the domestic media in Afghanistan follows the media policy of the Islamic Emirate of Afghanistan by covering sensitive issues and marginalizing women's rights issues in the media discourse.

Keywords: discursive strategies, Taliban, TV Channel, news stories, self-censorship, women's rights.

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Authors: Tao Peng

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This paper presents a holistic model of political economy based on Daoism – the foundational philosophy of classical Chinese epistemology. Daoism is both comprehensive and subtle in its manifestations and applications in all aspects of nature and society. Based on Daoist creation theory of the universe, life theory and five element functioning theory, a holistic model in economics with minimal assumptions and independent of ideology are constructed. Under this framework, different schools of economics, such as neo-liberal, Marxism, and Austrian school, are explored and shed new light on. Economic and financial predictions can be realized in applications to Qi Men Dun Jia. This framework can provide guidelines and inspirations to economic modelling, economic policies formulation and strategy development and guide society towards a more sustainable future.

Keywords: daoism, economics, holistic, philosophy

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Authors: Izabela Kapsa

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Civic participation is an important aspect of democracy. The contemporary model of democracy is based on citizens' participation in political decision-making (deliberative democracy, participatory democracy). This participation takes many forms of activities like display of slogans and symbols, voting, social consultations, political demonstrations, membership in political parties or organizing civil disobedience. The countries of Central and Eastern Europe after 1989 are characterized by great social, economic and political diversity. Civil society is also part of the process of democratization. Civil society, funded by the rule of law, civil rights, such as freedom of speech and association and private ownership, was to play a central role in the development of liberal democracy. Among the many interpretations of concepts, defining the concept of contemporary democracy, one can assume that the terms civil society and democracy, although different in meaning, nowadays overlap. In the post-communist countries, the process of shaping and maturing societies took place in the context of a struggle with a state governed by undemocratic power. State fraud or repudiation of the institution is a representative state, which in the past was the only way to manifest and defend its identity, but after the breakthrough became one of the main obstacles to the development of civil society. In Central and Eastern Europe, there are many obstacles to the development of civil society, for example, the elimination of economic poverty, the implementation of educational campaigns, consciousness-related obstacles, the formation of social capital and the deficit of social activity. Obviously, civil society does not only entail an electoral turnout but a broader participation in the decision-making process, which is impossible without direct and participative democratic institutions. This article considers such broad forms of civic participation and their characteristics in Central and Eastern Europe. The paper is attempts to analyze the functioning of electronic forms of civic participation in Central and Eastern European states. This is not accompanied by a referendum or a referendum initiative, and other forms of political participation, such as public consultations, participative budgets, or e-Government. However, this paper will broadly present electronic administration tools, the application of which results from both legal regulations and increasingly common practice in state and city management. In the comparative analysis, the experiences of post-communist bloc countries will be summed up to indicate the challenges and possible goals for further development of this form of citizen participation in the political process. The author argues that for to function efficiently and effectively, states need to involve their citizens in the political decision-making process, especially with the use of electronic tools.

Keywords: Central and Eastern Europe, e-participation, e-government, post-communism

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Authors: Xuanyu Bai

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“The Communist Manifesto”, written by Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels, is one of the most significant documents throughout the whole history which covers across different fields including Economic, Politic, Sociology and Philosophy. Instead of discussing the Communist ideas presented in the Communist Manifesto, the essay focuses on exploring the reasons that contributed to the popularization of the document and its influence on political revolutions in 19^th century Europe by concentrating on the document itself along with other primary and secondary sources and temporal artwork. Combining the details from the Communist Manifesto and other documents, Marx’s writing style and word choice, his convincible notions about a new society dominated by proletariats, and the revolutionary idea of class destruction has led to the popularization of the Communist Manifesto and influenced the latter political revolutions.

Keywords: communist manifesto, Marx, Engels, capitalism

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Authors: E. Grochowska-Niedworok, K. Brukało, M. Kardas

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The aim of this study was to analyze and evaluate the consumption of functional food by consumers by: age, sex, formal education level, place of residence and diagnosed diseases. The study employed an ad hoc questionnaire in a group of 300 inhabitants of Upper Silesia voivodship. Knowledge of functional food among the group covered in the study was far from satisfactory. The choice of functional food was of intuitive character. In addition, the group covered was more likely to choose pharmacotherapy instead of diet-related prevention then, which can be associated with presumption of too distant effects and a long period of treatment.

Keywords: consumer choice, functional food, healthy lifestyle, consumer knowledge

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Authors: Vithul Kalki

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The mainstream political economy failed to explain the nature and causes of systemic failures and thus to compare and comprehend how contemporary capitalist systems work. An alternative research framework of Critical Macro-Finance (CMF) is an attempt to collaborate political theory with post-Keynesian economics with an objective to find answers to unresolved questions that emerged since the international financial crisis and repeated failures of capital systems. This unorthodox approach brings out four main propositions, namely : (a) that the adoption of American financial practices has anchored financial globalization in market-based finance; (b) that global finance is a set of interconnected, hierarchical balance sheets, increasingly subject to time-critical liquidity; (c) that credit creation in market-based finance involves new forms of money; and (d) that market-based finance structurally requires a de-risking state capable both of protecting systemic liabilities and creating new investment opportunities. The ongoing discussion of CMF literature is yet to be tested or even fully framed. This qualitative paper will critically examine the CMF framework and will engage in discussions aiming to connect the CMF with theories of capitalism in a wider context to bring a holistic approach for analyzing contemporary financial capitalism.

Keywords: critical macro-finance, capitalism, financial system, comparative political economy

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Authors: Sean Vincent

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Within the academic community, there is a consensus that political parties in established liberal democracies are facing a myriad of organisational challenges as a result of falling membership, weakening links to grass-roots support and rising voter apathy. During the same period of party decline and growing public disengagement political parties have become increasingly professionalised. The professionalisation of political parties owes much to changes in technology, with television becoming the dominant medium for political communication. In recent years, however, it has become clear that a new medium of communication is becoming utilised by political parties and candidates – New Media. New Media, a term hard to define but related to internet based communication, offers a potential revolution in political communication. It can be utilised by anyone with access to the internet and its most widely used platforms of communication such as Facebook and Twitter, are free to use. The advent of Web 2.0 has dramatically changed what can be done with the Internet. Websites now allow candidates at the constituency level to fundraise, organise and set out personalised policies. Social media allows them to communicate with supporters and potential voters practically cost-free. As such candidate dependency on the national party for resources and image now lies open to debate. Arguing that greater candidate independence may be a natural next step in light of the contemporary challenges faced by parties, this paper examines how New Media is being used by candidates at the constituency level to increase their personal vote. The paper will present findings from research carried out during two elections – the Japanese Lower House election of 2014 and the UK general election of 2015. During these elections a sample of candidates, totalling 150 candidates, from the three biggest parties in each country were selected and their new media output, specifically candidate websites, Twitter and Facebook output subjected to content analysis. The analysis examines how candidates are using new media to both become more functionally, through fundraising and volunteer mobilisation and politically, through the promotion of personal/local policies, independent from the national party. In order to validate the results of content analysis this paper will also present evidence from interviews carried out with 17 candidates that stood in the 2014 Japanese Lower House election or 2015 UK general election. With a combination of statistical analysis and interviews, several conclusions can be made about the use of New Media at constituency level. The findings show not just a clear difference in the way candidates from each country are using New Media but also differences within countries based upon the particular circumstances of each constituency. While it has not yet replaced traditional methods of fundraising and activist mobilisation, New Media is also becoming increasingly important in campaign organisation and the general consensus amongst candidates is that its importance will continue to grow along as politics in both countries becomes more diffuse.

Keywords: political campaigns, elections, new media, political communication

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Authors: Simon Oga Egboja, Agi Sunday

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The government of Nigeria have invested so much in our tertiary education but the desire qualitative goals and objectives are yet to be achieved because management at all level are not efficient and effective in implementing the desired educational policies and programmes due to some management challenges. This paper investigates some of the major challenges to effective management of tertiary institution in Nigeria some variable that are important to effective management includes political stability, adequate funding, establishment of information system, recruitment and appointment of qualified teachers and condition of service.

Keywords: effective management includes political stability, adequate funding, establishment of information system, recruitment and appointment of qualified teachers

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Authors: Wajiha Javed, Arsalan Jabbar, Nelofer Mehboob, Muhammad Tafseer, Zahid Memon

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Introduction: Researchers globally have strived to explore diverse factors that augment the continuation and uptake of family planning methods. Clients’ satisfaction is one of the core determinants facilitating continuation of family planning methods. There is a major debate yet scanty evidence to contrast public and private sectors with respect to client satisfaction. The objective of this study is to compare quality-of-care provided by public and private sectors of Pakistan through a client satisfaction lens. Methods: We used Pakistan Demographic Heath Survey 2012-13 dataset (Sindh province) on a total of 3133 Married Women of Reproductive Age (MWRA) aged 15-49 years. Source of family planning (public/private sector) was the main exposure variable. Outcome variable was client satisfaction judged by ten different dimensions of client satisfaction. Means and standard deviations were calculated for continuous variable while for categorical variable frequencies and percentages were computed. For univariate analysis, Chi-square/Fisher Exact test was used to find an association between clients’ satisfaction in public and private sectors. Ten different multivariate models were made. Variables were checked for multi-collinearity, confounding, and interaction, and then advanced logistic regression was used to explore the relationship between client satisfaction and dependent outcome after adjusting for all known confounding factors and results are presented as OR and AOR (95% CI). Results: Multivariate analyses showed that clients were less satisfied in contraceptive provision from private sector as compared to public sector (AOR 0.92,95% CI 0.63-1.68) even though the result was not statistically significant. Clients were more satisfied from private sector as compared to the public sector with respect to other determinants of quality-of-care (follow-up care (AOR 3.29, 95% CI 1.95-5.55), infection prevention (AOR 2.41, 95% CI 1.60-3.62), counseling services (AOR 2.01, 95% CI 1.27-3.18, timely treatment (AOR 3.37, 95% CI 2.20-5.15), attitude of staff (AOR 2.23, 95% CI 1.50-3.33), punctuality of staff (AOR 2.28, 95% CI 1.92-4.13), timely referring (AOR 2.34, 95% CI 1.63-3.35), staff cooperation (AOR 1.75, 95% CI 1.22-2.51) and complications handling (AOR 2.27, 95% CI 1.56-3.29).

Keywords: client satisfaction, family planning, public private partnership, quality of care

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Authors: Summer Isaacson

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Research on gender differences in environmental behavior has long claimed that women engage less than men in environmental political participation (EPP) (protests, petitions), despite their higher levels of environmental concern and vulnerability. Using recent data from the ISSP’s 2020 Environment module including 28 countries, we revisit the gender gap in EPP. Arguing that increasing gender equality and socio-economic development can allow women to voice their environmental grievances, we use multi-level models to examine the effects of macro-level gender equality on gender differences in environmental protests, petitions, and boycotts. By distinguishing individual from collective and non-confrontational from confrontational engagement forms, this study offers an encompassing understanding of gendered patterns of participation. Women do participate more than men, but mainly in individual and non-confrontational EPP forms (petitions, boycotts) and with substantial variation across countries. Moreover, considering how women have historically been restrained from participating in politics, we argue that structural gender inequality remains an important limitation to women’s engagement. Cross-level interactions indicate that in more egalitarian countries, women are more likely to engage in several types of EPP than men. The study offers new perspectives and findings on gender differences in EPP, highlighting the impact of gender inequality on women’s participation.

Keywords: environmental activism, political participation, gender equality, pro-environmental behavior

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Authors: Maria Barriga

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The article focuses on the analysis of three images of the last five years that represent different visions of social groups in the context of the so call “Conflicto Mapuche” in la Araucanía, Chile. Using a multimodal social semiotic approach, we analyze the meaning making of these images and the social groups strategies to achieve visibility and recognition in political contexts. We explore the making and appropriation of symbols and concepts and analyze the different strategies that groups use to built hegemonic views. Among these strategies, we compare the use of digital technologies in design these images and the influence of Chilean Estate's vision on the Mapuche political conflict. Finally, we propose visual strategies to improve basic conditions for dialogue and recognition among these groups.

Keywords: visual culture, power, conflict, indigenous people

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Authors: Zsuzsanna Fejes

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The aim of this paper is to provide an overview of the legal history of constitutionalism in Hungary, in focus of the democratic transitions in 1989-1990, describing the historical and political background of the changes and presenting the main and most important features of the new democracy, and institutional and legal orders. In Hungary the evolved political, economic and moral crisis prior to the constitutional years 2010-11 had been such a constitutional moment, which led to an opportune and unavoidable change at the same time. The Hungarian constitutional power intended to adopt a new constitution, which was competent to create a common constitutional identity and to express a national unity. The Hungarian Parliament on 18th April 2011 passed the New Fundamental Law. The new Fundamental Law rich in national values meant a new challenge for the academics, lawyers, and political scientists. Not only the classical political science, but also the constitutional law and theory have to struggle with the interpretation of the new declarations about national constitutional values in the Fundamental Law. The main features and structure of the new Fundamental Law will be analysed, and given a detailed interpretation of the Preamble as a declaration of constitutional values. During the examination of the Preamble shall be cleared up the components of Hungarian statehood and national unity, individual and common human rights, the practical and theoretical demand on national sovereignty, and the content and possibilities for the interpretation of the achievements of the historical Constitution. These scopes of problems will be presented during the examination of the text of National Avowal, as a preamble of the Fundamental Law. It is examined whether the Fundamental Law itself could be suitable and sufficient means to citizens of Hungary to express the ideas therein as their own, it will be analysed how could the national and European common traditions, values and principles stated in the Fundamental Law mean maintenance in Hungary’s participation in the European integration.

Keywords: common constitutional values, constitutionalism, national identity, national sovereignty, national unity, statehood

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Authors: Henok Yebyo Henok, Araya Abrha Araya, Alemayehu Bayray Alemayehu, Gelila Goba Gelila

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Background: Every year, an estimated 19–20 million unsafe abortions take place, almost all in developing countries, leading to 68,000 deaths and millions more injured many permanently. Many women throughout the world, experience more than one abortion in their lifetimes. Repeat abortion is an indicator of the larger problem of unintended pregnancy. This study aimed to identify determinants of repeat abortion in Tigray Region, Ethiopia. Methods: Unmatched case-control study was conducted in hospitals in Tigray Region, Northern Ethiopia, from November 2014 to June 2015. The sample included 105 cases and 204 controls, recruited from among women seeking abortion care at public hospitals. Clients having two or more abortions (“repeat abortion”) were taken as cases, and those who had a total of one abortion were taken as controls (“single abortion”). Cases were selected consecutive based on proportional to size allocation while systematic sampling was employed for controls. Data were analyzed using SPSS version 20.0. Binary and multiple variable logistic regression analyses were calculated with 95% CI. Results: Mean age of cases was 24 years (±6.85) and 22 years (±6.25) for controls. 79.0% of cases had their sexual debut in less than 18 years of age compared to 57% of controls. 42.2% of controls and 23.8% of cases cited rape as the reason for having an abortion. Study participants who did not understand their fertility cycle and when they were most likely to conceive after menstruation (adjusted odds ratio [AOR]=2.0, 95% confidence interval [CI]: 1.1-3.7), having a previous abortion using medication(AOR=3.3, CI: 1.83, 6.11), having multiple sexual partners in the preceding 12 months (AOR=4.4, CI: 2.39,8.45), perceiving that the abortion procedure is not painful (AOR=2.3, CI: 1.31,4.26), initiating sexual intercourse before the age of 18 years (AOR=2.7, CI: 1.49, 5.23) and disclosure to a third-party about terminating the pregnancy (AOR=2.1, CI: 1.2,3.83) were independent predictors of repeat abortion. Conclusion: This study identified several factors correlated with women having repeat abortions. It may be helpful for the Government of Ethiopia to encourage women to delay sexual debut and decrease their number of sexual partners, including by promoting discussion within families about sexuality, to decrease the occurrence of repeated abortion.

Keywords: abortion, Ethiopia, repeated abortion, single abortion

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Authors: Demelash Kassaye

Abstract:

The Ethiopia case study reveals a unique model of community policing that has developed from a particular political context in which there is a history of violent political transition, a political structure characterized by ethnic federalism and a political ideology that straddles liberal capitalism and democracy on the one hand, and state-led development and centralized control on the other. The police see community policing as a way to reduce crime. Communities speak about community policing as an opportunity to take on policing responsibilities themselves. Both of these objectives are brought together in an overarching rhetoric of community policing as a way of ‘mobilizing for development’ – whereby the community cooperate with the police to reduce crime, which otherwise inhibits development progress. Community policing in Amhara has primarily involved the placement of Community Police Officers at the kebele level across the State. In addition, a number of structures have also been established in the community, including Advisory Councils, Conflict Resolving Committees, family police and the use of shoe shiner’s and other trade associations as police informants. In addition to these newly created structures, community policing also draws upon pre-existing customary actors, such as militia and elders. Conflict Resolving Committees, Community Police Officers and elders were reported as the most common first ports of call when community members experience a crime. The analysis highlights that the model of community policing in Amhara increased communities’ access to policing services, although this is not always attended by increased access to justice. Community members also indicate that public perceptions of the police have improved since the introduction of community policing, in part due to individual Community Police Officers who have, with limited resources, innovated some impressive strategies to improve safety in their neighborhoods. However, more broadly, community policing has provided the state with more effective surveillance of the population – a potentially oppressive function in the current political context. Ultimately, community policing in Amhara is anything but straightforward. It has been a process of attempting to demonstrate the benefits of newfound (and controversial) ‘democracy’ following years of dictatorship, drawing on generations of customary dispute resolution, providing both improved access to security for communities and an enhanced surveillance capacity for the state. For external actors looking to engage in community policing, this case study reveals the importance of close analysis in assessing potential merits, risks and entry points of programming. Factors found to be central in shaping the nature of community policing in the Amhara case include the structure of the political system, state-society relations, cultures dispute resolution and political ideology.

Keywords: community policing, community, militias, ethiopia

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Authors: Wang Xingbo

Abstract:

Computation of determinant in the form |I-X| is primary and fundamental because it can help to compute many other determinants. This article puts forward a time-reducible approach to compute determinant |I-X|. The approach is derived from the Newton’s identity and its time complexity is no more than that to compute the eigenvalues of the square matrix X. Mathematical deductions and numerical example are presented in detail for the approach. By comparison with classical approaches the new approach is proved to be superior to the classical ones and it can naturally reduce the computational time with the improvement of efficiency to compute eigenvalues of the square matrix.

Keywords: algorithm, determinant, computation, eigenvalue, time complexity

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Authors: Elif Eroglu Hall, Nurdan Sevim

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The purposes of this research are to clarify the determinants of Muslim immigrants in consuming halal food by using components of Theory of Planned Behavior. The study was done by surveying Turkish immigrants living in Cologne Germany. The results of this study show that the intentions of Muslim Turkish immigrants in consuming halal food is influenced by attitude, subjective norms and perceived behavioral control.

Keywords: halal food, immigrants, religion, theory of planned behavior

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