Search results for: national(ist) discourse(s)

Authors: Srikanth Bade

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This paper discusses how the usage of social media has altered certain discourses and communicated with the political institutions for major actions in Indian scenario. The advent of new technology in the form of social media has engrossed the general public to discuss in the open forum. How they promulgated their ideas into action is captured in this study. Moreover, these discourses happening in the social media is analyzed from certain philosophical traditions by adopting a framework. Hence, this paper analyses the role of social media in political communication and change the political discourse. Also, this paper tries to address the issue that whether the deliberation made through social media had indeed communicated the issue of political matters to the decision making authorities.

Keywords: collective action and social capital, political communication, political discourse, social media

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Authors: Yaroslav Alexandrovich Levin

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In modern research on the history of the United States in World War II, it is quite popular to study the opposition of the American special services and, in particular, the Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI) to various organizations of the German diasporas in new historical conditions. The appeal to traditional methods of historical research, comparative studies, and the principles of historicism will make it possible to more accurately trace the process of tightening the counterintelligence work of the Bureau and the close connection of concerns about the involvement of public organizations in the intelligence activities of the enemy. The broadcast of nationalist ideas by various communities of Germans under the auspices of their governments quickly attracted the attention of the FBI, which is in the process of consolidating its powers as the main US counterintelligence service. At the same time, the investigations and trials conducted by the John Edgar Hoover Department following these investigations often had an openly political color and increasingly consolidated the beginning of a political investigation in this service. This practice and its implementation ran into a tough contradiction between the legal norms of America, which proclaimed "democratic values," the right to freedom of speech, and the need to strengthen the internal security of the state and society in wartime. All these processes and the associated nuances and complexities are considered in specific examples of the work of federal agents against various pro-German organizations in the period 1941-45.

Keywords: World War II, internal security, countering extremism, counterintelligence, political investigation, FBI

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Authors: Nusret Mesut Sahin

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Hrant Dink, a prominent Turkish-Armenian journalist, and editor-in-chief of the bilingual Turkish-Armenian newspaper Agos was assassinated in Istanbul on January 19th, 2007 by a nationalist extremist, Ogun Samast. Dink had been voicing the atrocities against the Armenians between 1915 and 1922 during the Ottoman rule, and his comments on the issue appeared in the Turkish media many times before his assassination. It has been argued that the suffocating atmosphere created by the Turkish news media targeting Mr. Dink made him a target of an extremist Turkish juvenile. This study analyzes the media news to understand and explain why Hrant Dink became the target of a nationalist extremist. In this research, content analysis of news articles (N= 170) is conducted to identify whether there is a link between hate speech against Hrant Dink in the Turkish media and his assassination. The content of the newspaper articles is categorized and coded according to the hate language being used. The analysis suggested that Turkish media paved the way for Dink’s assassination. Hate speech against Hrant Dink on the media had risen gradually before the assassination. The study also found that the number of news stories covering hate speech and racist discourse against non-Muslim citizens of Turkey also increased dramatically before the assassination. Therefore, hate speech against minorities in media narratives and news reports should be monitored, and political figures or leaders of social groups who are targeted by some media outlets should be protected.

Keywords: Hrant Dink, assassination, Turkish Armenian journalist, media

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Authors: Patricia Agboro

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The definition of a concept is quite important in any philosophical discourse as it serves as a guide in the analysis of that concept. In the sciences, arriving at a consensus regarding concepts is quite easily achievable due to the nature of the discipline. Problem arises when one delves into the realm of the humanities. Discourses in the humanities are largely perspectival because the question of values come into play. Defining the concept of Art is no different as it has yielded unresolved and problematic issues arising from attempts at definition. A major problem arising from such attempt is that of exclusion of other art forms. In this paper therefore, we call for the rejection of an attempt at providing a comprehensive definition for Art since it is clear that the collection of definitions provided so far, has failed in capturing the nuances and intricacies of the infinite varieties of the art forms that there are. Rather, a more fruitful approach to philosophical discourses on Art is not to construe the theories of Art per-se but to reconstruct them as a collection of criteria for determining artistic excellence.

Keywords: art, creativity, definition, reconstruction

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Authors: Vasudha Saraogi

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Heritage hotels are architectural marvels and embody a number of values of heritage discourses within them. The adaptive re-use of old structures to make them commercially viable as heritage hotels, not only boosts tourism and the local economy but also brings in development for the neighborhood in which it is located. This paper seeks to study the value created by heritage hotels in general and French Haveli (Ahmedabad) in particular using the single case study methodology. The paper draws upon the concept of the Italian model of Albergo Diffuso and its implementation via French Haveli, for value creation and development in Dhal Ni Pol (a historic neighborhood) while recognizing the importance of stakeholders to the process of the historic neighborhood upliftment.

Keywords: heritage discourses, historic neighborhoods, heritage hotel, Old City Ahmedabad

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Authors: Zihao He

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The majority of existing studies on the Taiping Movement (1851-1864) viewed their anti-Manchu attitudes as nationalist agendas: Taiping was aimed at revolting against the Manchu government and establishing a new political regime. To explain these aggressive and violent attitudes towards Manchu, these studies mainly found socio-economic factors and stressed the status of “being deprived”. Even the ‘demon-slaying’ narrative of the Taiping to dehumanize the Manchu tends to be viewed as a “religious tool” to achieve their political, nationalist aim. This paper argues that these studies on Taiping’s anti-Manchu attitudes and behaviors are analyzed from an external angle and have two major problems. Firstly, they distinguished “religion” from “nationalist” or “political”, focusing on the “political” nature of the movement. “Religion” and the religious experience within Taiping were largely ignored. This paper argues that there was no separable and independent “religion” in the Taiping Movement, as opposed to secular, nationalist politics. Secondly, these analyses held an external perspective on Taiping’s anti-Manchu agenda. Demonizing and killing Manchu were viewed as purely political actions. On the contrary, this paper focuses on the internal perspective of anti-Manchu narratives in the Taiping Movement. The method of this paper is mainly textual analysis, focusing on the official documents, edicts, and proclamations of the Taiping movement. It views the writing of the Taiping as a coherent narrative and rhetoric, which was attractive and convincing for its followers. In terms of the main findings, firstly, internal and external perspectives on anti-Manchu violence are different. Externally, violence was viewed as a tool and necessary process to achieve the political goal. However, internally speaking, in Taiping’s writing, violence was a result of Godlessness, which would be solved as far as the faith in God is restored in China. Having a framework of universal love among human beings as sons and daughters of the Heavenly Father and killing was forbidden, the Taiping excluded Manchus from the family of human beings and demonized them. “Demon-slaying” was not violence. It was constructed as a necessary process to achieve the Great Peace. Moreover, Taiping’s anti-Manchu violence was not merely “political.” Rather, the category “religion” and its binary opposition, “secular,” is not suitable for Taiping. A key point related to this argument is the revolutionary violence against the Manchu government, which inherited the traditional “Heavenly Mandate” model. From an internal, theological perspective, anti-Manchu was ordained and commanded by the Heavenly Father. Manchu, as a regime, was standing as a hindrance in the path toward God. Besides, Manchu was not only viewed as a regime, but they were also “demons.” Therefore, the paper examines how Manchus were dehumanized in Taiping’s writings and were situated outside of the consideration of nonviolent and love. Manchu as a regime and Manchu as demons are in a dynamic relationship. As a regime, the Manchu government was preventing Chinese people from worshipping the Heavenly Father, so they were demonized. As they were demons, killing Manchus during the revolt was justified and not viewed as being contradicted the universal love among human beings.

Keywords: anti-manchu, demon-slaying, heavenly mandate, religion and violence, the taiping movement.

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Authors: Hatice Idil Gorgen

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This paper argues that discourses and textuality which is literary tool of Western ethnocentrism create aggressive foreign policy against the West by Non-West countries. Quasi-colonial experiences create an inferiority complex on officially or not colonized areas by reconstructing their identity. This reconstructed identity leads revolution and resistance movement to feel secure themselves as a psychological defense against colonial powers. Knowledge learned by successful implementation of discourses grants right to has power for authority, in addition to serving as a tool to reinforce power of authority by its cognitive traits on foreign policy decision making. The combination of these points contributes to shaping and then make predictable state policies. In the methodology of paper, secondary data was firstly reviewed through university library using a range of sources such as academic abstract, OPAC system, bibliography databases and internet search engines. The film of Argo was used to strengthen and materialize theoretical explanations as a metaphor. This paper aims to highlight the cumulative effects on the construction of the identity throughout embedded discourses by textuality. To demonstrate it by a metaphor, Argo will be used as a primary source for good story-telling about history. U.S-Iran hostage crisis is mainly applied by aiming to see foundations Iran’s behavior in the context of its revolutionary identity and major influences of actions of U.S on it.

Keywords: discourse, post colonialism, post modernism, objectivity

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Authors: Peter Ferguson

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In 2018, Japan’s Ministry of Education revised the public elementary school curriculum. As part of widespread reforms, the recent Course of Study established English as an academic subject in Grades 5 and 6 plus lowered the starting age of 'foreign language activities' to Grade 3. These changes were implemented in April 2020. This presentation will examine the process and effects that policy implementation had on schools and teachers. A critical analysis of the 2018 Course of Study policy documents revealed several discourses were expressed concerning not only English education and foreign language acquisition, but that larger political and socioeconomic ideological beliefs on globalization, language, nation, culture, and identity were also articulated. Using excerpts from document analysis, the presenter will demonstrate how competing discourses were expressed in policy texts. Data from interviews with national policymakers also exposed several challenges policymakers faced as they tried to balance competing discourses and articulate important pedagogical concepts while having their voices heard. Findings show that some stakeholders were marginalized during the processes of policy creation, transmission, and implementation. This presentation is part of a larger multiple case study that utilized ethnography of language policy and critical analysis of discourse to examine how English education language policy was implemented into the national elementary school curriculum in Japan, and how stakeholders at the various educational levels contended with the creation, interpretation, and appropriation of the language policy.

Keywords: ethnography of language policy, elementary school EFL, language ideologies, discourse analysis

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Authors: Xinchen Zhu

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The rapid fame of the renowned female film star Tang Wei has made her a typical subject (or object) entangled with sensitive issues involving the official ideology, sexuality, and patriarchal values of contemporary China. In 2008, Tang Wei’s official ban has triggered the wave of debates concerning state power and censorship, actor’s rights, sexual ethics, and feminism in the public sphere. Her ban implies that Chinese film censorship acts as a key factor in reconstructing Chinese film stardom. Following the ban, as sensational media texts are re-interpreting the official discourses, the texts also functioned as a crucial vehicle in reconstructing Tang's female image. Therefore, the case study of Tang's film stardom allows us to further explore how female stardom has been entangled with the issues involving official ideology, female sexual ethics, and patriarchal values in contemporary China. This paper argues that Chinese female film stars shoulder the responsibility of film acting which would conform to the official male-dominated values. However, with the development of the Internet, the state no longer remains an absolute control over the new venues. The netizens’ discussion about her ban reshaped Tang’s image as a victim and scapegoat under the unfair oppression of the official authority. Additionally, this paper argues that similar to State’s discourse, netizens’ discourse did not reject patriarchal values, and in turn emphasized Tang Wei’s female chastity.

Keywords: film censorship, Chinese female film stardom, party-state’s power, national discourses, Tang Wei

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Authors: Zhiwei Wang

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Much emphasis has been placed on the political dimension of digitised Chinese national(ist) discourses and their embodied national identities, which neglects other important dimensions constitutive of their discursive nature. A further investigation into how Chinese national(ist) discourses are daily (re)shaped online by diverse socio-political actors (especially ordinary users) is crucial, which can contribute to not only deeper understandings of Chinese national sentiments on China’s Internet beyond the excessive focus on their passionate, political-charged facet but also richer insights into the socio-technical ecology of the contemporary Chinese digital (and physical) world. This research adopts an ethnographic methodology, by which ‘fieldsites’ are Sina Weibo and bilibili. The primary data collection method is virtual ethnographic observation on everyday national(ist) discussions on both platforms. If data obtained via observations do not suffice to answer research questions, in-depth online qualitative interviews with ‘key actors’ identified from those observations in discursively (re)producing Chinese national identity on each ‘fieldsite’ will be conducted, to complement data gathered through the first method. Critical discourse analysis is employed to analyse data. During the process of data coding, NVivo is utilised. From November 2021 to December 2022, 35 weeks’ digital ethnographic observations have been conducted, with 35 sets of fieldnotes obtained. The strategy adopted for the initial stage of observations was keyword searching, which means typing into the search box on Sina Weibo and bilibili any keywords related to China as a nation and then observing the search results. Throughout 35 weeks’ online ethnographic observations, six keywords have been employed on Sina Weibo and two keywords on bilibili. For 35 weeks’ observations, textual content created by ordinary users have been concentrated much upon. Based on the fieldnotes of the first week’s observations, multifarious national(ist) discourses on Sina Weibo and bilibili have been found, targeted both at national ‘Others’ and ‘Us’, both on the historical and real-world dimension, both aligning with and differing from or even conflicting with official discourses, both direct national(ist) expressions and articulations of sentiments in the name of presentation of national(ist) attachments but for other purposes. Second, Sina Weibo and bilibili users have agency in interpreting and deploying concrete national(ist) discourses despite the leading role played by the government and the two platforms in deciding on the basic framework of national expressions. Besides, there are also disputes and even quarrels between users in terms of explanations for concrete components of ‘nation-ness’ and (in)direct dissent to officially defined ‘mainstream’ discourses to some extent, though often expressed much more mundanely, discursively and playfully. Third, the (re)production process of national(ist) discourses on Sina Weibo and bilibili depends upon not only technical affordances and limitations of the two sites but also, to a larger degree, some established socio-political mechanisms and conventions in the offline China, e.g., the authorities’ acquiescence of citizens’ freedom in understanding and explaining concrete elements of national discourses while setting the basic framework of national narratives to the extent that citizens’ own national(ist) expressions do not reach political bottom lines and develop into mobilising power to shake social stability.

Keywords: national identity, national(ist) discourse(s), everyday nationhood/nationalism, Chinese nationalism, digital nationalism

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Authors: Shakila Singh

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Dominant discourses constitute heterosexuality as natural, normal and the only legitimate sexuality, and diverse sexual subjectivities as abnormal, unnatural and socially taboo. Similarly, the cisgender subject is reified. There are ongoing debates about the inclusion and suitability of sexuality education in the school curriculum and research show that teachers are not adequately prepared to teach about such issues in the classroom. Not surprising then, that many young people enter these institutions having had limited previous exposure to, or education about, sex, gender and sexuality diversity. This paper discusses the presence of heterosexism and cissexism at multiple layers in higher education institutions, impacting students and staff. Increasing knowledge and awareness of sex, gender and sexuality diversities is also crucial to challenging existing perceptions of sex, gender and sexuality diversities that marginalise and subordinate a large proportion of students and staff. There is a persistent disjuncture between dominant discourses that generally position higher education institutions as socially progressive, open environments and the discourses that legitimate the ascendency of heterosexual and cisgender identities. This paper argues that such disjuncture must be addressed by providing inclusive physical and emotional spaces if universities are to affirm every individual and produce graduates across all disciplines with the cultural capability to engage with increasingly diverse communities. Given the key role of language in shaping cultural and social attitudes, using gender-inclusive language is a powerful way to promote gender equality and eradicate gender bias. This means speaking and writing in a way that does not discriminate against a particular sex, gender or sexual identity and does not perpetuate gender stereotypes. Individuals must be allowed to present themselves and identify in ways they choose and be addressed by their chosen pronouns.

Keywords: heteronormativity, inclusivity, gender, universities

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Authors: Jason T. Hilton

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The ‘post-truth era’ is marked by a shift toward a period in which objective facts are less influential in shaping public opinion than appeals to emotion and personal belief. Applying narrative analysis techniques to current public discourses in education that run counter to scientific findings, it becomes possible to identify weakness in modern pedagogy and suggest ways to counter false narratives in the classroom. Results of this study indicate that a failure to engage with popular narratives lessens teachers’ ability to be convincing in the classroom, even when presenting information supported by scientific evidence. This study seeks to empower teachers by illustrating the influence of story within the post-truth era and the ways in which narrative and rhetorical elements take hold in social media contexts. Equipped with this knowledge, teachers can create a shift in pedagogy, away from transmission of knowledge toward the crafting of powerful narratives, built upon evidence, and connected to the lives of modern learners.

Keywords: 21st century learner, critical pedagogy, culture, narrative, post-truth era, social media

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Authors: Soumya Awasthi

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The spread of radical ideology is possible not merely through public meetings, protests, and mosques but even in schools, seminaries, and madrasas. The rhetoric created around the relationship between religion and conflict has been the primary factor for instigating global conflicts – when religion is used to achieve broader objectives. There have been numerous cases of religion-driven conflict around the world be it the Jewish revolt between 66 AD and 628 AD or the 1119 AD the Crusades revolt or during the Cold War period or the rise of right-wing politics in India. Some of the major developments which reiterate the significance of religion in the contemporary times include: (1) The emergence of theocracy in Iran in 1979 (2) Resurgence of world-wide religious beliefs in post-Soviet space. (3) Emergence of transnational terrorism shaped by twisted depiction of Islam by the self proclaimed protectors of the religion. Therefore this paper is premised in the argument that religion has always found itself on the periphery of the discipline of International Relations (IR), and has received less attention than it deserves. The focus of the topic is on the discourses of ‘Deobandi’ and its impact both on the geopolitics of the region- particularly in India, Pakistan, and Afghanistan- and also at the global level. Discourse is a mechanism in use since time immemorial and has been a key tool to mobilise masses against the ruling authority. With the help of field surveys, qualitative and analytical method of research in religion and international relations, it has been found that they are numerous madrassas that are running illegally and are unregistered. These seminaries are operating in the Khyber-Pakhtunkhwa and Federally Administered Tribal Area (FATA). During the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan in 1979, relation between religion and geopolitics was highlighted when there was a sudden spread of radical ideas, finding support from countries like Saudi Arabia (who funded the campaign) and Pakistan (which organised the Saudi funds and set up training camps, both educational and military). During this period there was a huge influence of Wahabi theology on the madrasas which started with Deoband philosophy and later became a mix of Wahabi (influenced by Ahmad Ibn Hannabal and Ibn Taimmiya) and Deobandi philosophy, tending towards fundamentalism. Later the impact of regional geopolitics had influence on the global geopolitics when the incidents like attack on the US in 2001, bomb blasts in U.K, Indonesia, Turkey, and Israel in 2000s. In the midst of all this, there were several scholars who pointed towards Deobandi Philosophy as one of the drivers in the creation of armed Islamic groups in Pakistan, Afghanistan. Hence this paper will make an attempt to understand the trend as to how Deobandi religious discourses originating from India have changed over the decades, and who the agents of such changes are. It will throw light on Deoband from pre-independence till date to create a narrative around the religious discourses and Deobandi philosophy and its spill over impact on the map of global and regional security.

Keywords: Deobandi School of Thought, radicalization, regional and global geopolitics, religious discourses, Whabi movement

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Authors: Matthew Lee Turnbough

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In 2007 Spain began to experience the effects of a deep economic crisis, which would generate a situation characterised by instability and uncertainty. This has been an obstacle, especially acute for the youth of this country seeking to enter the workforce. As a result of the impact of COVID-19, the youth in Spain are now suffering the effects of a new crisis that has deepened an already fragile labour environment. In this paper, we analyse the discourses that have emerged from a precarious labour market, specifically from two companies dedicated to operating job portals and job listings in Spain, Job Today, and CornerJob. These two start-up businesses have developed mobile applications geared towards young adults in search of employment in the service sector, two of the companies with the highest user rates in Spain. Utilizing a discourse analysis approach, we explore the impact of individualization and how the process of psychologization may contribute to an increasing reliance on individual solutions to social problems. As such, we seek to highlight the expectations and demands that are placed upon young workers and the type of subjectivity that this dynamic could foster, all this within an unstable framework seemingly marked by chance, a context which is key for the emergence of individualization. Furthermore, we consider the extent to which young adults incorporate these discourses and the strategies they employ basing our analysis on the VULSOCU (New Forms of Socio-Existential Vulnerability, Supports, and Care in Spain) research project, specifically the results of nineteen in-depth interviews and three discussion groups with young adults in this country. Consequently, we seek to elucidate the argumentative threads rooted in the process of individualization and underline the implications of this dynamic for the young worker and his/her labour insertion while also identifying manifestations of the goddess of fortune as a representation of chance in this context. Finally, we approach this panorama of social change in Spain from the perspective of the individuals or young adults who find themselves immersed in this transition from one crisis to another.

Keywords: chance, crisis, discourses, individualization, work, youth

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Authors: Behnaz Zolfaghari

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In civilized societies, linguists seek to find suitable equivalents for scientific terms in the common language of their society. Many researches have conducted surveys about language of science on one hand and media discourse on the other, but the goal of this research is the comparative analysis of science discourse in Persian academic media and public discourse in the general Persian media by applying experimental meta-function as one of the four theoretical tools introduced by Holiday’s Systemic Functional Grammar .The said analysis aims to explore the processes that can convert the language in which scientific facts are published to a language well suited to the interested layman. The results of comparison show that these two discourses use differently six processes of experimental meta-function. Comparing the redundancy of different processes, the researcher tried to re-identify these differences in these two discourses and present a model for the procedures of converting science discourse to popularized discourse. This model can be useful for those journalists and textbook authors who want to restate scientific technical texts in a simple style for inexpert addresser including general people and students.

Keywords: systemic functional grammar, discourse analysis, science language, popularization, media discourse

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Authors: Sevgi Balkan-Sahin

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The Justice and Development Party (AKP) government has included nuclear power as a major component of Turkey’s new energy strategy by promoting it as the only alternative for Turkey to diversify energy resources, trigger economic growth, and boost competitiveness of the country. The effective promotion of such a framing has created a hegemonic discourse around nuclear energy in Turkey. However, fiercely opposing the nuclear initiative of the government, the Turkish anti-nuclear platform (ANP) composed of more than 50 civil society groups has challenged the hegemonic discourse of the AKP government by presenting nuclear energy as dangerous for human health, human rights, and the protection of environment. Based on an engagement between Gramscian perspective and Laclau and Mouffe’s discourse theory, this paper considers the discourses of the Turkish anti-nuclear platform and its associated activities as a counter-hegemonic strategy to change the ‘common sense’ on nuclear energy in Turkey. Analyzing the data from interviews with the representatives of the anti-nuclear platform coupled with primary sources, such as Parliamentary Records and official statements by civil society organizations, the paper highlights how the anti-nuclear platform exercises power through counter-hegemonic discourses in terms of the delegitimization of nuclear energy in Turkey.

Keywords: counter-hegemony, discourse, nuclear energy, Turkey

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Authors: Shirin Zubair

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Keeping in view the segregation of space(s) experienced by young women and men at puberty in Pakistan and the socially constructed and performative aspect of gender identity by Western theorists of gender and self, this paper will explore Pakistani youth’s differential, gendered performances. Specifically focused on Pakistani youth’s perceptions and experiences of sexuality, extramarital and same-sex relationships in constructing and performing gendered identities as manifested through their talk, the research will also draw upon recent theories of space in cultural studies and postcolonial discourses. The data cited has been culled from two different studies conducted at universities in the city of Multan. Informal, unstructured group discussions of women and men aged between twenty and twenty nine years of age were recorded separately among groups of friends and cohorts studying at two different universities. The findings clearly show both young women and men doing the boundary work in identity construction in private and public spaces: talking of sexuality, sexual desire and sexual relationships, women tend to safely couch their articulations in euphemisms: distance themselves from the Western concepts of sexual liberation ; while young men’s exhibitionism in boasting of their sexual prowess and sexual encounters as well as the use of sexually explicit and tabooed words frequently in their intimate conversations shows a clear departure from and a contestation of the normative public discourses. Further the findings illustrate that young men conform to the patriarchal ideologies by constructing heterosexual identities whereas young women initiate discourse on same-sex relationships. The data also reveals that the private identities of these young Pakistanis are different from their public identities, as it is in their intimate conversations and private (or safe) spaces that they talk about their pre-marital sexual activities and love affairs. These intimate and safe spaces thus emerge as subversion and contestation of their public identity, as sex and sexuality are tabooed subjects in public discourses.

Keywords: sexuality, gender, identity, performance

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Authors: Charlotte-Rose Kennedy

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In a political climate divided by Brexit, it is crucial to be critical of the press, as it is the apparatus which political authorities use to impose their laws and shape public opinion. Although large protests have the power to shake and disrupt policy-making by making it difficult for governments to ignore their goals, the British press historically constructs protesters as delegitimate, deviant, and criminal, which could limit protests’ credibility and democratic power. This paper explores how the remain supporting daily UK press (The Mirror, Financial Times, The Independent, The Guardian) and the leave supporting daily UK press (The Daily Mail, The Daily Star, The Sun, The Express, The Telegraph) discursively constructed every pro- and anti-Brexit demonstration from 2016 to 2019. 702 instances of the terms ‘protester’, ‘protesters’, ‘protestor’ and ‘protestors’ were analyzed through both transitivity analysis and critical discourse analysis. This mixed-methods approach allowed for the analysis of how the UK press perpetuated and upheld social ideologies about protests through their specific grammatical and language choices. The results of this analysis found that both remain and leave supporting press utilized the same discourses to report on protests they oppose and protests they support. For example, the remain backing The Mirror used water metaphors regularly associated with influxes of refugees and asylum seekers to support the protesters on the remain protest ‘Final Say’, and oppose the protesters on the leave protest ‘March to Leave’. Discourses of war, violence, and victimhood are also taken on by both sides of the press Brexit debate and are again used to support and oppose the same arguments. Finally, the paper concludes that these analogous discourses do nothing to help the already marginalized social positions of protesters in the UK and could potentially lead to reduced public support for demonstrations. This could, in turn, facilitate the government in introducing increasingly restrictive legislation in relation to freedom of assembly rights, which could be detrimental to British democracy.

Keywords: Brexit, critical discourse analysis, protests, transitivity analysis, UK press

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Authors: Vangelis Papadimitropoulos

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This paper is part of the research program “Techno-Social Innovation in the Collaborative Economy”, funded by the Hellenic Foundation for Research and Innovation (H.F.R.I.) for the years 2022-2024. The paper showcases the Open Food Network (OFN) as an open-sourced digital platform supporting short food supply chains in local agricultural production and consumption. The paper outlines the research hypothesis, the theoretical framework, and the methodology of research as well as the findings and conclusions. Research hypothesis: The model of open cooperativism as a vehicle for systemic change in the agricultural sector. Theoretical framework: The research reviews the OFN as an illustrative case study of the three-zoned model of open cooperativism. The OFN is considered a paradigmatic case of the model of open cooperativism inasmuch as it produces commons, it consists of multiple stakeholders including ethical market entities, and it is variously supported by local authorities across the globe, the latter prefiguring the mini role of a partner state. Methodology: Research employs Ernesto Laclau and Chantal Mouffe’s discourse analysis -elements, floating signifiers, nodal points, discourses, logics of equivalence and difference- to analyse the breadth of empirical data gathered through literature review, digital ethnography, a survey, and in-depth interviews with core OFN members. Discourse analysis classifies OFN floating signifiers, nodal points, and discourses into four themes: value proposition, governance, economic policy, and legal policy. Findings: OFN floating signifiers align around the following nodal points and discourses: “digital commons”, “short food supply chains”, “sustainability”, “local”, “the elimination of intermediaries” and “systemic change”. The current research identifies a lack of common ground of what the discourse of “systemic change” signifies on the premises of the OFN’s value proposition. The lack of a common mission may be detrimental to the formation of a common strategy that would be perhaps deemed necessary to bring about systemic change in agriculture. Conclusions: Drawing on Laclau and Mouffe’s discourse theory of hegemony, research introduces a chain of equivalence by aligning discourses such as “agro-ecology”, “commons-based peer production”, “partner state” and “ethical market entities” under the model of open cooperativism, juxtaposed against the current hegemony of neoliberalism, which articulates discourses such as “market fundamentalism”, “privatization”, “green growth” and “the capitalist state” to promote corporatism and entrepreneurship. Research makes the case that for OFN to further agroecology and challenge the current hegemony of industrial agriculture, it is vital that it opens up its supply chains into equivalent sectors of the economy, civil society, and politics to form a chain of equivalence linking together ethical market entities, the commons and a partner state around the model of open cooperativism.

Keywords: sustainability, the digital commons, open cooperativism, innovation

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Authors: Jane E. Alam Solangi

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The contribution of the study is to explore the important part of humorous dialogues in cellular network advertisements. This promotes the message of valuable construction and promotion of network companies in Pakistan that employ different and broad techniques to give promotion to selling products. It merely instigates the consumers to buy it. The results of the study after analysis of its collected data gives a vision that advertisers of network advertisements use humorous dialogues as a significant device to the greater level. The source of entertainment in the advertisement is accompanied by the texts and humorous discourses to influence buying decisions of the consumers. Therefore, it tends to neutralize personal and social based values. The earlier contribution of scholars presented that the technical employment of humorous devices leads to the successful market of the relevant products. In order to analyze the humorous discourse devices, the approach of multi-modality of Fairclough (1989) is used. It is accompanied by the framework of Kress and van Leeuwen’s (1996). It analyzes the visual graph of the grammar. The overall findings in the study verified the role of humorous devices in the captivation of consumers’ decision to buy the product that interests them. Therefore, the role of humor acts as a breaker of the monotonous rhythm of advertisements.

Keywords: advertisements, devices, humorous, multi-modality, networks, Pakistan

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Authors: Gabriella Vermeulen

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This paper applies a Bourdieusian lens to a Limpopo Citrus farm referred to as Malapeng in order to understand how conflict and authority are reproduced in Malapeng in the larger context of the South African agricultural industry. The South African citrus industry is an export industry, with South Africa being the second largest exporter of citrus in the world. Agriculture in South Africa has undergone extensive liberalisation since 1994, and many historical patterns, such as the racial divide in agriculture and the exploitation of black workers, are still continuously reproduced on farms in South Africa. This chapter looks at the institution of the ‘farm bank’ on Malapeng, which provides loans to workers whose livelihood strategies have been otherwise limited both by the larger agricultural context they are a part of and by the owner of Malapeng. By discussing the role of farm banks in a conflict between two permanent workers, the chapter illustrates how various oppositional discourses are strategically emphasised or de-emphasised at different times by the actors on Malapeng depending on their immediate goals. Farm bank proves to be a nexus of various discourses on Malapeng as the actors on Malapeng all construct farm bank in different (and often contradictory) terms in order to explain their influence and responsibility on Malapeng. The findings of the paper are based on data collected during fieldwork for an MA dissertation and are based on observation and semi-structured interviews conducted in 2021.

Keywords: agriculture, South Africa, capital, labour

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Authors: Jinghui Wang, Minjie Xing

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The increasing number of international students for doctoral education has brought vitality and diversity to the educational environment in China, and at the same time constituted a new challenge to the English teaching in the higher education as the majority of international students come from developing countries where English is not their first language. To make their contribution to knowledge development and technical innovation, these international doctoral students need to present their research work in English, locally and globally. This study reports an exploratory study with an emphasis on the cognition and construction of academic discourse in the multicultural context. The present study aims to explore ways to better prepare them for international academic exchange in English. Voluntarily, all international doctoral students (n = 81) from 35 countries enrolled in the English Course: Speaking and Writing as a New Scientist, participated in the study. Two research questions were raised: 1) What did these doctoral students say about their cognition and construction of English academic discourses? 2) How did they manage to develop their productive skills in a multicultural context? To answer the research questions, data were collected from self-reports, in-depth interviews, and video-recorded class observations. The major findings of the study suggest that the participants to varying degrees benefitted from the cognition and construction of English academic discourse in the multicultural context. Specifically, 1) The cognition and construction of meta-discourse allowed them to construct their own academic discourses in English; 2) In the light of Swales’ CARS Model, they became sensitive to the “moves” involved in the published papers closely related to their study, and learned to use them in their English academic discourses; 3) Multimodality-driven presentation (multimedia modes) enabled these doctoral student to have their voice heard for technical innovation purposes; 4) Speaking as a new scientist, every doctoral student felt happy and able to serve as an intercultural mediator in the multicultural context, bridging the gap between their home culture and the global culture; and most importantly, 5) most of the participants reported developing an English discourse community among international doctoral students, becoming resourceful and productive in the multicultural context. It is concluded that the cognition and construction of academic discourse in the multicultural context proves to be conducive to the productivity and intercultural citizenship education of international doctoral students.

Keywords: academic discourse, international doctoral students, meta-discourse, multicultural context

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Authors: Ylva Fältholm, Cathrine Norberg

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One of the major threats identified to successful future mining is that women do not find the industry attractive. Many attempts have been made, for example in Sweden and Australia, to create organizational structures and mining communities attractive to both genders. Despite such initiatives, many mining areas are developing into gender-segregated fly-in/fly out communities dominated by men with both social and economic consequences. One of the challenges facing many mining companies is thus to break traditional gender patterns and structures. To do this increased knowledge about gender in the context of mining is needed. Since language both constitutes and reproduces knowledge, increased knowledge can be gained through an exploration and description of the mining discourse from a gender perspective. The aim of this study is to explore what conceptual ideas are activated in connection to the physical/geographical mining area and to work within the mining industry. We use a combination of critical discourse analysis implying close reading of selected texts, such as policy documents, interview materials, applications and research and innovation agendas, and analyses of linguistic patterns found in large language corpora covering millions of words of contemporary language production. The quantitative corpus data serves as a point of departure for the qualitative analysis of the texts, that is, suggests what patterns to explore further. The study shows that despite technological and organizational development, one of the most persistent discourses about mining is the conception of dangerous and unfriendly areas infused with traditional notions of masculinity ideals and manual hard work. Although some of the texts analyzed highlight gender issues, and describe gender-equalizing initiatives, such as wage-mapping systems, female networks and recruitment efforts for women executives, and thereby render the discourse less straightforward, it is shown that these texts are not unambiguous examples of a counter-discourse. They rather illustrate that discourses are not stable but include opposing discourses, in dialogue with each other. For example, many texts highlight why and how women are important to mining, at the same time as they suggest that gender and diversity are all about women: why mining is a problem for them, how they should be, and what they should do to fit in. Drawing on a constitutive view of discourse, knowledge about such conflicting perceptions of women is a prerequisite for succeeding in attracting women to the mining industry and thereby contributing to the development of future mining.

Keywords: discourse, corpus linguistics, gender, mining

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Authors: Mónica Catarina Soares

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Neoliberal rationality is currently changing the ways concepts like freedom or equality are framed. As an omnipresent and context-sensitive paradigm, homo oeconomicus is continuously taking place in realms of life previously insulated from economic and market-driven principles. This presentation is based on the argument that, more than ever, this paradigm is nowadays framing institutional and everyday discourses in regard to social problems. Although neoliberal rationality is based on the putative ideological basis that everyone is equal, equality seems to be reshaped by specific meanings apprehended by this rationality. In this sense, an illusion of equality seems to be relevant to legitimize different social inequalities (e.g., access to health care or to habitation). Political psychology has studied how ideology is relevant to legitimize market and unequal systems, but still the specific relation between markets, (in)equality and neoliberal languages is not widely addressed. The goal is to discuss the smithereens of the neoliberal rationality when it comes to legitimizing social inequalities by contesting the arguments of meritocracy, progressive freedom and minimal guarantees obeying to market-rules and principles. This analysis can be helpful to grasp for instance the continuously dismantlement of the welfare-state in different countries of the global north and how it is turning the regulation/emancipation tension inside out. The ultimate goal is to contribute to the breaking up of a paradigm that is still too big to capture, too depoliticized and chameleonic to fully acknowledge the biopolitics of power that is helping to create it.

Keywords: discourses, legitimacy, neoliberal rationality, social inequality

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Authors: Jana Soler Libran

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The primary aim of this paper is to analyze the relationship between power and knowledge suggested in Michel Foucault's theory. Taking into consideration the role of power in knowledge production, the goal is to evaluate to what extent genealogy can be presented as a practical method for epistemic resistance. To do so, the methodology used consists of a revision of Foucault’s literature concerning the topic discussed. In this sense, conceptual analysis is applied in order to understand the effect of the double dimension of power on knowledge production. In its negative dimension, power is conceived as an organ of repression, vetoing certain instances of knowledge considered deceitful. In opposition, in its positive dimension, power works as an organ of the production of truth by means of institutionalized discourses. This double declination of power leads to the first main findings of the present analysis: no truth or knowledge can lie outside power’s action, and power is constituted through accepted forms of knowledge. To second these statements, Foucaultian discourse formations are evaluated, presenting external exclusion procedures as paradigmatic practices to demonstrate how power creates and shapes the validity of certain epistemes. Thus, taking into consideration power’s mechanisms to produce and reproduce institutionalized truths, this paper accounts for the Foucaultian praxis of genealogy as a method to reveal power’s intention, instruments, and effects in the production of knowledge. In this sense, it is suggested to consider genealogy as a practice which, firstly, reveals what instances of knowledge are subjugated to power and, secondly, promotes aforementioned peripherical discourses as a form of epistemic resistance. In order to counterbalance these main theses, objections to Foucault’s work from Nancy Fraser, Linda Nicholson, Charles Taylor, Richard Rorty, Alvin Goldman, or Karen Barad are discussed. In essence, the understanding of the Foucaultian relationship between power and knowledge is essential to analyze how contemporary discourses are produced by both traditional institutions and new forms of institutionalized power, such as mass media or social networks. Therefore, Michel Foucault's practice of genealogy is relevant, not only for its philosophical contribution as a method to uncover the effects of power in knowledge production but also because it constitutes a valuable theoretical framework for political theory and sociological studies concerning the formation of societies and individuals in the contemporary world.

Keywords: epistemic resistance, Foucault’s genealogy, knowledge, power, truth

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Authors: Moyahabo Molefe

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The persistence of HIV/AIDS infection rates in SA has not only been a subject of academic debate but a mediated narrative that has dominated SA’s post-apartheid film space over the last two decades. SA’s colonial geo-spatial architecture still influences migrant labour patterns, which the Oscar-nominated (2003) SA film ‘Yesterday’ has erstwhile reflected upon, yet continues to account for the spread of HIV/AIDS in SA society. Accordingly, men who had left their homes in the rural areas to work in the mines in the cities become infected with HIV/AIDS, only to return home to infect their wives or partners in the rural areas. This paper analyses, through Social Semiotic theory, how SA geo-spatial arrangement had raptured family structures with both men and women taking new residences in the urban areas where they work away from their homes. By using Social semiotic theory, this paper seeks to understand how images and discourses have been deployed in the film ‘Yesterday’ to demonstrate how HIV/AIDS is embedded in the socio-cultural, economic and political architect of SA society. The study uses qualitative approach and content/text/visual semiotic analysis to decipher meanings from array of imagery and discourses/dialogues that are used to mythologise the relationship between the spread of HIV/AIDS and SA migrant labour patterns. The findings of the study are significant to propose a conceptual framework that can be used to mitigate the spread of HIV/AIDS among SA populace, against the backdrop of changing migrant labour patterns and other related factors

Keywords: colonialism, decoloniality, HIV/AIDS, labour migration patterns, social semiotics

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Authors: Pooja Booluck

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This project seeks to translate a chapter in Le Silence des Chagos by Shenaz Patel a Mauritian author whose work has never been translated before. The chapter discusses the attempt of the protagonist to return to her home country Diego Garcia after her deportation. The English translation will offer an historical account to the target audience of the deportation of Chagossians to Mauritius during the 1970s. The target audience comprises of English-speaking translation scholars translation students and African literature scholars. In light of making the cultural elements of Mauritian culture accessible the translation will maintain the cultural items such as food and oral discourses in Creole so as to preserve the authenticity of the source culture. In order to better comprehend the cultural elements mentioned the target reader will be provided with detailed footnotes explaining the cultural and historical references. This translation will also address the importance of folkloric songs in Mauritius and its intergenerational function in Mauritian communities which will also remain in Creole. While such an approach will help to preserve the meaning of the source text the borrowing technique and the foreignizing method will be employed which will in turn help the reader in becoming more familiar with the Mauritian community. Translating a text from French to English while maintaining certain words or discourses in a minority language such as Creole bears certain challenges: How does the translator ensure the comprehensibility of the reader? Are there any translation losses? What are the choices of the translator?

Keywords: Chagos archipelagos in Exile, English translation, Le Silence des Chagos, Mauritian culture and history

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Authors: Karwan K. Abdalrahman

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Due to the impacts of the internet and social media, new words and expressions enter the Kurdish language, and a number of familiarized words get new meanings. The case is especially true when the technique of transliteration is taken into consideration. Through transliteration, a number of selected words widely used on social media are entering the Kurdish media discourse. In addition, a selected number of Kurdish words get new cultural and psychological meanings. The significance of this study is to delve into the process of word formation in the Kurdish language and explore how new words and expressions are formed by social media users and got public recognition. First, the study investigates the English words that enter the Kurdish language through different social media platforms. All of these words are transliterated and are used in spoken and written discourses. Second, there are a specific number of Kurdish words that got new meanings in social media. As for these words, there are psychological and cultural factors that make people use these expressions for specific political reasons. It can be argued that they have an indirect political message along with their new linguistic usages. This is a qualitative study analyzing video content that was published in the last two years on social media platforms, including Facebook and YouTube. The collected data was analyzed based on the themes discussed above. The findings of the research can be summarized as follows: the widely used transliterated words have entered both the spoken and written discourses. Authors in online and offline newspapers, TV presenters, literary writers, columnists are using these new expressions in their writings. As for the Kurdish words with new meanings, they are also widely used for psychological, cultural, and political reasons.

Keywords: Kurdish language, social media, new meanings, transliteration, vocabulary

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Authors: Jelena Riznić

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Sexual violence is a social fact that is both ubiquitous and invisible. From the myth of Medusa and Lucretia, through legends about sexual violence in war conflicts, to Hollywood films and other productions — sexual violence exists as a motive, implicitly or explicitly. Many Hollywood films contain a scene of rape, and the media is increasingly reporting on cases of sexual violence, often not following the guidelines for sensitized and ethical reporting. On the other hand, sexual violence remains an invisible phenomenon if we are talking from the perspective of the survivors. Only the wave of women's testimonies that flooded social networks after the #MeToo campaign in 2017 pointed to the prevalence and to the existing ideas about sexual violence that persist at the level of myths in society, but also through formal norms in the hearing of justice systems. The problem is also in the way rape is defined in the criminal codes of different countries, and all of this affects the reproduction of sexual violence. Precisely because it is a deeply intimate experience of violence, but also a structural problem; on the other hand, understanding sexual violence requires sociological imagination. Accordingly, the subject of this paper is the presentation and analysis of various discourses on sexual violence throughout history — pre/anti-feminist, feminist and criminal law, with particular reference to the situation in Serbia. The paper uses a critical review and comparative analysis of various sources on sexual violence, as well as an analysis of the impact of these sources on the modern legal framework that regulates sexual violence. Research has shown that despite feminist contributions, myths about sexual violence persist and influence the treatment of women who have survived violence in criminal systems and society in general.

Keywords: sexual violence, gender-based violence, MeToo campaign, feminism, Serbia

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Authors: Mandy Tao Benec

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Propaganda, understood as a ‘deliberate attempt to persuade people to think and behave in a desired way’, contributes to the fabric of mass media discourse as an important component, albeit often under various alternative expressions except ‘propaganda’. When the word ‘propaganda’ does appear in the mainstream media of the West, it is often selectively applied upon undesiring parties such as China, the North Korea, Russia’s Putin, or terrorists, etc.. This attitude reveals an ‘us verse them’ mentality; and a presupposition that propaganda is something only ‘they’ do whilst ‘we’ do not. This phenomenon not only runs in danger of generating political naivety, but also calls for the necessity of re-examining propaganda which will benefit from analysing it in contrasting social and political environments. Therefore, this paper aims to compare how propaganda has been understood and put in practice both in the Anglo-American context and by the Chinese Communist Party (CCP). By revealing the convergence and divergence of the propaganda discourses between China and the West, it will help clarify the misconception and misunderstanding of the term. Historical narrative analysis and critical discourse analysis are the main methodologies. By carefully examining data from academic research on propaganda in both English and Chinese, the landscape of how propaganda is defined throughout different eras is mapped, with special attention paid to analysing the parallelism and/or correspondence between China and the West when applicable. Meanwhile, critically analysing the official documents such as speeches and guidelines for propaganda administration given by top-rank CCP leaders will help reveal that in contrast to the West’s ‘us-them’ mentality, China sees oneself in no difference with the Western democracies when propaganda is concerned. Major findings of this study will identify a series of convergence and divergence between Chinese and Western propaganda discourses, and the relationship between propaganda the ‘signified’ (its essence) and propaganda the ‘signifier’ (the term itself), including (yet not limited to): 1) convergence in China catching up with the West, acknowledging the perceived pejorative connotation of the term 2) divergence in propaganda activities disassociated from the term in the West; and convergence in adopting such practice when China following suit in its external propaganda towards the West 3) convergence in utilising alternative notions to replace ‘propaganda’, first by the West, then imported and incorporated enthusiastically by China into its propaganda discourse 4) divergence between China’s internal and external propaganda and the subsequent differentiation between in which contexts the CCP sees fit to utilise the concept 5) convergence between China and the West in their English language propaganda discourses, whilst simultaneous divergence in their presuppositions: ‘usthem’ by the West and ‘we are the same’ by China. To conclude, this paper will contribute to the study of propaganda and its discourse by analysing how propaganda is understood and utilised in both worlds, and hence to uncover the discourse power struggle between the two, which contributes to the propaganda discourse itself. Hence, to untie the misconception of propaganda.

Keywords: China, discourse, power, propaganda

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