Search results for: scalar politics

Authors: Dinnah Feye H. Andal, Ann Laurice V. Salonga

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The paper investigates the flooding event that was experienced by Marikina City residents during the onslaught of Tropical Storm Ondoy on September 26, 2009 and during the heavy downpour caused by the southwest monsoon (Habagat) on August 1-8, 2012. Typhoon Ketsana, locally known as Tropical Storm Ondoy, devastated the whole of Marikina City, displacing a lot of people from their homes and damages properties as well, as flood rose at a very short period of time. Meanwhile, the massive amount of rain water brought by the southwest monsoon lasted for a week that also caused flooding to different parts of Metro Manila including Marikina City. This paper examines how the respondents’ experiences of the flooding caused by Tropical Storm Ondoy informed the coping strategies that the households in Barangay Tumana and Provident Village employed during the flooding brought by the southwest monsoon rains. Specifically, the research compares the coping strategies to flood hazards between residents of Barangay Tumana and Provident Village before, during and after the flooding caused by the southwest monsoon rains. Both study sites have relatively low elevation and are located along rivers and creeks which make them highly susceptible to flood. Interviews with affected residents were undertaken to understand how a household's coping strategies contribute to the development of community coping strategies at the respective neighborhood level. Based from the findings, income levels, local politics, religion and social relations between and among neighbors affect the way household and community coping strategies differ in the two case study sites.

Keywords: community coping strategies, Habagat, Marikina, Ondoy

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Authors: Zsolt Szabolcsi

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Political communication in Hungary has undergone a significant change in the 2010s. One element of the transformation is the Flashnews. This media product was launched in March 2015 and since then 40-50 blocks are broadcasted, daily, on 5 channels. Flashnews blocks are condensed news sessions, containing the summary of political narratives. It starts with the introduction of the narrator, then, usually four news topics are presented and, finally, the narrator concludes the block. The block lasts only one minute and, therefore, it provides a blink session into the main narratives of political communication at the time. Beyond its rapid pace, what makes its avoidance difficult is that these blocks are always in the first position in the commercial break of a non-political media product. Although it is only one minute long, its significance is high. The content of the Flashnews reflects the main governmental narratives and, therefore, the Flashnews is part of the agenda-setting capacity of political communication. It reaches media consumers who have limited knowledge and interest in politics, and their use of media products is not politically related. For this audience, the Flashnews pops up in the same way as commercials. Due to its structure and appearance, the impact of Flashnews seems to be similar to commercials, imbedded into the break of media products. It activates existing knowledge constructs, builds up associational links and maintains their presence in a way that the recipient is not aware of the phenomenon. The research aims to examine the extent to which the Flashnews and the main news narratives are identical in their content. This aim is realized with the content analysis of the two news products by examining the Flashnews and the evening news during main sport events from 2016 to 2018. The initial hypothesis of the research is that Flashnews is a contribution to the news management technique for an effective articulation of political narratives in public service media channels.

Keywords: flashnews, political communication, political marketing, news management

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Authors: Kyoko Tominaga

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Non-Government Organizations (NGOs), Non-Profit Organizations (NPOs), Social Enterprises and other actors play an important role in political decisions in governments at the international levels. Especially, such organizations’ and activists’ network in civil society is quite important to effect to the global politics. To solve the complex social problems in global era, diverse actors should corporate each other. Moreover, network of protesters is also contributes to diffuse tactics, information and other resources of social movements. Based on the findings from the study of International Trade Fairs (ITFs), the author analyzes the network of activists in anti-globalism movement. This research focuses the transition of 54 activists’ whole network in the “protest event” against 2008 G8 summit in Japan. Their network is examined at the three periods: Before protest event phase, during protest event phase and after event phase. A mixed method is used in this study: the author shows the hypothesis from social network analysis and evaluates that with interview data analysis. This analysis gives the two results. Firstly, the more protesters participate to the various events during the protest event, the more they build the network. After that, active protesters keep their network as well. From interview data, we can understand that the active protesters can build their network and diffuse the information because they communicate with other participants and understand that diverse issues are related. This paper comes to same conclusion with previous researches: protest events activate the network among the political activists. However, some participants succeed to build their network, others do not. “Networked” activists are participated in the various events for short period of time and encourage the diffusion of information and tactics of social movements.

Keywords: social movement, global justice movement, tactics, diffusion

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Authors: Birendra Mahato, Shiva Narayan Chaudhary

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Tharus are indigenous inhabitants of the Tarai, the narrow strip of flat and fertile land that lies at the foothills of the Himalayas. They have unique rituals, festivals, and music, while their clothes and ornaments are similar to some ethnic groups of India. After the control of malaria in the Terai between 1955 to 1965, (with the help of the U.S. Government, the WHO and the government of Nepal) the rate of in-migration skyrocketed, particularly of Nepal’s hill people, whose culture, along with the use of the Western education system, was gradually adopted by the Tharus. Among the many challenges, the Tharus face is their assimilation into the dominant Nepali culture. .The Tharus are thus under threat of slowly losing their ethnic identity and cultural values. In order to preserve the indigenous Tharu Culture, Tharu Cultural Museum, and Research Center. It is a community based non-governmental and non-profitable museum established in 2005 by Tharu intellectuals, traditional leaders and youths. The main goal of the museum is to preserve Tharu culture through different activities with direct and indirect involvement of community people. It aims to preserve arts, culture, handicrafts, and artifacts related to Indigenous Tharu People. Similarly, the museum displays an exhibition about the Tharu histories, lives, culture, and their indigenous knowledge and skills. The paper aims to demonstrate that community museums can be one of the key hubs for the preservation of culture with the collection and promotion of cultural objects, artifacts, and intangible cultural heritages. The preservation of culture not only has contributed to establishing their ethnic identity but also has contributed to establishing their recognition of their political space in the mainstream politics - the constitution of Nepal has recognized Tharus to provide reservation for the political space.

Keywords: community museum, tharu, , identity, culture

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Authors: Zoaib Mirza

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Pakistan is an Islamic country that got its partition from India in 1947 so that the people could practice the religion of Islam. The ideology of Pakistan was based on the notion that sovereignty only belonged to God Almighty (in Arabic, God means “Allah”), and Muslims will live in accordance with Islam principles. The Quran (Holy Book) and Sunnah (authentic practices of Prophet Mohammad, Peace Be Upon Him, that explains the application of the Quran) are foundations of the Islamic principles. It has been over 75 years, but unfortunately, Pakistan, due to its own political, social, and economic mistakes, is responsible for not being able to become a true Islamic nation to justify its partition from India. The rationale for writing this paper is to analyze the factors that led to changes in the democratic movements impacting the country's political, social, and economic growth. The methodology to examine the historical and political context of Pakistan’s history is by referencing the scholarly work of Israr Ahmed, a Pakistani Islamic theologian, philosopher, and Islamic scholar. While from a Western perspective, Karl Marx, Mar Weber, Hannah Arendt, Sheldon Wolin, Paulo Freire, and Jacques Ranciere's philosophies specific to totalitarianism, politics, military rule, religion, capitalism, and superpower are used as the framework to analyze Pakistan’s democracy. The study's findings conclude that Pakistan's democracy is unstable and has been impacted by military and civilian governance, which led to political, social, and economic downfall. To improve the current situation, the citizens of Pakistan have to realize that the success of a nation is only dependent on the level of consciousness of the leader and not the political system. Therefore, it is the responsibility of every citizen to be conscious of how they select their leader and take responsibility for the current situation in Pakistan.

Keywords: Pakistan, Islam, democracy, totalitarianism, military, religion, capitalism

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Authors: Eve-Andree Laramee

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The aesthetics and ethics of the Nuclear Anthropocene are explored through artists responses to the impact of radioactive materials on ecological systems, global issues, energy policies and ourselves. This presentation tracks and reveals the invisible traces of the nuclear weapons complex and the nuclear energy industry, in relation to environmental justice. Radioactive pollution transgresses international borders, boundaries between land and water, contaminating ecological systems. Radioactive waste is never disposed of; it is dispositioned, placed out of sight and out of mind. These materials leave behind an invisible toxic legacy lasting millions of years. As we are learning post-Fukushima, when climate change occurs and vulnerability spectrums shift, nuclear sites and the life forms surrounding them are at increased risk. By visualizing this contamination through art installations, videos, and social-sculpture interventions, information is shared with the public, raising awareness, and activating community participation in remediation and nonproliferation efforts. The emerging Ecological Art genre proposes paradigms sustainable with the life forms and resources of our planet. It is comprised of artists, scientists, philosophers and activists devoted to these. EcoArt is distinguished by a focus on systems and interrelationships within our environment: the ecological, geographic, political, biological and cultural. This presentation will cover artworks addressing the recent Fukushima meltdowns, weapons proliferation, climate change, radioactive waste disposal and environmental justice. Possibilities for art-and-science collaborations will be discussed as projects that sharpen our ethics and politics in our behaviors and social interactions. The presentation will consist of a PowerPoint talk (paper presentation) accompanied by images and video clips.

Keywords: art, ecology, environment, anthropocene, nuclear

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Authors: Paula Higa

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This paper briefly examines age and its impact on a dancer’s performance career. An investigation into the possible reasons why audiences don’t regularly see veteran dancers on stage (termed as the Gray Dancer) supports the research. This analysis reflects some of the social dynamics that shape perceptions of the aging body in the U.S., as well as the correlation between the meaning of old and decay in Western culture. The primary question addressed in this research asks, who has the prerogative to determine when a dancer should stop dancing - society or the dancer themselves The aging process can significantly shorten a performer's professional career. The body has less endurance and is more susceptible to injuries, fatigue, etc. It also becomes less flexible and loses muscular strength and tone. A reduction in physical skills may usher gray dancers to embrace an ideology of shorter careers. However, in today’s age of diversity, equity, and inclusion, the realm of dance performance should reflect the times in which it is rooted; a multi-generational environment where people interact and participate in all of life's events. Overall, this study champions the inclusion of gray dancers as representations of mastery and wisdom akin to those traits associated with age and experience across various professions. Dance is an art form that transcends the assumptions of youthful beauty and physical ability. It serves as a conduit for conveying a lifetime of experiences, emotions, and ideas through the expressive vehicle of the body. Furthermore, it presents audiences with a medium to perceive and comprehend both themselves and life itself, echoing Noverre's insightful contemplation. The essay underscores the importance of valuing, sensing, and appreciating the richness that gray dancers bring to the stage by delving into segments of dance history and analyzing the possible influence of curators, directors, audiences, and society in general on ageism in dance.

Keywords: dance, ageism, politics in dance, curatorial process

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Authors: Shantanu Majumder

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This paper attempts to explain the factors contribute in attracting and engaging rural women in Bangladesh toward political Islam that in many cases manifests itself in the form of violent extremism (VE). Bangladesh, the fourth largest Muslim majority country in the world, has been confronting the problem of VE in the name of Islam since a long. The political Islamists, explaining the events like military operations in Afghanistan and Iraq, anti-Muslim politics in neighboring India and Myanmar, Islamophobia in the West, and several other issues in their own way, have become to a vast extent successful in creating a high level of emotion, anger and a feeling of being oppressed worldwide among the ordinary Muslims masses. Half-hearted role of public intellectuals and political expediency of liberal political forces in explaining these events in a secular democratic way also facilitate the extremists to earn political dividend. VE was perceived as an all-male activism of the political Islamists’ in the past in Bangladesh. However, evidence in the recent times shows that there are sympathizers, recruiters, and perpetrators as well among the womenfolk in favor of VE-based political Islam. The first section in this paper sheds light on the way the political Islamists build rapport with and win over the heart of target women in countryside under the camouflage of preaching authentic Islam. This section also describes the role of family in involvement of women in VE. The second section discusses wide-ranging use of websites, facebook, laptop, mobile phones and several other means in the way to motivate and radicalize women. How the involvement with political Islamists brings changes in thinking process, lifestyle and family life of motivated women has been focused in the third section. The final section deals briefly with the way out relying on the argument that law and order forces alone cannot tackle this problem.

Keywords: Bangladesh, political Islam, violent extremism, women

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Authors: Mariana Anaya Villafana

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The sudden change of a significant percentage of the Latino community in the United States elections towards a Republican political orientation was reflected during the 2016 presidential election. This moment represented a radical change that is happening inside the Latino community in the United States, the support they have given to Trump's campaign only demonstrates their support for new anti-immigration regulations and conservative values, which are causing a division of ideologies inside the Latino community. One of the main goals of the following research is to understand the whole phenomenon 'Why would people join their own oppressor?' Align themselves with the politics that prevent many of their relatives to come to the United States and made the assimilation process difficult for their parents. It is important to prove that a change in the identity has happened, through the use of power relations and the attachment to the desired object. A group of Hispanics/Latinos have decided to vote for Trump in order to belong to a society that hasn’t been able to fully include them within it, an action that can result on the non-intentional harm of the values and aims of the rest of the Latino/Hispanic community. In order to understand their new political beliefs, it is necessary to use the method of discourse analysis to comprehend those comments and interviews that are published on web sites such as: 'Latinos for Trump' and 'GOP Hispanic Division'. Among the results that the research has shown, the notion of the 'American Dream' can be considered as a determinant object for the construction of a new identity that is rooted in hard work and legality. One that is proud of the Latino heritage but still wants to maintain the boundaries between legality and illegality in relation to the immigrants. This discourse results on a contradiction to most of the cases because they mention that their families came to the U.S. as immigrants; the only difference is that they work hard to obtain legal citizenship.

Keywords: populism, identity, Latino Community, migration

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Authors: Saied Farham-Nia, Alireza Ghaffari-Hadigheh

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Game theory is a mathematical tool to study the behaviors of a rational and strategic decision-makers, that analyze existing equilibrium in interest conflict situation and provides an appropriate mechanisms for cooperation between two or more player. Game theory is applicable for any strategic and interest conflict situation in politics, management and economics, sociology and etc. Real worlds’ decisions are usually made in the state of indeterminacy and the players often are lack of the information about the other players’ payoffs or even his own, which leads to the games in uncertain environments. When historical data for decision parameters distribution estimation is unavailable, we may have no choice but to use expertise belief degree, which represents the strength with that we believe the event will happen. To deal with belief degrees, we have use uncertainty theory which is introduced and developed by Liu based on normality, duality, subadditivity and product axioms to modeling personal belief degree. As we know, the personal belief degree heavily depends on the personal knowledge concerning the event and when personal knowledge changes, cause changes in the belief degree too. Uncertainty theory not only theoretically is self-consistent but also is the best among other theories for modeling belief degree on practical problem. In this attempt, we primarily reintroduced Expected Utility Function in uncertainty environment according to uncertainty theory axioms to extract payoffs. Then, we employed Nash Equilibrium to investigate the solutions. For more practical issues, Stackelberg leader-follower Game and Bertrand Game, as a benchmark models are discussed. Compared to existing articles in the similar topics, the game models and solution concepts introduced in this article can be a framework for problems in an uncertain competitive situation based on experienced expert’s belief degree.

Keywords: game theory, uncertainty theory, belief degree, uncertain expected value, Nash equilibrium

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Authors: Iqra Raza

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This paper attempts to conceptualize the (de)humanization of the Muslim subject in Karen J. Greenberg and Janet Hamlin’s transmedia Sketching Guantanamo through a close study of the aesthetics and semiotics of the text. The Muslim experience, the paper shall argue, is mediated through a (de)humanization confined and incarcerated within the chains of artistic representation. Hamlin’s reliance on the distortions offered by stereotypes is reminiscent of the late Victorian epistemology on criminality, as evidenced most starkly in the sketch of Khalid Sheikh Mohammad. The position of the white artist thus becomes suspect in the enterprise of neo-Victorian ethnography. The visual stories of movement from within Guantanamo become potent; the paper shall argue, especially in juxtaposition with the images of stillness that came out from the detention centers, which portrayed the enactment of violence on individual bodies with a deliberate erasure of faces. So, while art becomes a way for reclaiming subjectivity or humanizing these identifiable bodies, the medium predicates itself on their objectification. The paper shall explore various questions about what it means for the (criminal?) subjects to be rendered into art rather than being photographed. Does art entail a necessary departure from the assumed objectivity of the photographic images? What makes art the preferred medium for (de)humanization of the violated Muslim bodies? What happens when art is produced without a recognition of the ‘precariousness’ of the life being portrayed? Rendering the detainees into art becomes a slippery task complicated by Hamlin’s privileged position outside the glass walls of the court. The paper shall adjourn analysis at the many dichotomies that exist in the text viz. between the White men and the brown, the Muslims and the Christians, Occident and the Orient problematized by Hamlin’s politics, that of a ‘neutral outsider’ which quickly turns on its head and becomes complicity in her deliberate erasure of the violence that shaped and still shapes Guantanamo.

Keywords: Abu Ghraib, Derrida, Guantanamo, graphic journalism, Muslimness, orient, spectrality

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Authors: Tongpong Sriboon, Prapita Thanarak, Chaitawatch Khunrangabsang

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Nowadays, the usage of power generated from photovoltaic system has been promoted significantly in Thailand. The targeted result which is to increase the Solar Power Generation in 2036 to 6000 megawatts (MW) was planned by Alternative Energy Development Plan (AEDP 2015) and Power Development Plan (PDP 2015). The solar rooftop 200 MW was promoted and supported under the Feed-in Tariff scheme (FiT) in two phases; phase I in 2012 and phase II in 2015. However, the number of people interested in supporting the projects reduced due to many reasons which range from the first process to the last that is to sell electricity back to Electricity Authority. This paper will review this situation especially in total electricity generated from solar rooftop system during the day that has been sold back to the grid utility in different capacity FiT rates. With many stakeholders involved, the regulations and criteria were established to maintain the standard of the system. Besides, lots of problems have occurred during the processes including reliability and quality. These problems were shortly followed by other irrevocably issues concerning politics, social, economic etc. In order to effectively develop solar PV power system in Thailand, the problems and solutions were compared to those from six countries including Japan, Australia. America, China, German and Malaysia. This paper particularly focuses on policies and measurement implemented to encourage the rising in solar PV system interest. This review enables one to gain insight into the nature of the changes that have taken place in each and every country mentioned above as well as the underlying reasons behind them. Brief analysis is carried out on identify key challenges and opportunities for solar PV application. This could help create a development path that is suitable with situations to enhance the overall performance of solar PV power generating system in Thailand.

Keywords: solar PV rooftop, PV policy, self-consumption, solar PV power generation

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Authors: Yulan Wu

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With the rapid development of social media, the issue of fake news has gained considerable prominence, drawing the attention of both the public and governments. The widespread dissemination of false information poses a tangible threat across multiple domains of society, including politics, economy, and health. However, much research has concentrated on supervised training models within specific domains, their effectiveness diminishes when applied to identify fake news across multiple domains. To solve this problem, some approaches based on domain labels have been proposed. By segmenting news to their specific area in advance, judges in the corresponding field may be more accurate on fake news. However, these approaches disregard the fact that news records can pertain to multiple domains, resulting in a significant loss of valuable information. In addition, the datasets used for training must all be domain-labeled, which creates unnecessary complexity. To solve these problems, an unsupervised domain knowledge discovery framework for fake news detection is proposed. Firstly, to effectively retain the multidomain knowledge of the text, a low-dimensional vector for each news text to capture domain embeddings is generated. Subsequently, a feature extraction module utilizing the unsupervisedly discovered domain embeddings is used to extract the comprehensive features of news. Finally, a classifier is employed to determine the authenticity of the news. To verify the proposed framework, a test is conducted on the existing widely used datasets, and the experimental results demonstrate that this method is able to improve the detection performance for fake news across multiple domains. Moreover, even in datasets that lack domain labels, this method can still effectively transfer domain knowledge, which can educe the time consumed by tagging without sacrificing the detection accuracy.

Keywords: fake news, deep learning, natural language processing, multiple domains

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Authors: Daniel Alati

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Recent high-profile terrorist events in Canada, the United Kingdom and Europe – the London Bridge attacks, the terrorist attacks in Nice, France and Barcelona, Spain, the 2014 Ottawa Parliament attacks and the 2017 attacks in Edmonton – have all raised levels of public and academic concern with so-called “lone-wolf” and “radicalized” terrorism. Similarly, several countries outside of the “Western” world have been dealing with radicalization to violent extremism for several years. Many South East Asian countries, including Indonesia, Malaysia, Singapore and the Philippines have all had experience with what might be described as ISIS or extremist-inspired acts of terrorism. Indeed, it appears the greatest strength of groups such as ISIS has been their ability to spread a global message of violent extremism that has led to radicalization in markedly different jurisdictions throughout the world. These markedly different jurisdictions have responded with counter-radicalization strategies that warrant further comparative analysis. This paper utilizes an inter-disciplinary legal methodology. In doing so, it compares legal, political, cultural and historical aspects of the counter-radicalization strategies employed by Canada, the United Kingdom and several South East Asian countries (Indonesia, Malaysia, Singapore and the Philippines). Whilst acknowledging significant legal and political differences between these jurisdictions, the paper engages in these analyses with an eye towards understanding which best practices might be shared between the jurisdictions. In doing so, it presents valuable findings of a comparative nature that are useful to both academic and practitioner audiences in several jurisdictions.

Keywords: Canada, United Kingdom and South East Asia, comparative law and politics, radicalization to violent extremism, terrorism

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Authors: Shazia Anwer

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The current TV Talk Shows, especially on domestic politics in Pakistan are following the Aristotelian techniques, including deductive reasoning, three modes of persuasion, and guidelines for communication. The application of “Approximate Truth is also seen when Talk Show presenters create doubts against political personalities or national issues. Mainstream media of Pakistan, being a key carrier of narrative construction for the sake of the primary function of national consensus on regional and extended public diplomacy, is failing the purpose. This paper has highlighted the Aristotelian communication methodology, its purposes and its limitations for a serious discussion, and its connection to the mistrust among the Pakistani population regarding fake or embedded, funded Information. Data has been collected from 3 Pakistani TV Talk Shows and their analysis has been made by applying the Aristotelian communication method to highlight the core issues. Paper has also elaborated that current media education is impaired in providing transparent techniques to train the future journalist for a meaningful, thought-provoking discussion. For this reason, this paper has given an overview of HEC’s (Higher Education Commission) graduate-level Mass Com Syllabus for Pakistani Universities. The idea of ethos, logos, and pathos are the main components of TV Talk Shows and as a result, the educated audience is lacking trust in the mainstream media, which eventually generating feelings of distrust and betrayal in the society because productions look like the genre of Drama instead of facts and analysis thus the line between Current Affairs shows and Infotainment has become blurred. In the last section, practical implication to improve meaningfulness and transparency in the TV Talk shows has been suggested by replacing the Aristotelian communication method with the cognitive semiotic communication approach.

Keywords: Aristotelian techniques of communication, current affairs talk shows, drama, Pakistan

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Authors: Khushboo Verma

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The use of rape as a weapon of war has been in existence for as early as the middle ages. Women, during the conflict, have been treated as the spoils of war, a reward for the conquering soldiers granted to them by their superiors which is, arguably, most often overlooked as part of the collateral damage that is unavoidable in conflict zones. Korean-born Therese Park’s first novel, A Gift of the Emperor (1997), describes one such atrocious incidence wherein she highlights the active role the Japanese military played in procuring and condoning trafficking of women, who were euphemistically referred to as ‘comfort women’, for prostitution during World War II. This paper thus aims to look at the remembering and reckonings of these women, which fueled a range of creative gestures in the artistic representations and knowledge production by Korean American artists and writers. The essay divides into three parts wherein first it tries to highlight the relationship of the state and the self in relation to the ‘comfort women’ as to who bears the onus of the exploitation of these women, or the responsibility for the redressal with the present-day notions of human rights as studied through Ueno Chizuko’s ‘The Politics of Memory: Nation, Individual and Self’ (1999). There are several narratological elements of the text that are of interest here which shall be viewed and analysed throughout the paper as well. The second part of the paper talks about the aesthetics of rape and sexual violence as represented or (mis)represented by Park in her novel as she attempts to give voice to the victim and retain her and her suffering as the central focus of the narrative. Finally, the third part of the novel explores as well as places the novel in the context of debates over the highly contested issue of ‘comfort women’ and the actual ‘comfort women’ survivors’ testimonies. For this purpose, the present study focuses on Dori Laub’s ‘Truth and Testimony: The Process and the Struggle’ (1991).

Keywords: Korean comfort women, survivors’ testimonies, sexual slavery, aesthetics of sexual violence, horrible memories

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Authors: Dylan Yanano Mangani, Theodore Nkadimeng Mahosi

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Soon after independence on 18th April 1980, Zimbabwe’s foreign policy was shaped by the realities on the ground, which saw the country managing a sound relationship with both the Capitalist West and the Communist Eastern blocs. The post-independence foreign policy was therefore premised on security concerns illuminated by the Cold War era. This was one the reasons President Robert Mugabe adopted a policy of reconciliation and this earned his government recognition on the international platform. However, in Southern Africa apartheid South Africa was still the vanguard of capitalism and oppression such that she posed a serious threat to the newly born Zimbabwean nation which necessitated that Zimbabwe position herself both in the region and the continent to counter potential internal stability from within. Irrespective of how the international community viewed the country’s foreign policy Zimbabwe has continued to influence regional, continental and world geo-politics, especially on behalf of the developing nations. This raises a question why as a result of its foreign policy the country is now regarded a pariah state, especially some Western countries which used to applaud its political economic policies immediately after independence. Therefore, this study argues that the political economy of Zimbabwe had a far-reaching bearing on its foreign policy. For this reason, the problem necessitates the investigation of Zimbabwe’s foreign policy perspectives in Southern Africa since the turn of the 1990s. Two main theories which are Realism, Afro-centrism inform the study as an attempt to understand Zimbabwe’s foreign policy paradigm shift and perhaps provide answers to the objectives raised. The research therefore employs a qualitative approach where the conceptual nature of the study into the foreign policy of Zimbabwe is largely desktop research. However, the nature of the study will also require that oral interviews are conducted to substantiate some of the arguments advanced.

Keywords: cold war set up, foreign policy, look east policy, pan-africanism, post 2000 period, Southern Africa, Zimbabwe

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Authors: Ahmad Almaududy Amri

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Southeast Asia is considered as an area which is important in terms of piratical studies. There are several reasons to this argument: firstly, it has the second highest figure of piracy attacks in the world from 2008 to 2012. Only the African Region transcends the number of piracies that were committed in Southeast Asia. Secondly, the geographical location of the region is very important to world trade. There are several sea lanes and straits which are normally used for international navigation mainly for trade purposes. In fact, there are six out of 25 busiest ports all over the world located in Southeast Asia. In ancient times, the main drivers of piracy were raiding for plunder and capture of slaves; however, in modern times, developments in politics, economics and even military technology have drastically altered the universal crime of piracy. There are a variety of motives behind modern day piracy including economic gains from receiving ransoms from government or ship companies, political and even terrorist reasons. However, it cannot be denied that piratical attacks persist and continue. States have taken measures both at the international and regional level in order to eradicate piratical attacks. The United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea and the Convention on the Suppression of Unlawful Act against the Safety of Navigation served as the two main international legal frameworks in combating piracy. At the regional level, Regional Cooperation Agreement against Piracy and Armed Robbery and ASEAN measures are regard as prominent in addressing the piracy problem. This paper will elaborate the problems of piracy in Southeast Asia and examine the adequacy of legal frameworks at both the international and regional levels in order address the current legal measures in combating piracy. Furthermore, it will discuss current challenges in the implementation of anti-piracy measures at the international and regional levels as well as the way forward in addressing the issue.

Keywords: piracy, Southeast Asia, maritime security, legal frameworks

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Authors: Nkrumak Micheal Atta Ofori

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The Vocational System is a decentralized Studies System implemented in Ghana as vocation studies strategy for grassroot that focuses on providing individuals with the specific skills, knowledge, and training necessary for a particular trade, craft, profession, or occupation. This article asks how devolution of vocational studies to local level authorities produces responsive and accountable representation and sustainable vocational learning under the vocational Studies System. It focuses on two case studies: Asokore Mampong and Atwima kwanwoma Municipal. Then, the paper asks how senior high school are developing new material and social practices around the vocational studies System to rebuild their livelihoods and socio-economic wellbeing. Here, the article focusses on Kumasi District, drawing lessons for the two other cases. The article shows how the creation of representative groups under the Vocational Studies System provides the democratic space necessary for effective representation of community aspirations. However, due to elite capture, the interests of privilege few people are promoted. The state vocational training fails to devolve relevant and discretionary resources to local teachers and do not follow the prescribed policy processes of the Vocational Studies System. Hence, local teachers are unable to promote responsive and accountable representation. Rural communities continue to show great interest in the Vocational Studies System, but the interest is bias towards gaining access to vocational training schools for advancing studies. There is no active engagement of the locals in vocational training, and hence, the Vocational Studies System exists only to promote individual interest of communities. This article shows how ‘failed’ interventions can gain popular support for rhetoric and individual gains.

Keywords: vocational studies system, devolution of vocational studies, local-level authorities, senior high schools and vocational learning, community aspirations and representation

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Authors: Mohammad Hossein Badamchi

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In Iran as well as other developing countries instituting innovation and entrepreneurship ecosystems by government around the universities is the new imported fashion of modernization and development in the 21st century. In recent decade various statesmen, policy makers, university administrations, economists and development theorists are emphasizing excitingly about the new “start-ups” which are going to solve all economic problems and backwardness of the country. However, critical study of modernization practices in Iran implies that this new trend is suffering from conventional deficiency of modernization planning in 20th century. This article is going to depict the misunderstandings of a situation which we can name “Pseudo-innovation in a closed society” by presenting these 12 paradoxes of this new system, actually happening in Iran: (1) Innovation without freedom? Fiction of innovation in a patriarchal state (2) Entrepreneurship without free market? Fiction of entrepreneurship in a rentier-state. (3) Ecosystem or a state-glasshouse? Is it possible to make and plan an innovation? (4) Innovation; epistemic or practical? How academic innovation could happen abstractly out of context? (5) Risk and Lucre: innovation to protect power and property?! (6) Silicon-valley mirage: what is in common between American-Iranian polity? (7) Information or Communication? ICT startups to restrict the internet (8) The elite paradox: new proletariat of private sector, new governmental clerk or a new path of brain drain? (9) Innovation or commercialization? Revisiting Schumpeterian creative destruction (10) The friendship of Jungle and fire: paradox of public science and market (11) Innovation and revolution: top-down or bottom-up paradox in an Iranian experience (12) Technology instead of civil society: ultimate result of innovation in a closed society. Through explaining these paradoxes we can gradually penetrate the real rationality of Pseudo-innovation ecosystem in a closed society, which can be understood as new-Neopatriarchy reconstruction of traditional patriarchal politics, economy and culture in Iran.

Keywords: innovation, critical sociology, modernisation, Iran, closed society

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Authors: Nissim Avissar

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This paper aims to question the practice of bringing together people belonging to groups in conflict with the aim of bridging differences through universal empathy and interpersonal connections. It is argued that in cases where one group has the power, and the other is in a struggle to change the balance assuming universal equality between the groups and encouraging emphatic understanding is a non-emphatic practice. Accordingly, a new concept is posited–justice-sensitive empathy, conditioning empathy in such situations on the acknowledgement of an imbalance of power/injustice. With this reframing in mind, educational practices promoting social justice are discussed. In order to create conditions for justice-seeking or politically sensitive empathy, we need to go beyond the conventional definitions of empathy and offer other means and possibilities. Three possibilities are discussed. The first focuses on intra-group (as opposed to inter-group) processes within each group. It means temporary and tactical separation that may allow each group to focus on its own needs and values and perhaps to return to the dialogue more confidently. The second option emphasizes the notion of "constructive conflict," which means that each side still aspires to promote his own interests but without demolishing the other side (which is a rival but also an unwanted and forced partner). Here, alongside the "obligation to resist" and to act to promote justice as we view and understand it, we have to take into account the other side. The third and last option relates to the practice of Restorative Justice. This practice originated in the Truth and Reconciliation committees in South Africa, but it is now widely used in other contexts. Those committees had the authority to punish (or pardon) people; however, their main purpose was to seek truth and, from there, nourish reconciliation. This is the main idea of restorative justice; it seeks justice for the sake of restoring relationships. All the above options involve action and are aware of power relations (i.e., politics). They all seek justice. They may create conditions for the more conventional empathic practice to evolve, but no less than that, they are examples of justice-seeking and politically sensitive empathetic practice.

Keywords: education, empathy, justice, reconciliation

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Authors: Miguel A. Jimenez Barros, Elyn L. Solano Charris, Luis E. Ramirez, Lauren Castro Bolano, Carlos Torres Barreto, Juliana Morales Cubillo

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This project sought to mitigate the high levels of water consumption in industrial processes in accordance with the water-rationing plan promoted at national and international level due to the water consumption projections published by the United Nations. Water consumption has three main uses, municipal (common use), agricultural and industrial where the latter consumes a minimum percentage (around 20% of the total consumption). Awareness on world water scarcity, a Colombian company responsible for generation of massive consumption products, decided to implement politics and techniques for water treatment, recycling, and reuse. The project consisted in a business technology program that permits a better use of wastewater caused by production operations. This approach reduces the potable water consumption, generates better conditions of water in the sewage dumps, generates a positive environmental impact for the region, and is a reference model in national and international levels. In order to achieve the objective, a process flow diagram was used in order to define the industrial processes that required potable water. This strategy allowed the industry to determine a water reuse plan at the operational level without affecting the requirements associated with the manufacturing process and even more, to support the activities developed in administrative buildings. Afterwards, the company made an evaluation and selection of the chemical and biological processes required for water reuse, in compliance with the Colombian Law. The implementation of the business technology program optimized the water use and recirculation rate up to 70%, accomplishing an important reduction of the regional environmental impact.

Keywords: bio-reactor, potable water, reverse osmosis, water treatment

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Authors: A. Kok

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The South African experience of the general upsurge in protest movements internationally is characterised by a tension between a neo-patrimonial state on the one hand, and a society with growing middle-class needs and interests on the other. This tension translates into local community service delivery protests – often violent in nature – that have been steadily increasing in number since 2008, student uprisings that have reached their height in October 2015, and various continuing local social #MustFall movements that are geared towards addressing government corruption and transforming neo-liberal structures. As a result, growing citizen (and non-citizen) revolt in South Africa has seen the (i) creeping securitization of the neo-patrimonial state and (ii) the 'top-down' misuse of a current 'bottom-up' people’s ideology, decoloniality, in an attempt by a faction in the ruling party (representing the neo-patrimonial state) to legitimize its actions and consolidate its power. The neo-patrimonial state’s creeping securitization and ideological positioning lead to a further mistrust of public institutions, people’s disengagement with traditional politics, and the creation of a 'parallel polis' by citizens and non-citizens that bypasses the official and oftentimes corrupt structures of the state. By applying the concept 'parallel polis' – originally developed by Václav Benda in connection with the movement Charter 77 in former Czechoslovakia – to a South African case study, it is illustrated that, even in the absence of overt oppression and the use of terror by a ruling elite, entrenched neo-patrimonialism can be potent enough to fuel the creation of various independent parallel public spheres (or, as a whole, understood as a 'parallel polis') to bypass dysfunctional state channels. A flourishing parallel polis offers possibilities for political, social and economic renewal. This is especially relevant in the consolidation of South Africa’s relatively young democracy.

Keywords: decoloniality, neo-patrimonialism, 'parallel polis', protest movements, South Africa, state securitization

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Authors: Philippa Hunter

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How might history education support teachers and students to see the past as a provocation, be open to possible futures, and act differently? As teacher educators in an age of diversity and uncertainty, we need to question history’s curriculum nature, pedagogy, and policy intent. The cultural politics of history’s identity in the senior secondary curriculum influences educational socialization (disciplinary, professional, research) and engagement with curriculum decision-making. This paper reflects on curriculum disturbance that shaped a critical pedagogy stance to problematize school history’s certainties. The context is situated in an Aotearoa New Zealand university-based initial teacher education programme. A pedagogic innovation was activated whereby problematized history pedagogy [PHP] was conceptualized as the phenomenon and method of inquiry and storied in doctoral work. The PHP was a reciprocal research process involving history class’ participants and the teacher as researcher, in fashioning teaching identities, identifying with, and thinking critically about history pedagogy. PHP findings revealed evocative discourses of embodiment, nostalgia, and connectedness about living ‘inside the past’. Participants expressed certainty about their abilities as teachers living ‘outside the past’ to interpret historical perspectives. However, discomfort was evident in relation to ‘difficult knowledge’ or unfamiliar contexts of the past that exposed exclusion, powerlessness, or silenced voices. Participants identified history programmes as strongly masculine and conflict-focused. A normalized inquiry-transmission approach to history pedagogy was identified and critiqued. Individuals’ reflexive accounts of PHP implemented whilst on practicum indicate possibilities of history pedagogy as; inclusive and democratic, social and ethical reconstruction, and as a critical project. The PHP sought to reimagine history curriculum and identify spaces of possibility in secondary postgraduate teacher education.

Keywords: curriculum, pedagogy, problematise, reciprocal

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Authors: Roland F. Karthaus, Rachel S. O'Brien

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Over the past decade, the authors have undertaken applied research aimed at enabling transformation within the prison service to improve conditions and outcomes for those living, working and visiting in prisons in the UK and the communities they serve. The research has taken place against a context of reducing resources and public discontent at increasing levels of violence, deteriorating conditions and persistently high levels of re-offending. Top-down governmental policies have mainly been ineffectual and in some cases counter-productive. The prison service is characterised by hierarchical organisation, and the research has applied design thinking at multiple levels to challenge and precipitate change: top-down, middle-out and bottom-up. The research employs three distinct but related approaches, system design (top-down): working at the national policy level to analyse the changing policy context, identifying opportunities and challenges; engaging with the Ministry of Justice commissioners and sector organisations to facilitate debate, introducing new evidence and provoking creative thinking, place-based design (middle-out): working with individual prison establishments as pilots to illustrate and test the potential for local empowerment, creative change, and improved architecture within place-specific contexts and organisational hierarchies, everyday design (bottom-up): working with individuals in the system to explore the potential for localised, significant, demonstrator changes; including collaborative design, capacity building and empowerment in skills, employment, communication, training, and other activities. The research spans a series of projects, through which the methodological approach has developed responsively. The projects include a place-based model for the re-purposing of Ministry of Justice land assets for the purposes of rehabilitation; an evidence-based guide to improve prison design for health and well-being; capacity-based employment, skills and self-build project as a template for future open prisons. The overarching research has enabled knowledge to be developed and disseminated through policy and academic networks. Whilst the research remains live and continuing; key findings are emerging as a basis for a new methodological approach to effecting change in the UK prison service. An interdisciplinary approach is necessary to overcome the barriers between distinct areas of the prison service. Sometimes referred to as total environments, prisons encompass entire social and physical environments which themselves are orchestrated by institutional arms of government, resulting in complex systems that cannot be meaningfully engaged through narrow disciplinary lenses. A scalar approach is necessary to connect strategic policies with individual experiences and potential, through the medium of individual prison establishments, operating as discrete entities within the system. A reflexive process is necessary to connect research with action in a responsive mode, learning to adapt as the system itself is changing. The role of individuals in the system, their latent knowledge and experience and their ability to engage and become agents of change are essential. Whilst the specific characteristics of the UK prison system are unique, the approach is internationally applicable.

Keywords: architecture, design, policy, prison, system, transformation

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Authors: T. Aragaw, P. Gari

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In spite of social, political, and economic marginalization, women are still considered as the backbone of Ethiopia, one of the least developed countries in the world. The general purpose of this study was to assess factors that affect participation of women in politics, social and economic decisions at Kelem-Wollega Administrative Zone of Oromia Regional State, Ethiopia. Data used in this paper is mainly primary, and a few secondary data were incorporated. Respondents were selected using a systematic random sampling method and were placed questionnaires containing open-ended and closed-ended. Focus group discussion was also used for the study subjects in two offices. According to the information collected from the KWAZ Development and Social Service Office, a total of 18,473 tax-paying employees are present in the Zone, which is 14% of the total population of the Zone. Among the total number of employees in the Zone, 2,617 have been recruited for this study based on the criteria stated. This showed 1.8% of them were comprised of several churches and religious owned integrated development projects in the KWAZ. The 2,103 (80.34%) study participants responded personally, and they completed and returned the questionnaire to the researchers. The study revealed that in public institutions existed in KWAZ, the majority of women were having an educational status of diploma and lower, practicing lower non-decision making and leadership positions. Conclusion: Major barriers hindering women include: Socio-cultural attitudes, lack of necessary experience, education, the burden of domestic responsibilities, and lack of role models of women leaders in the Zone. Empowerment of women via social organizations, critical involvement of the government, and Affirmative action for women is critical. Further research is needed on the scope and challenges in implementing the strategies.

Keywords: women, affirmative action, leadership, empowerment, Ethiopia

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Authors: Yasaman Samie

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The ever-increasing rate of textile and clothing (T&C) waste generation and the common ineffective waste management practices have been for long a challenge for civic waste management. This challenge stems from not only the complexity in the T&C material components but also the heterogeneous nature of the T&C waste management sector and the disconnection between the stakeholders. To date, there is little research that investigates the importance of a governmental structure and its role in T&C waste managerial practices and decision makings. This paper reflects on the impacts and involvement of governments, the Acts, and legislation on the effectiveness of T&C waste management practices, which are carried out by multiple players in a city context. In doing so, this study first develops a methodical framework for holistically analyzing a city’s T&C waste ecosystem. Central to this framework are six dimensions: social, environmental, economic, political, cultural, and educational, as well as the connection between these dimensions such as Socio-Political and Cultural-Political. Second, it delves into the political dimension and its interconnections with varying aspects of T&C waste. In this manner, this case-study takes metropolitan Melbourne as a case and draws on social theories of Actor-Network Theory and the principals of supply chain design and planning. Data collection was through two rounds of semi-structured interviews with 18 key players of T&C waste ecosystem (including charities, city councils, private sector providers and producers) mainly within metropolitan Melbourne and also other Australian and European cities. Research findings expand on the role of the politics of waste in facilitating a proactive approach to T&C waste management in the cities. That is achieved through a revised definition for T&C waste and its characteristics, discussing the varying perceptions of value in waste, prioritizing waste types in civic waste management practices and how all these aspects shall be reflected in the in-placed acts and legislations.

Keywords: civic waste management, multi-stakeholder ecosystem, textile and clothing waste, waste and governments

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Authors: Reem Saad Alqahtani

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Drawing on minority literature, this research highlights the role of three contemporary Arab American writers, considering the significance of the historical and cultural contexts of the brutal attacks of 9/11. The focus of the research is to draw attention to the poetry of Samuel Hazo, Nathalie Handal, and Naomi Shihab Nye as representatives of the identity crisis, whose experiences left them feeling marginalized and alienated in both societies, and reflected as one of the ethnic American minority groups, as demonstrated in their poetry, with a special focus on hybridity, resistance, identity, and empowerment. The study explores the writers’ post-9/11 experience, affected by the United States’ long history of marginalization and discrimination against people of colour, placing Arab American literature with that of other ethnic American groups who share the same experience and contribute to composing literature characterized by the aesthetics of cultural hybridity, cultural complexity, and the politics of minorities to promote solidarity and coalition building. Indeed, the three selected Arab American writers have found a link between their narration and the identity of the exiled by establishing an identity that is a kind of synthesis of diverse identities of Western reality and Eastern nostalgia. The approaches applied in this study will include historical/biographical, postcolonial, and discourse analysis. The first will be used to emphasize the influence of the biographical aspects related to the community, identity, and resistance of the three poets on their poetry. The second is used to investigate the effects of postcolonialism on the poets and their responses to it, while the third understand the sociocultural, political, and historical dimensions of the texts, establishing these poets as representative of the Arab American experience. This study is significant because it will help shed light on the importance of the Arabic hybrid identity in creating resistance to minority communities within American society.

Keywords: Arab American, identity, hybridity, post-9/11

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Authors: Ketevan Epadze

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The paper aims to examine conflicting historical narratives proposed by the Georgian and Abkhazian scholars on the territorial affiliation of Abkhazia in the 1950s, explain how these narratives were connected to the Soviet nationalities policy after WW II and demonstrate the dynamic of the narratives’ battle in the last years of the Soviet system, which was followed by military conflict in the post-Soviet era. Abkhazia –a breakaway region of Georgia- self-declared its independence in 1992. Historical dispute on the territorial rights of Abkhazia emerged long before the military conflict began and was connected to the theory of Abkhazian ethnogenesis written by the Georgian literary scholar Pavle Ingorokva. He argued that medieval Abkhazians were Georgians, while modern Abkhazians are newcomers in Abkhazia. After the de-Stalinization, Abkhazian historians developed historical narrative opposed to Ingorokva’s theory. In the 1980s, Georgian dissidents who strove for Georgia’s independence used Ingorokva’s thesis to oppose Abkhazians desire for self-determination and sovereignty. Abkhazian political actors in their turn employed opposite historical arguments to legitimate their rights over autonomy. Ingorokva’s theory is one of the principal issues, discussed during the Georgian-Abkhazian dialogue; it often confuses Georgians and gives the reasons to Abkhazians for complaining about the Georgian discrimination in the Soviet past. The study is based on the different kind of sources: archival materials of the 1950s (Communist Party Archive of Georgia, Soviet Journal ‘Mnatobi’), the book by Pavle Ingorokva ‘Giorgi Merchule’ (1947-1954) and Zurab Anchabadze’s responsive work to Ingorokva’s book – ‘From the medieval history of Abkhazia’ (1956-1959), political speeches of the Georgian and Abkhazian political actors in the 1980s, secondary sources on the Soviet nationalities policy from the 1950s to the 1990s.

Keywords: Soviet, history, ethnicity, nationalism, politics, post-Soviet, conflict

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Authors: Pantelis Sklias, Panagiota Chatzimichailidou

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This study intents to clarify the nexus of adult education and economic development within the methodological framework of political economy within EU. The main logic behind this study is that economies with a higher level of adult education have higher levels of economic development. Despite the assumption that policy making in adult education will clearly be facilitated by any ‘proofs’ of efficiency, mainly monetary, this study acknowledges the limitations following the use of the narrow economic approaches embedded in the neoclassical framework and proposes that the methodological framework of political economy is the most relevant to explore the correlation between adult education and economic development. Focusing only on neoclassical economics to explore the financial impact of adult education, it will marginalize the consideration of its history, producing a short of historical amnesia, besides the social harm, namely the devaluation of its socio-cultural influences. On the other side the political economy perspective offers a wider perception of adult education’s profits from a quantitative and a qualitative perspective too. The understanding of adult education engages questions of political economy because it is identified mainly as means of transformation, either personal or societal, serving humanistic values, besides its accepted monetary attributes. The political economy elevates questions regarding how the three institutional arrangements -the state, the market, and the civil society, are engaged in promoting adult education and therefore how adult education could reinforce economic development. Here the economic substance is still considered but it is placed into a wider social spectrum, where politics, economy, and history interact with one another. This study restricts itself in EU and explores the role of the three institutional arrangements both in the formulation of policy planning, and in the mental transformational process of the individual learners, which opens the path to a deeper understanding of the interaction between the individual and the social action, and therefore between adult education and economic development. This study also elevates the idea that economic development can have a positive impact on the unification of Europe, which encompasses economic, political, and cultural components.

Keywords: adult education, economic development, EU, political economy, unification of Europe

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