Search results for: racial or ethnic politics

Authors: Xabier Barandiaran, Igone Guerra

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The economic and financial crisis that hit European countries in 2008 revealed the inability of governments to respond unilaterally to the so-called “wicked” problems that affect our societies. Closely linked to this, the increasing disaffection of citizens towards politics has resulted in growing distrust of the citizenry not only in the institutions in general but also in the political system, in particular. Precisely, these two factors provoked the action of the local government of Gipuzkoa (Basque Country) to move from old ways of “doing politics” to a new way of “thinking politics” based on a collaborative approach, in which innovative modes of public decision making are prominent. In this context, in 2015, the initiative Etorkizuna Eraikiz (Building the Future), a contemporary form of networked governance, was launched by the Provincial Government. The paper focuses on the Etorkizuna Eraikiz initiative, a sound commitment from a local government to build jointly with the citizens the future of the territory. This paper will present preliminary results obtained from three different experiences of co-creation developed within Etorkizuna Eraikiz in which the formulation of networked governance is a mandatory pre-requisite. These experiences show how the network building approach among the different agents of the territory as well as the co-creation of public policies is the cornerstone of this challenging mission. Through the analysis of the information and documentation gathered during the four years of Etorkizuna-Eraikiz, and, specifically by delving into the strategy promoted by the initiative, some emerging analytical conclusions resulting from the promotion of this collaborative culture will be presented. For example, some preliminary results have shown a significant positive relationship between shared leadership and the formulation of the public good. In the period 2016-2018, a total of 73 projects were launched and funding by the Provincial Government of Gipuzkoa within the Etorkizuna Eraikiz initiative, that indicates greater engagement of the citizenry in the process of policy-making and therefore improving, somehow, the quality of the public policies. These statements have been supported by the last survey about the perspectives of the citizens toward politics and policies. Some of the more prominent results show us that there is still a high level of distrust in Politics (78,9% of respondents) but a greater trust in institutions such the Political Government of Gipuzkoa (40,8% of respondents declared as “good” the performance of this provincial institution). Regarding the Etorkizuna Eraikiz Initiative, it is being more readily recognized by citizens over this period of time (25,4% of the respondents in June 2018 agreed to know about the initiative giving it a mark of 5,89 ) and thus build trust and a sense of ownership. Although, there is a clear requirement for further research on the linkages between collaborative governance and level of trust, the paper, based on these findings, will provide some managerial and theoretical implications for collaborative governance in the territory.

Keywords: network governance, collaborative governance, public sector innovation, citizen participation, trust

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Authors: K. C. Mujeebu Rahman

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Over the years, discussions in India regarding personal law in India have focused on its deficiencies, increasing involvement of the judiciary, and the pursuit of uniformity. However, little attention has been given to understanding how the law functions in a multicultural nation committed to political secularism. This paper addresses this gap by exploring the mahallu system in Malabar, shedding light on the decision-making process within Muslim personal law. It reveals that this process is deeply rooted in everyday micro-politics, sectarian dynamics, social pressure, and emotions. Through an in-depth examination of a triple talaq case, the paper demonstrates how love (or the lack of it), family expectations, and community authority intersect in resolving marital disputes. Instead of a straightforward legal interpretation, this process leads to a complex maze of micro-politics involving local religious factions and authorities. The paper underscores that the non-state quasi-legal institutions within the mahallu system represent a distinct form of legal pluralism characterized by intricate power dynamics at multiple levels. Moreover, it highlights the interplay between what is considered legally valid and what is deemed socially legitimate.

Keywords: islamic law, sharia, fatwa, muslim personal law

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Authors: Jummai Aliyu Mohammed

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The Sapir-Whorfian hypothesis postulates that the structure of a language determines the way in which species of that language view the world. It also states that the culture of a people finds reflection in their language. Consequently language becomes a vehicle of thought; a channel through which negative stereotypes of women is created and also one through which such images are dispelled. Women are generally portrayed as weaker vessels and inferior to men; a position which draws a counter reaction from women through their writings. In their writings, they attempt to reinvent womanhood and liberate the woman from the hitherto negative light they were portrayed. This position best describes the term feminism which argues that women be given equal rights in all spheres of life as men. This paper attempts to evaluate Ba’s ‘So Long a Letter’ and Alkali’s ‘The Stillborn’ with the view to identify the relationship between language and feminism. In evaluating this relationship, the paper concludes that there are several factors responsible for the variation in the speech pattern of male and female. All of these factors favour the male gender and further condemns the woman to oppression. Although the writers come from two different cultural backgrounds, the works amplify feminism and captured them as apostles of feminism.

Keywords: feminism, language, politics, Sapir-Whorfian hypothesis

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Authors: Catherine Harrison

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Faced with arrest, imprisonment and the denazification process in 1945, Tübingen University’s Professor of Theology, Gerhard Kittel, refused to abandon the “Christian” antisemitism which he had first expounded in his Die Judenfrage [The Jewish Question] (1933 and 1934). At the heart of this paper is a critical engagement with Die Judenfrage, the first in English. Putting Die Judenfrage into dialogue with Kittel’s 1946, Meine Verteidigung [My Defence] (1945-6) exposes the remarkable consistency of Kittel’s idiosyncratic but closely argued Christian theology of antisemitism. Girdling his career as a foremost theologian, antisemite and enthusiastic supporter of Hitler and the NSDAP, the consistency between Die Judenfrage and Meine Verteidigung attests Kittel’s consistent and authentic, intellectual position. In both texts, he claims to be advancing Christian, as opposed to “vulgar” or racial, antisemitism. Yet, in the thirteen years which divide them, Kittel had mediated contact with Nazi illuminati Rudolph Hess, Alfred Rosenberg, Winnifred Wagner, Josef Goebbels and Baldur von Schirach, through his publications in various antisemitic journals. The paper argues: Die Judenfrage, as both a text and as a theme, is axiomatic to Kittel’s defence statement; and that Die Judenfrage constitutes the template of Kittel’s arcane, personal “Christian” antisemitism of which Meine Verteidigung is a faithful impression. Both are constructed on the same theologically chimeric and abstruse hypotheses regarding Volk, Spätjudentum [late Judaism] and Heilgeschichte [salvation history]. Problematising these and other definitional vagaries that make up Kittel’s “Christian” antisemitism highlight the remarkable theoretical consistency between Die Judenfrage and Meine Verteidigung. It is concluded that a deadly synergy of Nazi racial antisemitism and the New Testament antisemitism shaped Kittel’s judgement to the degree that, despite the slipstream of concentration camp footage which was shaking the foundations of post-war German academia, Meine Verteidigung is a simple restatement of the antisemitsm conveyed in Die Judenfrage.

Keywords: Gerhard Kittel, Third Reich theology, the Jewish Question, Nazi antisemitism

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Authors: Giselle Martinez Negrette

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Language and culture mutually shape and reflect the human experience. In the learning process, this connection creates and sustains the shared world of learners and educators. Dual Language (DL) programs exemplify this relationship by placing language and culture at the center of their educational approach. These programs, originally conceived to advance social justice in education, aim to foster bilingualism, biliteracy, academic development and sociocultural competence, emphasizing the inseparability of linguistic and cultural growth. Furthermore, because DL programs serve children from diverse cultural, ethnic, and socioeconomic backgrounds, they operate as spaces where linguistic skills and sociocultural understandings are actively cultivated, negotiated, and celebrated. Against this background, this paper examines how two DL teachers see language and culture shaping and reflecting the educational experience, and how their understandings of the relationship influence their mediation of sociocultural competence in their classrooms. This qualitative study employs critical discourse analysis to study in detail participants’ narratives seeking to uncover their perspectives on the “politics” surrounding language use and cultural understandings in their school contexts. Our findings show that these educators are not only keenly aware of the pivotal role that language and culture play in multilingual students’ learning journeys, but they have identified the sociolinguistic “games” taking place in their classrooms. We contend these understandings are pivotal for the critical development of sociocultural competence in DL programs. This study provides DL educators with important conceptual and pedagogical insights regarding the intersection between language and culture in their classrooms and seeks to encourage them to analyze their roles as supporters or opponents of transformative rupture opportunities to contest inequities in education

Keywords: sociocultural competence, critical discourse analysis, dual language programs, language, culture

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Authors: Yasemin Gülşen Yılmaz, Süleyman Hakan Yılmaz, Muhammet Erbay

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Social media is among the most important means of communication. Social media offers individuals and groups with an opportunity for participatory socialization over the internet, which is free of any time and place restrictions. Social media is a kind of interactive communication and bilateral social network. Various communication contents can be shared and put into mass circulation easily and quickly through social media. These sharings are not only limited to individuals but also happen to groups, institutions, and different constitutions. Their contents consist of any type of written message, audio and video files. We are living in the social media era now. It is not surprising that social media which has extensive communication facilities and massive prevalence is used in politics. Therefore, the use of social media (Facebook) by political parties during the Turkish general elections held on June 7, 2015, has been chosen as our research subject. Four parties namely, AKP, CHP, MHP and HDP who have the majority of votes in Turkey and participate in elections in Konya have been selected for our study. Their provincial centers’ and parliamentary candidates` use of social media (Facebook) on the last three days prior to the election have been examined and subjected to a qualitative analysis by means of content analysis.

Keywords: social media, June 7 general elections, politics, Facebook

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Authors: Jack Santiago Monell

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In America, misrepresentations of black males have been perpetuated throughout the history of popular culture. Because of these narratives, varying communities have developed biases and stereotypes about what black male masculinity represents and more importantly, how they respond to them. The researcher explored the perspectives of police officers in the following states, Maryland, Pennsylvania, and North Carolina. Because of the nature of police and community relations, and national attention to high profile cases, having officers provide context into how black males are viewed from their lens, was critical while expanding on the theoretical explanations to describe attitudes towards police confrontations. As one of the objectives was to identify specific themes relevant to why police officers may view African American males differently, hence, responding more aggressively, this proved to be the most beneficial method of initial analysis to identify themes. The following nodes (appearance, acting suspicious/ troublesome behavior, upbringing about black males, excessive force) were identified to analyze the transcripts to discern associations. The data was analyzed through NVivo 11, and several themes resulted to elaborate on the data received. In analyzing the data, four themes were identified: appearance, acting suspicious/ troublesome behavior, upbringing about black males, and excessive force. The data conveyed that continuous stereotypes about African American men will ultimately result in excessive use of force or pervasive shootings, albeit the men are armed or unarmed. African American males are consistently targeted because of their racial makeup and appearance over any other probable circumstances. As long as racial bias and stereotypical practices continue in policing, African American males will endlessly be unjustly targeted and at times, the victims of violent encounters with police officers in the United States.

Keywords: African American males, police perceptions, masculinity, popular culture

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Authors: Tara Chanady

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Through 21 walking interviews with women from various backgrounds and positionalities, this study examines issues of identity politics in Montreal’s sociocultural space. The research looks at the social, political and economical implications of claiming or refusing identifications amongst women of sexual diversity (e.g. defining as lesbian, queer, bi, pan, fluid or not wanting to identity). The results are analysed from a phenomenological perspective, paying attention to the participants personal interpretations and perspectives, as well as contextualising the interviews in time and space. Using intersectional insights, this study pays attention to varying social positions, including immigration status (newly immigrated, rural to city immigration, Montreal-born, seeking asylum), age (20 to 80), gender (cis, trans and intersex women), relationship style (monogamous and polyamorous) and class. Preliminary findings include a generational shift in issues (e.g. community politics within lesbian communities in the 1980s), varying perspectives on the need of exclusive and safe spaces, shifts in issues of racism and transphobia and identifying points of tensions within conceptualisations of queer and lesbian positionalities.

Keywords: identifications, lesbian, queer, sexual orientation

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Authors: Firmanda Taufiq

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Turkey as a country with great political power and political dynamics that occurred in Turkey shows symptoms that make this country interesting enough to be studied. In addition, there is also Post-Islamism phenomenon that causes fluctuations and changes in Turkish politics. In this regard, Turkey carved out history by holding a referendum that changed the state system from a parliamentary system with a presidential system. This change has major implications in the life of Turkish society and politics. The condition is not only influenced by the government of Recep Tayyib Erdogan alone, but actually there is also anxiety middle class Turkish (Middle Class Anatolia). So there was a Turkish referendum held on 16 April 2017. This research using descriptive-analysis method to analyzing problems of research, that's how the post-Islamism situation in Turkey and Anatolian Middle Class impact to Turkish referendum. Actually, the political process that took place in Turkey is inseparable from Post-Islamism which became an important part in the change and transition of government system. The AKP Party as the basis of the Erdogan government movement became an important actor in the political and policy dynamics produced by the Erdogan government. It is then why the Turkish referendum took place.

Keywords: post-Islamism, Turkish politic, AKP, middle class Anatolia

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Authors: Henry Okechukwu Onyeiwu

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Nigeria, with its rich tapestry of ethnicities, cultures, and religions, serves as a critical case study in understanding how law influences and shapes collective identities. This abstract delves into the historical context of legal systems in Nigeria, examining the colonial legacies that have influenced contemporary laws and how these laws interact with traditional practices and beliefs. This study examines the critical role of law in shaping and transforming collective identities in Nigeria, a nation characterized by its rich tapestry of ethnicities, cultures, and religions. The legal framework in Nigeria has evolved in response to historical, social, and political dynamics, influencing the way communities perceive themselves and interact with one another. This research highlights the interplay between law and collective identity, exploring how legal instruments, such as constitutions, statutes, and judicial rulings, have contributed to the formation, negotiation, and reformation of group identities over time. Moreover, contemporary legal debates surrounding issues such as citizenship, resource allocation, and communal conflicts further illustrate the law's role in identity formation. The legal recognition of different ethnic groups fosters a sense of belonging and collective identity among these groups, yet it simultaneously raises questions about inclusivity and equality. Laws concerning indigenous rights and affirmative action are essential in this discourse, as they reflect the necessity of balancing majority rule with minority rights—a challenge that Nigeria continues to navigate. By employing a multidisciplinary approach that integrates legal studies, sociology, and anthropology, the study analyses key historical milestones, such as colonial legal legacies, post-independence constitutional developments, and ongoing debates surrounding federalism and ethnic rights. It also investigates how laws affect social cohesion and conflict among Nigeria's diverse ethnic groups, as well as the role of law in promoting inclusivity and recognizing minority rights. Case studies are utilized to illustrate practical examples of legal transformations and their impact on collective identities in various Nigerian contexts, including land rights, religious freedoms, and ethnic representation in government. The findings reveal that while the law has the potential to unify disparate groups under a national identity, it can also exacerbate divisions when applied inequitably or favouring particular groups over others. Ultimately, this study aims to shed light on the dual nature of law as both a tool for transformation and a potential source of conflict in the evolution of collective identities in Nigeria. By understanding these dynamics, policymakers and legal practitioners can develop strategies to foster unity and respect for diversity in a complex societal landscape.

Keywords: law, collective identity, Nigeria, ethnicity, conflict, inclusion, legal framework, transformation

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Authors: Carlos Riobo

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This paper analyzes literature and art in Argentina from the nineteenth to the twenty-first centuries as these media used the figure of the white female captive to define a developing national identity. This identity excluded the Indians whose lands the whites were taking and who appeared as the aggressors and captors in writing and paintings. The paper identifies the complicit relationship between art and history in crafting national memory. It also identifies a movement toward purity (as defined by separation of entities) and away from mestizaje (racial and cultural mixtures).

Keywords: Argentina, borders, captives, literature, painting

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Authors: Nefi Aris Ambar Asmara

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This paper discusses gender equality and career opportunities among female civil servants for better public services in a regency in West Java, Indonesia. Those two areas have not been considered comprehensively in terms of the goals of gender equality and career opportunities. The purposes of this paper are to describe (1) the number of available positions in relation to the number of female civil servants, (2) the socio-cultural outlook on female civil servants in relation to gender equality and career opportunities, and (3) socio-cultural views on gender equality and a career in politics. To achieve these three objectives, this paper used a qualitative approach with survey and interview techniques. The results showed that (1) only 37% of the official positions were presided by female civil servants. In contrast, male civil servants occupy 63% of the available positions, (2) the sociocultural view of female civil servants affirms that they are still regarded as male companions; (3) in addition, female civil servants do not need to compete with gender opponents, including the fact that women enter politics because the political world is considered dirty for women.

Keywords: gender equality, career opportunities, female civil servants, Indonesia

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Authors: Nefi Aris Ambar Asmara

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This paper discusses gender equality and career opportunities among female civil servants for better public services in a regency in West Java, Indonesia. Those two areas have not been considered comprehensively in terms of the goals of gender equality and career opportunities. The purposes of this paper are to describe (1) the number of available positions in relation to the number of female civil servants, (2) the socio-cultural outlook on female civil servants in relation to gender equality and career opportunities and (3) socio-cultural views on gender equality and a career in politics. To achieve these three objectives, this paper used a qualitative approach with survey and interview techniques. The results showed that (1) only 37% of the official positions were presided by female civil servants. In contrast, male civil servants occupy 63% of the available positions, (2) the sociocultural view of female civil servants affirms that they are still regarded as male companions; (3) in addition, female civil servants do not need to compete with gender opponents, including the fact that women enter politics because the political world is considered dirty for women.

Keywords: gender equality, career opportunities, female civil servants, indonesia

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Authors: Johnson-Egemba Helen Amaka

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Music is emotional in the sense that it controls people’s feelings. The way and manner people react to music at a point in time depend on the type of music that is playing. Music can make someone to march or dance, to cry or laugh, to be happy or sad, to fight or make peace and so on. It therefore makes someone o exhibit some kind of behaviours, either positive or negative. Even dangerous animals have been found to be controlled by music. In the psychiatric homes, mad people are always found to be dancing to music. During funeral ceremony, music singing and dancing are sources of comfort to the bereaved. As a background to the study, Tarok ethnic group in Plateau State was used. The Tarok comprise of Langtang North and South Local Government Areas. The ethnic group of Tarok integrates music in almost all the activities of their lives. A total of six (6) types of folk songs were identified. These songs range from marriages, funeral, royalty, togetherness, war, rituals, festivals, and farming. This paper points out the significance of basic responsiveness of the Tarok people towards the folk songs, their reaction generally whether positive or negative. The methods of data collection employed in this work include oral interview approach, recording of various types of Tarok folk songs, consulting of journals, magazines and textbooks. The researcher used oral interview as her primary source of information which is found to be the most effective procedure in carrying out this task. The songs were textually analyzed with a view to unveiling their meanings, thought processes, and conveying their direction and functions within the context of their rendition. The major findings of the study are that music in Tarok culture covers the physical, mental, emotional and social experiences. The physical aspect is the motor skills, which include dancing and demonstration of the songs. The mental experiences are intellectual levels which include construction and manufacturing of musical instruments, composing songs, teaching and learning etc. Furthermore, this research provided in addition to musical activities, the literature, history and culture of the Tarok communities.

Keywords: cultural, music, practice, responsiveness

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Authors: Kowit Pimpuang

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Through analysis of the Pali-Sanskrit (PL-SKT) terms and their uses in reflecting political society of Thailand, the objectives of this study were to explore PL-SKT word formation and its semantic changes employed in the political society of Thailand and to explore the political reflection of Thai society through their uses. Conceptual framework of this study consists of (1) use of PL-SKT word formation namely, primary derivative (Kitaka), secondary derivative (Tathita), compound (Samasa) and prefix (Upasagga), (2) semantic changes namely; widening, narrowing and transferring of meaning, and (3) political reflection of Thai society. Qualitative method was employed in this study and data were collected from Thai Newspapers. It was found that there were uses of the four kinds of word formation in formatting the new political terms concerned namely, primary derivative, secondary derivative, compound and prefix leading by compound through the following three semantic changes; widening, narrowing and transferring, in order to make clear in understanding. Furthermore, PL-SKT terms were employed in reflecting Thai politics caused by democratic conflicts through the bureaucracy, plutocracy, businessocracy and juristocracy respectively. Later, there have been political business groups and their corruption problems in political society of Thailand.

Keywords: Pali, Sanskrit, reflection, politics, Thailand

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Authors: Sharapat Sharapat

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English language is perceived as cultural capital in many non-native English-speaking countries, and minority groups in these social contexts seem to invest in the language to be empowered and reposition themselves from the imbalanced power relation with the dominant group. This study is devoted to explore how English learning influence minority Kazakh students’ identity (re)construction at Chinese universities from the scope of ‘imagined community, investment, and identity’ theory of Norton (2013). To this end the three research questions were designed as follows: 1) Kazakh minority students’ English learning experiences at Chinese universities; 2) Kazakh minority students’ views about benefits and opportunities of English learning; 3) the influence of English learning on Kazakh minority students’ identity (re)construction. The study employs an interview-based qualitative research method by interviewing nine Kazakh minority students in universities in Xinjiang and other inland cities in China. The findings suggest that through English learning, some students have reconstructed multiple identities as multicultural and global identities, which created ‘a third space’ to break limits of their ethnic and national identities and confused identity as someone in-between. Meanwhile, most minority students were empowered by the English language to resist inferior or marginalized positions and reconstruct imagined elite identity. However, English learning disempowered students who have little previous English education in school and placed them on unequal footing with other students, which further escalated the educational inequities.

Keywords: minority in China, identity construction, multilingual education, language empowerment

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Authors: Zahra Hamidi

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Promoting cycling, as an affordable environmentally friendly mode of transport to replace private car use has been central to sustainable transport policies. Cycling is faster than walking and combined with public transport has the potential to extend the opportunities that people can access. In other words, cycling, besides direct positive health impacts, can improve people mobility and ultimately their quality of life. Transport literature well supports the close relationship between mobility, quality of life, and, well being. At the same time inequity in the distribution of access and mobility has been associated with the key aspects of injustice and social exclusion. The pattern of social exclusion and inequality in access are also often related to population characteristics such as age, gender, income, health, and ethnic background. Therefore, while investing in transport infrastructure it is important to consider the equity of provided access for different population groups. This paper proposes a method to evaluate the equity of cycling in a city from Rawls egalitarian perspective. Since this perspective is concerned with the difference between individuals and social groups, this method combines accessibility measures and Theil index of inequality that allows capturing the inequalities ‘within’ and ‘between’ groups. The paper specifically focuses on two population characteristics as gender and ethnic background. Following Rawls equity principles, this paper measures accessibility by bikes to a selection of urban activities that can be linked to the concept of the social primary goods. Moreover, as growing number of cities around the world have launched bike-sharing systems (BSS) this paper incorporates both private and public bikes networks in the estimation of accessibility levels. Additionally, the typology of bike lanes (separated from or shared with roads), the presence of a bike sharing system in the network, as well as bike facilities (e.g. parking racks) have been included in the developed accessibility measures. Application of this proposed method to a real case study, the city of Malmö, Sweden, shows its effectiveness and efficiency. Although the accessibility levels were estimated only based on gender and ethnic background characteristics of the population, the author suggests that the analysis can be applied to other contexts and further developed using other properties, such as age, income, or health.

Keywords: accessibility, cycling, equity, gender

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Authors: Kunle Oparinde, Ernestina Maleshoane Rapeane-Mathonsi, Gift Mheta

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Using Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA) and Multimodal Discourse Analysis (MDA), the research seeks to deconstruct politically-motivated discourse as observed from Nigerian politics. This is intended to be achieved by analysing linguistic (mis)representation and manipulation in Nigerian political settings, drawing from instances of language use as observed from different political campaigns. Since language in itself is generally meaningless without context, it is therefore paramount to analyse the (mis)representation and manipulation in Nigerian political sceneries within their contextual basis. The study focuses on political language used by Nigerian politicians emanating from printed and social media forms such as posters, pamphlets, speeches, billboards, and internet sources purposely selected across Nigeria. The research further aims at investigating the discursive strategies used by politicians to gain more audience, and, as a result, shape opinions that result in votes. The study employs a qualitative approach. Two parties are intentionally selected because they have been essentially strong at the national level namely: All Progressive Congress (APC) and the People’s Democratic Party (PDP). The study finds out that politicians in Nigeria, as in many parts of the world, use language to manipulate the electorate. Comprehensive discussion of these instances of political manipulation remains the thrust of this paper.

Keywords: communication, discourse, manipulation, misrepresentation

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Authors: Joao Vicente Pereira Fernandez

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In the context of a democratic crisis, a new wave of authoritarianism prompts domineering male figures to leadership posts worldwide. Although the gendered aspect of this phenomenon has been reasonably documented, recent studies have focused on high-level commanding posts, such as those of president and prime-minister, leaving other positions of political power with limited attention. This natural focus of investigation, however powerful, seems to have restricted our understanding of the phenomenon by precluding a more thorough inquiry of its gendered aspects and its consequences for political representation as a whole. Trying to fill this gap, in recent research, we examined the election results of Jair Bolsonaro’s party for the Legislative Branch in 2018. We found that the party's proportion of non-male representatives was on average, showing it provided reasonable access of women to the legislature in a comparative perspective. However, and perhaps more intuitively, we also found that the elected members of Bolsonaro’s party performed very gendered roles, which allowed us to draw the first lines of the representative profiles gathered around the new-right in Brazil. These results unveiled new horizons for further research, addressing topics that range from the role of women for the new-right on Brazilian institutional politics to the relations between these profiles of representatives, their agendas, and political and electoral strategies. This article aims to deepen the understanding of some of these profiles in order to lay the groundwork for the development of the second research agenda mentioned above. More specifically, it focuses on two out of the three profiles that were grasped predominantly, if not entirely, from masculine subjects during our last research, with the objective of portraying the masculinity standards mobilized and promoted by them. These profiles –the entrepreneur and the army man – were chosen to be developed due to their proximity to both liberal and authoritarian views, and, moreover, because they can possibly represent two facets of the new-right that were integrated in a certain way around Bolsonaro in 2018, but that can be reworked in the future. After a brief introduction of the literature on masculinity and politics in times of democratic crisis, we succinctly present the relevant results of our previous research and then describe these two profiles and their masculinities in detail. We adopt a combination of ethnography and discourse analysis, methods that allow us to make sense of the data we collected on our previous research as well as of the data gathered for this article: social media posts and interactions between the elected members that inspired these profiles and their supporters. Finally, we discuss our results, presenting our main argument on how these descriptions provide a further understanding of the gendered aspect of liberal authoritarianism, from where to better apprehend its political implications in Brazil.

Keywords: Brazilian politics, gendered politics, masculinities, new-right

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Authors: Helena Maragou

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Introducing Toni Morrison’s fiction to a classroom overseas entails a significant pedagogical investment, from monitoring students’ uncertain journey through Morrison’s shifty semantics to filling in the gaps of cultural knowledge and understanding for the students to be able to relate text to context. A rewarding process, as Morrison’s works present a tremendous opportunity for transnational dialogue, an opportunity that hinges upon Toni Morrison’s bringing to the fore the untold and unspeakable lives of racial ‘Others’, but also, crucially, upon her broader critique of Western ideological hegemony. This critique is a fundamental aspect of Toni Morrison’s politics and one that appeals to young readers of Toni Morrison in Greece at a time when the questioning of institutions and ideological traditions is precipitated by regional and global change. It is more or less self-evident that to help a class of international students get aboard a Morrison novel, an instructor should begin by providing them with cultural context. These days, students’ exposure to Hollywood representations of the African American past and present, as well as the use of documentaries, photography, music videos, etc., as supplementary class material, provide a starting point, a workable historical and cultural framework for textual comprehension. The true challenge, however, lies ahead: it is one thing for students to intellectually grasp the historical hardships and traumas of Morrison’s characters and to even engage in aesthetic appreciation of Morrison’s writing; quite another to relate to her works as articulations of experiences akin to their own. The great challenge, then, is in facilitating students’ discovery of the universal Morrison, the author who speaks across cultures while voicing the untold tales of her own people; this process of discovery entails, on a pedagogical level, that students be guided through the works’ historical context, to plunge into the intricacies of Morrison’s discourse, itself an elaborate linguistic booby trap, so as to be finally brought to reconsider their own historical experiences using the lens of Morrison’s fiction. The paper will be based on experience of teaching a Toni Morrison seminar to a class of Greek students at the American College of Greece and will draw from students’ exposure and responses to Toni Morrison’s “Nobel Prize Lecture,” as well as her novels Song of Solomon and Home.

Keywords: toni morrison, international classroom, pedagogy, African American literature

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Authors: Theodorou Kyriaki, Ypsilantis George

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Vocabulary learning has attracted a lot of attention in recent years, contrary to the neglected part of the past. Along with the interest in finding successful vocabulary teaching strategies, many scholars focused on locating learning strategies used by language learners. As a result, more and more studies in the area of language pedagogy have been investigating the use of strategies in vocabulary learning by different types of learners. A common instrument in this field is the questionnaire, a tool of work that was enriched by questions involving current technology, and it was further implemented to a sample of 300 Greek students whose age varied from 9 and 17 years. Strategies located were grouped into the three categories of memory, cognitive, and compensatory type and associations between these dependent variables were investigated. In addition, relations between dependent and independent variables (such as age, sex, type of school, cultural background, and grade in English) were pursued to investigate the impact on strategy selection. Finally, results were compared to findings of other studies in the same field to contribute to a hypothesis of ethnic differences in strategy selection. Results initially discuss preferred strategies of all participants and further indicate that: a) technology affects strategy selection while b) differences between ethnic groups are not statistically significant. A number of successful strategies are presented, resulting from correlations of strategy selection and final school grade in English.

Keywords: acquisition of English, internet technology, research among Greek students, vocabulary learning strategies

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Authors: Rachel Cherner

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Introduction: The current study investigates several user characteristics that may predict the adoption of digital mental health supports. The extent to which individual characteristics predict preferences for functional elements of computer-mediated social support (CMSS) platforms and mental health (MH) apps is relatively unstudied. Aims: The present study seeks to illuminate the relationship between broad user characteristics and perceived attraction to CMSS platforms and MH apps. Methods: Participants (n=353) were recruited using convenience sampling methods (i.e., digital flyers, email distribution, and online survey forums). The sample was 68% male, and 32% female, with a mean age of 29. Participant racial and ethnic breakdown was 75% White, 7%, 5% Asian, and 5% Black or African American. Participants were asked to complete a 25-minute self-report questionnaire that included empirically validated measures assessing a battery of characteristics (i.e., subjective levels of anxiety/depression via PHQ-9 (Patient Health Questionnaire 9-item) and GAD-7 (Generalized Anxiety Disorder 7-item); attachment style via MAQ (Measure of Attachment Qualities); personality types via TIPI (The 10-Item Personality Inventory); growth mindset and mental health-seeking attitudes via GM (Growth Mindset Scale) and MHSAS (Mental Help Seeking Attitudes Scale)) and subsequent attitudes toward CMSS platforms and MH apps. Results: A stepwise linear regression was used to test if user characteristics significantly predicted attitudes towards key features of CMSS platforms and MH apps. The overall regression was statistically significant (R² =.20, F(1,344)=14.49, p<.000). Conclusion: This original study examines the clinical and sociocultural factors influencing decisions to use CMSS platforms and MH apps. Findings provide valuable insight for increasing adoption and engagement with digital mental health support. Fostering a growth mindset may be a method of increasing participant/patient engagement. In addition, CMSS platforms and MH apps may empower under-resourced and minority groups to gain basic access to mental health support. We do not assume this final model contains the best predictors of use; this is merely a preliminary step toward understanding the psychology and attitudes of CMSS platform/MH app users.

Keywords: computer-mediated social support platforms, digital mental health, growth mindset, health-seeking attitudes, mental health apps, user characteristics

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Authors: Bilha Paryente, Rivi Frei Landau

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Autoethnography - a combination of autobiography and ethnography - focuses on the intersection of personal experiences and the culture in which they take place and is considered a viable method for exploring human experiences. The Russo-Ukrainian war has resulted in millions of forcibly displaced asylum-seeking refugees facing ambiguous loss. Whereas much is known about refugees' support needs, little is known about the needs and experiences of the humanitarian delegation members (HDM) who assist them. Through a debrief-based co-autoethnographic account of a female HDM who supported Ukrainian refugee mothers and children on the Polish borders, we explored the lived experiences involved in such a mission. Specifically, we conducted a transnational dyadic autoethnography debrief-based co-autoethnography which included both verbal and photo-based debriefing (8 two-hour sessions) alongside a reflexive (10-day) field diary analysis. Content analysis revealed cognitive dilemmas, emotional struggles, and practical adaptations occurring within the HDM's three identity-related domains: personal, professional (psychologist), and ethnic. The methodology presented and demonstrated in this paper enhances our theoretical understanding of the challenges faced by HDMs and may contribute to better future design of HDM training. Practically, the findings of the current study suggest the need for a three-stage accompaniment for HDMs relating to their personal, professional, and ethnic identities and considering their cognitive, emotional, and adaptive aspects. First, before leaving, HDMs should be briefed on personal and professional aspects of their experiences and ways of coping with them, as well as ethnic and religious affiliation issues. Second, while volunteering every evening their dilemmas, emotional struggles, and ways of adapting should be addressed for the three layers of identities. And finally, shortly after their return, there should be a final meeting to discuss all aspects of their identities and layers of personality. In this way, HDMs can become more effective in the important mission they fulfill. We hope that future HDMs and the bodies that send them on humanitarian missions of paramount importance will adopt these recommendations and generate proactive insights for members of future delegations.

Keywords: autoethnography, refugees, humanitarian delegation, ambiguous loss, Russo-Ukraine War, parenting

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Authors: Abdul Wahab Rahimi

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This research examines the role of discursive strategies in the politics of self-censorship in Afghanistan, where political pressure, press freedom, and independent media work together, and language plays a vital role in implementing these strategies. Critical Discourse Analysis was conducted to describe the connection between language usage and the exercise of power by analyzing news stories related to women’s rights. This research focuses on 11 months of chronologically collected data from two mainstream television channels in Afghanistan: Tolo News and Ariana News. The findings show that Tolo News sustains and justifies juxtaposition and political critics’ discursive strategies to address women’s rights issues, criticize government policies, and deal with political pressure. At the same time, Ariana News follows the factual narrative strategy, practices self-censorship, and skips or partially focuses on the objective reporting of sensitive issues. The research concludes that the domestic media in Afghanistan follows the media policy of the Islamic Emirate of Afghanistan by covering sensitive issues and marginalizing women's rights issues in the media discourse.

Keywords: discursive strategies, Taliban, TV Channel, news stories, self-censorship, women's rights.

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Authors: Gashaw Sisay Zenebe

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Northern-Ethiopian conflict that broke out on 04 November 2020 between the central government and TPLF caused destruction beyond imagination in all aspects; millions of people have been killed, including civilians, mainly women, and children. Civilians have been indiscriminately attacked simply because of their ethnic or religious identity. Warrying parties committed serious crimes of international concern opposite to International Humanitarian Law (IHL). A House of People Representatives (HPR) declared that the terrorist Tigrean Defense Force (TDF), encompassing all segments of its people, waged war against North Gondar through human flooding. On Aug 30, 2021, after midnight, TDF launched a surprise attack against Chena People who had been drunk and deep slept due to the annual festivity. Unlike the lowlands, however, ENDF conjoined the local people to fight TDF in these Highland areas. This research examines identity politics and the consequential genocidal massacre of Chena, including its human and physical destructions that occurred as a result of the armed conflict. As such, the study could benefit international entities by helping them develop a better understanding of what happened in Chena and trigger interest in engaging in ensuring the accountability and enforcement of IHL in the future. Preserving fresh evidence will also serve as a starting point on the road to achieving justice either nationally or internationally. To study the Chena case evaluated against IHL rules, a combination of qualitative and doctrinal research methodology has been employed. The study basically follows a unique sampling case study which has used primary data tools such as observation, interview, key-informant interview, FGD, and battle-field notes. To supplement, however, secondary sources, including books, journal articles, domestic laws, international conventions, reports, and media broadcasts, were used to give meaning to what happened on the ground in light of international law. The study proved that the war was taking place to separate Tigray from Ethiopia. While undertaking military operations to achieve this goal, mass killings, genocidal acts, and war crimes were committed over Chena and approximate sites in the Dabat district of North Gondar. Thus, hundreds of people lost their lives to the brutalities of mass killings, hundreds of people were subjected to a forcible disappearance, and tens of thousands of people were forced into displacement. Furthermore, harsh beatings, forced labor, slavery, torture, rape, and gang rape have been reported, and generally, people are subjected to pass cruel, inhuman, and degrading treatment and punishment. Also, what is so unique is that animals were indiscriminately killed completely, making the environment unsafe for human survival because of pollution and bad smells and the consequent diseases such as Cholera, Flu, and Diarrhea. In addition to TDF, ENDF’s shelling has caused destruction to farmers’ houses & claimed lives. According to humanitarian principles, acts that can establish MACs and war crimes were perpetrated. Generally, the war in this direction has shown an absolute disrespect for international law norms.

Keywords: genocide, war crimes, Tigray Defense Force, Chena, IHL

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Authors: Irina Belozerova

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In the recent years, the number of crimes against peace and humanity has constantly been increasing. The development of the international community is inseparably connected to the compliance with the law which protects the rights and interests of citizens in all of their manifestations. The provisions of the law of criminal procedure are no exception. The rights of the victims of genocide, of the war crimes and the crimes against humanity, require particular attention. These crimes fall within the jurisdiction of the International Criminal Court governed by the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court. These crimes have the following features. First, any such crime has a mass character and therefore requires specific regulation in the international criminal law and procedure and the national criminal law and procedure of different countries. Second, the victims of such crimes are usually children, women and old people; the entire national, ethnic, racial or religious groups are destroyed. These features influence the classification of victims by the age criterion. Article 68 of the Rome Statute provides for protection of the safety, physical and psychological well-being, dignity and privacy of victims and witnesses and thus determines the procedural status of these persons. However, not all the persons whose rights have been violated by the commission of these crimes acquire the status of victims. This is due to the fact that such crimes affect a huge number of persons and it is impossible to mention them all by name. It is also difficult to assess the entire damage suffered by the victims. While assessing the amount of damages it is essential to take into account physical and moral harm, as well as property damage. The procedural status of victims thus gains an exclusive character. In order to determine the full extent of the damage suffered by the victims it is necessary to collect sufficient evidence. However, it is extremely difficult to collect the evidence that would ensure the full and objective protection of the victims’ rights. While making requests for the collection of evidence, the International Criminal Court faces the problem of protection of national security information. Religious beliefs and the family life of victims are of great importance. In some Islamic countries, it is impossible to question a woman without her husband’s consent which affects the objectivity of her testimony. Finally, the number of victims is quantified by hundreds and thousands. The assessment of these elements demands time and highly qualified work. These factors justify the creation of a mechanism that would help to collect the evidence and establish the truth in the international criminal proceedings. This mechanism will help to impose a just and appropriate punishment for the persons accused of having committed a crime, since, committing the crime, criminals could not misunderstand the outcome of their criminal intent.

Keywords: crimes against humanity, evidence in international criminal proceedings, international criminal proceedings, protection of victims

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Authors: Mete Ulaş Aksoy

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In contemporary politics, the state of emergency has become a permanent and salient feature of politics. This study aims to clarify the anthropological and ontological dimensions of the permanent state of emergency. It pays special attention to the structural relation between the exception and play. Focusing on the play in the context of emergency and exception enables the recognition of the difference and sometimes the discrepancy between the exception and emergency, which has passed into oblivion because of the frequency and normalization of emergency situations. This study coins the term “ludic exception” in order to highlight the difference between the exceptions in which exuberance and paroxysm rule over the socio-political life and the permanent emergency that protects the authority with a sort of extra-legality. The main thesis of the study is that the ludic elements such as risk, conspicuous consumption, sacrificial gestures, agonism, etc. circumscribe the exceptional moments temporarily, preventing them from being routine and normal. The study also emphasizes the decline of ludic elements in modernity as the main factor in the transformation of the exceptions into permanent emergency situations. In the introduction, the relationship between play and exception is taken into consideration. In the second part, the study elucidates the concept of ludic exceptions and dwells on the anthropological examples of the ludic exceptions. In the last part, the decline of ludic elements in modernity is addressed as the main factor for the permanent emergency.

Keywords: emergency, exception, ludic exception, play, sovereignty

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Authors: Oyku Yenen

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The notion of biopolitics, as studied by such intellectuals as Foucault, Agamben, and Negri, is an important guide for comprehending the current understanding of politics. While Foucault evaluates biopolitics as a survival policy, Giorgio Agamben, German legist, identifies the theory with death. Agamben claims the fact we can all considered to be homo sacer who are abandoned by the law, left in the field of exception, and whose killing does not require punishment. Agamben defines the person who is tried by the public for committing a crime but is not allowed to be sacrificed and whose killing is not considered a crime, as 'homo sacer'. This study analyzes how the concept of 'homo sacer' is made visible in TV series such as Çemberimde Gül Oya (Cagan Irmak, 2005-2005), Hatırla Sevgili (Ummu Burhan, 2006-2008), Bu Kalp Seni Unutur Mu? (Aydin Bulut, 2009-1010) all of which portray the period Turkey's 1980 military coup, within the framework of Agamben's thoughts and notions about biopolitics. When the main plots of these abovementioned TV series, which constitute the universe of this study, are scrutinized closely, they lay out the understanding of politics that has existed throughout history and prevails today. Although there is a large number of TV series on the coup of 1980, these three series are the only main productions that specifically focused on the event itself. Our final analysis will reveal that the concepts of homo sacer, bare life, exception, camp have been embodied in different ways in these three series. In these three series, which all deal with similar subjects using differing perspectives, the dominant understanding of politics is clearly conveyed to the audience. In all three series, the reigning power always decides on the exceptions, those who will live, those who will die, and those who will be ignored by law. Such characters as Mehmet, Sinan, Yıldız, Deniz, Defne, all of which we come across in these series, are on trial as a criminals of thought and are subjected to various forms of torture while isolated in an area where they are virtually deprived of law. Their citizenship rights are revoked. All of them are left alone with their bare lives (zoe).

Keywords: bare life, biopolitics, homo sacer, sovereign power, state of exception

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Authors: Adekeye Joshua Temitope

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“Transgender” presents a complexion of ambiguity in the African context and it remains a contested topography in the discourse of sexual identity. The casts and stigmatisations towards transgender unveils vital facts and intricacies often ignored in the academic communities; the problems and oppressions of given sex/gender system, the constrain of monogamy and ignorance of fluidity of human sexuality thereby generating dual discords of “enforced heterosexual” and “unavoidable homosexual.” The African culture voids transgender movements and perceive same-sex sexual behavior as “taboo or bad habits” and this provide reasonable explanations for the failure of asserting for the sexual rights in GLBT movement in most discourse on sexuality in the African context. However, we could not deny the real existence of active flowing and fluidity of human sexuality even though its variants could be latent. The incessant consciousness of the existence of transgender practices in Africa either in form of bisexual desire or bisexual behavior with or without sexual identity, including people who identify themselves as bisexual opens up the vision for us to reconsider and reexamine what constitutes such ambiguity and controversy of transgender identity at present time. The notion of identity politics in gay, lesbian, and transgender community has its complexity and debates in its historical development. This paper analyses the representation of the historical trajectory of transgender practices by presenting the dynamic transition of how people cognize transgender practices under different historical conditions since the understanding of historical transition of bisexual practices would be very crucial and meaningful for gender/sexuality liberation movement at present time and in the future. The paper did a juxtaposition of the trajectories of bisexual practices between Anglo-American world and Africa, as it has certain similarities and differences within diverse historical complexities. The similar condition is the emergence of gay identity under the influence of capitalism but within different cultural context. Therefore, the political economy of each cultural context plays very important role in understanding the formation of sexual identities historically and its development and influence for the GLBT movement afterwards and in the future. By reexamining Kinsey’s categorization and applying Klein’s argument on individual’s sexual orientation this paper is poised to break the given and fixed connection among sexual behavior/sexual orientation/sexual identity, on the other hand to present the potential fluidity of human sexuality by reconsidering and reexamining the present given sex/gender system in our world. The paper concludes that it is obligatory for the essentialist and exclusionary trend at this historical moment since gay and lesbian communities in Africa need to clearly demonstrate and voice for themselves under the nuances of gender/sexuality liberation.

Keywords: heterosexual, homosexual, identity politics, queer politics, transgender

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Authors: Aleksandra Majewska

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The article analyses the impact of Western sanctions on Russian rhythmic gymnastics since the outbreak of war in Ukraine. The chronological presentation of events shows how international political tensions and economic sanctions have affected the organisation of competitions, training and the careers of athletes. The article outlines the key moments and decisions that have changed the landscape of Russian sport, including the decision to change the citizenship made by some gymnasts in order to continue competing in international competitions. Russia strongly opposes participation in competitions without its flag and anthem while maintaining the view that Russian gymnasts are crucial to the prestige of rhythmic gymnastics in the world. In response to the sanctions, Russia created its own rules for rhythmic gymnastics, according to which they now compete domestically. Furthermore, this sport in Russia is strongly linked to politics, which further emphasises its importance in the national and international context. The information collected derives from numerous interviews with Russian athletes, coaches and other people, which are available only in the Russian language. The findings highlight the significant difficulties Russian athletes have faced due to their isolation in the international arena and the adaptive strategies adopted by Russia in the face of these challenges. The article makes an important contribution to understanding the consequences of global politics on the world of sport and the fate of individual athletes.

Keywords: sport, gymnastics, war in Ukraine, sanctions

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