Search results for: conservative political ideology

Authors: Dorothy Chyung

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In the psychiatric interview, the mental status exam begins with an assessment of the patient's appearance, noting aspects such as grooming and hygiene. However, it is not well established whether further examination of a patient's attire can provide further useful information. The popular assumption is that those who are mentally unwell will manifest this in unusual clothing. In the moral treatment of the 19th century, proper clothing was also seen as a pivotal therapeutic concern. This project examines assumptions about clothing, both as a reflection of and treatment for psychopathology. The methodology considers the opinions expressed in 19th century art and journals, as well as asylum rules, in comparison to contemporary psychiatric practice and research evidence. Per moral treatment in the 19th century, self-discipline and a proper environment would cure insanity. Madness was evident in the opposite of these ideals—such as ragged or ‘improper’ clothing—and rules about attire delineated the most correct (i.e. sane) ways to dress. These rules applied not only for the patients but also for staff. Despite these ideals, accusations were made that asylums, in fact, dressed patients to look more mentally unwell and further removed patients’ agency. Current practice in psychiatric hospitals retains remnants of moral treatment. Patients are expected to dress ‘appropriately’ while retaining some choice to build self-esteem, with arguments about safety being used to justify the removal of choice. Meanwhile, staff is expected to dress professionally and as role models, based on the assumption that conservative dress is least pathological. Research on this subject is limited, and there is little evidence that discrete psychiatric diagnoses manifest in the particular dress, nor that conservative dress would result in a reduction in pathology. Dressing unusually has become a privilege granted only to those without association with mental illness.

Keywords: fashion, history of psychiatry, medical humanities, mental health treatment

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Authors: Abdul Nasir Zamir

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After the downfall of Ottoman Caliphate, it scattered into different small Muslim states. Muslim leaders, intellectuals, revivalists as well as modernists started trying to boost up their nation. Some Muslims are also trying to establish the caliphate. Every Muslim country has its own political system, i.e., kingship, dictatorship or democracy, etc. But these are not in their original forms as the historian or political science discussed in their studies. The laws and their practice are mixed, i.e., others with Islamic laws, e.g., Saudi Arabia (K.S.A) and the Islamic Republic of Pakistan, etc. There is great conflict among the revivalist Muslim parties (groups) and governments about political systems. The question is that the subject matter is Sharia or political system? Leaders of Modern Muslim states are alleged as disbelievers due to neglecting the revelation in their laws and decisions. There are two types of laws; Islamic laws and management laws. The conflict is that the non-Islamic laws are in practice in Muslim states. Non-Islamic laws can be gradually changed with Islamic laws with a legal and peaceful process according to the practice of former Muslim leaders and scholars. The bloodshed of Muslims is not allowed in any case. Weak Muslim state is a blessing than nothing. The political system after Muhammad and guided caliphs is considered as kingship. But during this period Muslims not only developed in science and technology but conquered many territories also. If the original aim is in practice, then the Modern Muslim states can be stabled with different political systems. Modern Muslim states are the hope of survival, stability, and development of Muslim Ummah. Islam does not allow arm clash with Muslim army or Muslim civilians. The caliphate is based on believing in one Allah Almighty and good deeds according to Quran and Sunnah. As faith became weak and good deeds became less from its standard level, caliphate automatically became weak and even ended. The last weak caliphate was Ottoman Caliphate which was a hope of all the Muslims of the world. There is no caliphate or caliph present in the world. But every Muslim country or state is like an Amarat (a part of caliphate or small and alternate form of the caliphate) of Muslims. It is the duty of all Muslims to stable these modern Muslim states with tolerance.

Keywords: caliphate, conflict resolution, modern Muslim state, political conflicts, political systems, tolerance

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Authors: Simon Tsipis

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In this study, we propose to analyze Russian foreign policy conduct by applying the theory of Political Realism and the qualitative comparative method of analysis. We find that the paradigm of Political Realism supplies us with significant insights into the sources of contemporary Russian foreign policy conduct since the power factor was and remains an integral element in Russian foreign policies, especially when we apply comparative analysis and compare it with the behavior of its Soviet predecessor. Through the lens of the Realist theory, a handful of Russian foreign policy-making becomes clearer and much more comprehensible.

Keywords: realism, Russia, cold war, Soviet Union, European security

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Authors: Hadjer Messabih

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The M’zab architecture has preserved its identity that was able to endure for centuries conserving practically the same way of life and the same building techniques since the 11th century. Even more, the newly built ksar Tafilelt is also designed to meet the local tradition. In 1996, a community led project was initiated to build a “new ksar” named Tafilelt based on a traditional form of community-led cooperative housing. It is a unique experience in the field of community housing that reproduces traditional architectural patterns while addressing contemporary ways of life with their expected modern comfort. This research is based on the hypothesis that the process of producing ksar Tafilelt is culturally responsive to a conservative community that was characterized by certain values which were transmitted to this ksar manifesting as cultural continuity. It aims at investigating what type of cultural continuity manifests itself in the co-production of ksar Tafilelt and the way the settlement and its houses are produced and inhabited, as well as the new emerging values and adaptive transition in social relations. The research methodology is based on a combination of questionnaires, in depth interviews, photography, and site visit to record and demonstrate how these buildings respond to peoples’ needs. Post Occupancy Evaluation (POE) is also employed in order to understand the lessons that can be learned from this project. Finally, this study proves that the cultural continuity that was transmitted from the Ibadi community is sill manifested in ksar Tafilelt, which provided strong religious bonds and a strong sense of community. The research findings have resulted in a number of lessons and principles that can be learnt from the project of ksar Tafilelt which can inform future practices of housing provision and design in Algeria and other countries.

Keywords: community-led cooperative housing, conservative community, cultural continuity, post occupancy evaluation

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Authors: Mónica Catarina Soares

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Neoliberal rationality is currently changing the ways concepts like freedom or equality are framed. As an omnipresent and context-sensitive paradigm, homo oeconomicus is continuously taking place in realms of life previously insulated from economic and market-driven principles. This presentation is based on the argument that, more than ever, this paradigm is nowadays framing institutional and everyday discourses in regard to social problems. Although neoliberal rationality is based on the putative ideological basis that everyone is equal, equality seems to be reshaped by specific meanings apprehended by this rationality. In this sense, an illusion of equality seems to be relevant to legitimize different social inequalities (e.g., access to health care or to habitation). Political psychology has studied how ideology is relevant to legitimize market and unequal systems, but still the specific relation between markets, (in)equality and neoliberal languages is not widely addressed. The goal is to discuss the smithereens of the neoliberal rationality when it comes to legitimizing social inequalities by contesting the arguments of meritocracy, progressive freedom and minimal guarantees obeying to market-rules and principles. This analysis can be helpful to grasp for instance the continuously dismantlement of the welfare-state in different countries of the global north and how it is turning the regulation/emancipation tension inside out. The ultimate goal is to contribute to the breaking up of a paradigm that is still too big to capture, too depoliticized and chameleonic to fully acknowledge the biopolitics of power that is helping to create it.

Keywords: discourses, legitimacy, neoliberal rationality, social inequality

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Authors: Luisa Peirano

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What began as a middle-class insurgent political movement whose slogan was 'Words divide us. Action unites us!' ultimately mutated into an underground terrorist group that staged a series of armed robberies, kidnappings and even executions in the 1960s and early 1970s. One of the most memorable was the kidnapping of the British ambassador, Sir Geoffrey Jackson, in January 1971, who was held captive for eight months. The episode, which triggered a massive government response and resulted in the capture of the Tupamaros leaders, continued to have political repercussions decades later when Tupamaros leaders emerged from prison to re-enter mainstream Uruguayan politics. The kidnapping and its aftermath attracted intense media coverage in Uruguay and Britain, coverage that affected public opinion profoundly. The treatment by the Uruguayan and British medias’ diverged, however. Uruguayan newspapers focused on political issues, mirrored the positions of various political parties, and showed the larger context of social, cultural and political forces that rocked Latin America in the 1960s and early 1970s. By contrast, the British press limited its attention mainly to the human drama. On the 30th anniversary of Sir Geoffrey Jackson's death, this study compares over one hundred major newspaper articles and suggests some reasons for the differences between Uruguayan and British media treatment in terms of the volume, content, and perspective as well in the effect on readers. The differences have persisted and continue to matter in present day coverage of terrorism and its victims.

Keywords: British Ambassador, Churchill Archives Centre, Sir Geoffrey Jackson, political kidnapping, Latin America in the 1960's, Tupamaro guerrillas, Uruguay

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Authors: Mabrouka Al-Werfalli

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This paper aims to highlight reasons beyond the prevalence of “culture of corruption” amongst Libyans. One of the most prominent reason for the Libyan revolution in February 2011 was the pervasiveness of corruption. Corruption in Libya remained a significant problem despite harsh legislation and a robust anti-corruption discourse undertaken by the previous regime. The long-standing political corruption in Libya has offered ample opportunity for the evolution of a structure of negative values and morals. This has formed what is termed as a “culture of corruption”, which has induced people to accept and justify corrupt behaviour. The paper is a part of a study concerns the phenomenon of political alienation in Libya which was based on a survey conducted in 2001 in the city of Benghazi. The finding shows that abuse of power looms large within all activities. Embezzlement and misuse of public funds for personal enrichment is thought to be rife within public bodies, institutions, companies, factories, banks and enterprises owned entirely or partially by the state.

Keywords: corruption, culture of corruption, participation in corruption, abuse of power, embezzlement, political alienation, anti-corruption

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Authors: Alicja Zapolnik-Plachetka

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The paper examines the impact of the Members’ of the European Parliament (MEPs) language choice on the linguistic quality of their political discourse as delivered by the interpreters. The study, designed by the author, who is an EU interpreter herself, consisted of three phases. First, a number of speeches of Polish and Spanish MEPs were analyzed to determine whether the incidence of use of certain figures of speech depending on whether the speech had been delivered in English or their respective mother tongue. Then the use of figures of speech was also analyzed based on speeches by some British MEPs, in order to determine what was the incidence for the native users of English. Subsequently, the speeches were compared with their interpretations to find out whether the interpreters managed to convey accurately the means of oratory used by the MEPs. The final result shows that in case of institutional environments dependant on simultaneous interpretation the speakers’ choices can, in fact, influence the linguistic quality of the political communication.

Keywords: content accuracy, European Parliament, political discourse, simultaneous interpreting

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Authors: Nur R. Daut

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The objective of this paper is to offer an insight on how political power inequality has contributed and exacerbated the political violence towards the Rohingya ethnic group in Myanmar. In particular, this paper attempts to illustrate how power inequality in the country has prevented Myanmar’s leader Aung San Suu Kyi from taking effective measures on the issue. The research centers on the question of why Aung San Suu Kyi has been seen as not doing enough to stop the persecution of the Rohingya ethnic group ever since she was appointed the State Counsellor to the Myanmar government. As a Nobel Peace Prize laureate, Suu Kyi’s lack of action on the matter has come under severe criticism by the international community. Many have seen this as Suu Kyi’s failure to establish democracy and allowing mass killing to spread in the country. The real question that many perhaps should be asking, however, is how much power Suu Kyi actually holds within the government which is still heavily controlled by the military or Tatmadaw. This paper argues that Suu Kyi’s role within the government is limited which hinders constructive and effective measures to be taken on the Rohingya issue. Political power in this research is being measured by 3 factors: control over events such as burning of Rohingya villages, control over resources such as land ownership and media and control over actors such the Tatmadaw, police force and civil society who are greatly needed to ease and resolve the conflict. In order to illustrate which individuals or institution have control over all the 3 above factors, this paper will first study the constitution of Myanmar. The constitution will also be able to show the asymmetrical power relations as it will provide evidence as to how much political power Suu Kyi holds within the government in comparison to other political actors and institutions. Suu Kyi’s role as a state counsellor akin to a prime minister is a newly created position as the current constitution of Myanmar bars anyone with a foreign spouse from holding the post of a president in the country. This is already an indication of the inequality of political power between Suu Kyi and the military. Apart from studying the constitution of Myanmar, Suu Kyi’s speeches and various interviews are also studied in order to answer the research question. Unfortunately, Suu Kyi’s limited political power also involves the Buddhist monks in Myanmar who have held significant influence throughout the history of the country. This factor further prevents Suu Kyi from preserving the sanctity of human rights in Myanmar.

Keywords: Aung San Suu Kyi, constitution of Myanmar, inequality, political power, political violence, Rohingya, Tatmadaw

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Authors: Michael W. Markowitz, Jeffrey Gingerich

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The landscape of higher education in the United States has undergone significant changes in the last 25 years. What was once a domain of competition among prospective students for a limited number of college and university seats has become a marketplace in which institutions vie for the enrollment of educational consumers. A central figure in this paradigm shift has been the Chief Academic Officer (CAO), whose institutional role has also evolved beyond academics to include such disparate responsibilities as strategic planning, fiscal oversight, student recruitment, fundraising and personnel management. This paper explores the scope and impact of this transition by, first, explaining its context: the intersection of key social, economic and political factors in neo-conservative, late 20th Century America that redefined the value and accountability of institutions of higher learning. This context, in turn, is shown to have redefined the role and function of the CAO from a traditional academic leader to one centered on the successful application of corporate principles of organizational and fiscal management. Information gathered from a number of sitting Provosts, Vice-Presidents of Academic Affairs and Deans of Faculty is presented to illustrate the parameters of this change, as well as the extent to which today’s academic officers feel prepared and equipped to fulfill this broader institutional role. The paper concludes with a discussion of the impact of this transition on the American academy and whether it serves as a portend of change to come in higher education systems around the globe.

Keywords: academic administration, higher education, leadership, organizational management

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Authors: Tracey Jean Boisseau

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In the United States and around the world, we see liberal democracies attacked, from within and without, on a number of grounds. One of the primary assaults on the liberal ideology of feminism has been to ban or severely curtail the teaching of and scholarship on gender as constructed rather than as a biological and binarist component of human identity. On every continent, women’s and gender studies at the university level have become targets of rightwing movements aligning with authoritarian regimes to suppress queer and trans people as well as feminist scholars and academics who define gender as fluid, contingent on culture, and as reflective of a political commitment rather than timeless, sacred, natural, biological, or god-given. Rightwing movements calling for an end to gender studies have put already-marginalized academic and scholarly projects under new scrutiny, in some cases resulting in the dismantlement of long-standing women’s and gender studies programs. This paper evaluates the cross-cultural effects such movements have had on our discipline worldwide and documents the strategic responses engaged in by gender studies scholars and leaders to resist the erasure of our field. Evidence is drawn from surveys of thousands of programs and dozens of interviews conducted in the past year with gender studies scholars, administrators, and practitioners. This paper’s main objective is to highlight the international linkages between movements aiming to suppress or erase gender studies as a field of research and teaching and to identify collaborative responses and promising solutions that can protect our discipline from these assaults.

Keywords: anti-feminist, anti-LGBTQ, authoritarianism, movements, gender studies, globalization

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Authors: Peter Falanga

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During the process of de-Stalinization that began in 1956 with the Twentieth Congress of the Soviet Communist Party, many filmmakers in Hungary chose to explore their country’s political discomforts by using Socialist Realism as a negative model against which they could react to the dominating ideology. A renewed national film industry and a more permissive political regime would allow filmmakers to take to task the plight of the preceding generation who had experienced the fatal political turmoil of both World Wars and the purges of Stalin. What follows is no longer the multigenerational unity found in Socialist Realism wherein both the old and the young embrace Stalin’s revolutionary optimism; instead, the protagonists are parentless, and thus their connection to the previous generation is partially severed. In these films, violent historical forces leave one generation to search for both a connection with their family’s past, and for moral guidance to direct their future. István Szabó’s Father (1966), Márta Mészáros Diary for My Children (1984), and Pál Gábor’s Angi Vera (1978) each consider the fraught relationship between successive generations through the lens of postwar youth. A characteristic each of their protagonist’s share is that they are all missing one or both parents, and cope with familial loss either through recalling memories of their parents in dream-like sequences, or, in the case of Angi Vera, through embracing the surrogate paternalism that the Communist Party promises to provide. This paper considers the argument these films present about the progress of Hungarian history, and how this topic is explored in more recent films that similarly focus on the transmission of generational values. Scholars such as László Strausz and John Cunningham have written on the continuous concern with the transmission of generational values in more recent films such as István Szabó’s Sunshine (1999), Béla Tarr’s Werckmeister Harmonies (2000), György Pálfi’s Taxidermia (2006), Ágnes Kocsis’ Pál Adrienn (2010), and Kornél Mundruczó’s Evolution (2021). These films, they argue, make intimate portrayals of the various sweeping political changes in Hungary’s history and question how these epochs or events have impacted Hungarian identities. If these films attempt to personalize historical shifts of Hungary, then what is the significance of featuring characters who have lost one or both parents? An attempt to understand this coherent trend in Hungarian cinema will profit from examining the earlier, celebrated films of Szabó, Mészáros, and Gábor, who inaugurated this preoccupation with generational values. The pervasive interplay of dreams and memory in their films invites an additional element to their argument concerning historical progression. This paper incorporates Richard Teniman’s notion of the “dialectics of memory” in which memory is in a constant process of negation and reinvention to explain why these Directors prefer to explore Hungarian identity through the disarranged form of psychological realism over the linear causality structure of historical realism.

Keywords: film theory, Eastern European Studies, film history, Eastern European History

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Authors: Karen V. Lee

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The significance of this study involves autoethnographic research about a music teacher learning about the socialization of gender issues in teaching. Mentorship involving intervention helps with the consequences influencing a transgendered music teacher. Basic storytelling methodology involves the qualitative method of research as a theoretical framework where the author provides a storied reflection about political issues surrounding teachers and the sociology of gender. Sub-themes involve counseling, adult education to ensure students and teachers receive social, emotional, physical, spiritual, and educational resources that evoke visceral, emotional responses from the audience. Major findings share how stories are helpful resources for others who struggle with the socialization of gender. It is hoped the research dramatizes an episodic yet incomplete story that highlights the circumstances surrounding the protagonist having his sex reassignment surgery during his undergraduate education degree. In conclusion, the research is a reflexive storied framework that embraces a positive outlook about a transgendered teacher during his masectomy. The sensory experience seeks verisimilitude by evoking lifelike and believable feelings from others. Thus, the scholarly importance of the sociology of gender and society provides transformative aspects that contributes to social change. Overall, the surgery surrounding the story about transgendered issues are not uncommon in society. Thus, continued education supports the moral mission to help teachers overcome and understand issues of gender that can socially impacts their professional lives as teachers.

Keywords: sociology of gender, transgender, music teachers, story, autoethnography as research, ideology

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Authors: Madhuri S. Ghate, Rahul P. Chavhan, Shriya S. Nahar

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Learning objective: •To describe Magnetic Resonance Imaging (MRI) imaging appearances of typical and atypical uterine fibroids with emphasis on differentiating it from other similar conditions. •To classify uterine fibroids according to International Federation of Gynecology and Obstetrics (FIGO) Sub-classifications system and emphasis on its clinical significance. •To show cases with atypical imaging appearances atypical fibroids Material and methods: MRI of Pelvis had been performed in symptomatic women of child bearing age group on 1.5T and 3T MRI using T1, T2, STIR, FAT SAT, DWI sequences. Contrast was administered when degeneration was suspected. Imaging appearances of Atypical fibroids and various degenerations in fibroids were studied. Fibroids were classified using FIGO Sub-classification system. Its impact on surgical decision making and clinical outcome were also studied qualitatively. Results: Intramural fibroids were most common (14 patients), subserosal 7 patients, submucosal 5 patients . 6 patients were having multiple fibroids. 7 were having atypical fibroids. (1 hyaline degeneration, 1 cystic degeneration, 1 fatty, 1 necrosis and hemorrhage, 1 red degeneration, 1 calcification, 1 unusual large bilobed growth). Fibroids were classified using FIGO system. In uterus conservative surgeries, the lesser was the degree of myometrial invasion of fibroid, better was the fertility outcome. Conclusion: Relationship of fibroid with mucosal and serosal layers is important in the management of symptomatic fibroid cases. Risk to fertility involved in uterus conservative surgeries in women of child bearing age group depends on the extent of myometrial invasion of fibroids. FIGO system provides better insight into the degree of myometrial invasion. Knowledge about the atypical appearances of fibroids is important to avoid diagnostic confusion and untoward treatment.

Keywords: degeneration, FIGO sub-classification, MRI pelvis, uterine fibroids

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Authors: Noureddine Radouai

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Corruption is an endemic phenomenon in many countries around the globe. Morocco, as an authoritarian regime, relies on corruption for monarchy survival. I analyze the Makhzen structure and methods that it follows to exchange corruption for political loyalty. The abuse of power in Morocco is sponsored by the monarch itself as it is its way to remain its importance in the regime.

Keywords: corruption, Clientelism, authoritarian regime, Morocco

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Authors: Pantelis Sklias, Panagiota Chatzimichailidou

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This study intents to clarify the nexus of adult education and economic development within the methodological framework of political economy within EU. The main logic behind this study is that economies with a higher level of adult education have higher levels of economic development. Despite the assumption that policy making in adult education will clearly be facilitated by any ‘proofs’ of efficiency, mainly monetary, this study acknowledges the limitations following the use of the narrow economic approaches embedded in the neoclassical framework and proposes that the methodological framework of political economy is the most relevant to explore the correlation between adult education and economic development. Focusing only on neoclassical economics to explore the financial impact of adult education, it will marginalize the consideration of its history, producing a short of historical amnesia, besides the social harm, namely the devaluation of its socio-cultural influences. On the other side the political economy perspective offers a wider perception of adult education’s profits from a quantitative and a qualitative perspective too. The understanding of adult education engages questions of political economy because it is identified mainly as means of transformation, either personal or societal, serving humanistic values, besides its accepted monetary attributes. The political economy elevates questions regarding how the three institutional arrangements -the state, the market, and the civil society, are engaged in promoting adult education and therefore how adult education could reinforce economic development. Here the economic substance is still considered but it is placed into a wider social spectrum, where politics, economy, and history interact with one another. This study restricts itself in EU and explores the role of the three institutional arrangements both in the formulation of policy planning, and in the mental transformational process of the individual learners, which opens the path to a deeper understanding of the interaction between the individual and the social action, and therefore between adult education and economic development. This study also elevates the idea that economic development can have a positive impact on the unification of Europe, which encompasses economic, political, and cultural components.

Keywords: adult education, economic development, EU, political economy, unification of Europe

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Authors: Justine Salam

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As a federal state, Canada’s constitutional arrangements regarding the management of natural resources is unique because it gives complete ownership and control of natural resources to the provinces (subnational level). However, the province of Alberta—home to the third largest oil reserves in the world—lags behind comparable jurisdictions in levying royalties on oil corporations, especially oil sands royalties. While Albertans own the oil sands, scholars have argued that natural resource exploitation in Alberta benefits corporations and industry more than it does Albertans. This study provides a systematic understanding of the causal factors affecting royalties in Alberta to map dynamics of power and how they manifest themselves during policy-making. Mounting domestic and global public pressure led Alberta to review its oil sands royalties twice in less than a decade through public-commissioned Royalty Review Panels, first in 2007 and again in 2015. The Panels’ task was to research best practices and to provide policy recommendations to the Government through public consultations with Albertans, industry, non-governmental organizations, and First Nations peoples. Both times, the Panels recommended a relative increase to oil sands royalties. However, irrespective of the Reviews’ recommendations, neither the right-wing 2007 Progressive Conservative Party (PC) nor the left-wing 2015 New Democratic Party (NDP) government—both committed to increase oil sands royalties—increased royalty intake. Why did two consecutive political parties at opposite ends of the political spectrum fail to account for the recommendations put forward by the Panel? Through a qualitative case-study analysis, this study assesses domestic and global causal factors for Alberta’s inability to raise oil sands royalties significantly after the two Reviews through an institutions, interests, and ideas framework. Indeed, causal factors can be global (e.g. market and price fluctuation) or domestic (e.g. oil companies’ influence on the Alberta government). The institutions, interests, and ideas framework is at the intersection of public policy, comparative studies, and political economy literatures, and therefore draws multi-faceted insights into the analysis. To account for institutions, the study proposes to review international trade agreements documents such as the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) because they have embedded Alberta’s oil sands into American energy security policy and tied Canadian and Albertan oil policy in legal international nods. To account for interests, such as how the oil lobby or the environment lobby can penetrate governmental decision-making spheres, the study draws on the Oil Sands Oral History project, a database of interviews from government officials and oil industry leaders at a pivotal time in Alberta’s oil industry, 2011-2013. Finally, to account for ideas, such as how narratives of Canada as a global ‘energy superpower’ and the importance of ‘energy security’ have dominated and polarized public discourse, the study relies on content analysis of Alberta-based pro-industry newspapers to trace the prevalence of these narratives. By mapping systematically the nods and dynamics of power at play in Alberta, the study sheds light on the factors that influence royalty policy-making in one of the largest industries in Canada.

Keywords: Alberta Canada, natural resources governance, oil sands, political economy

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Authors: Vorya Shabrandi

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The study factors of poverty and inequality causes in countries is the subject of many scholars and economists in the last century, theorists in various areas of economic science know different factors as the roots of poverty and inequality in Iran after the 1979 revolution. Economists have emphasized political elements and political scientists on political elements. This research reviews the political economy of poverty and corruption in Iran after the revolution. The findings of this research, based on AcemOgluand Robinson theory, show how the institutional structural dependence of Iran's economy to raw has led to the growth of its non-economic economic institutions and its consequence of the continuity of the release and looting economy and poverty and inequality in Iran's political economy Is. This research was carried out using descriptive-analytical and comparative methods. Many economists try to justify the conditions of the country based on war, sanctions; And the external factors, and ... knows. In this study, we tried to examine the roots of poverty and the looting economy of Iran by implementing Research AcemOgluand Robinson on the institutions and roots of poverty. Looking for a framework for understanding why countries, such as Iran, the reason for the difference in revenue in different countries, as well as the poor or wealth of countries, regardless of the non-effective and non-professional institutions, and why inefficient institutions in some countries, such as Iran, such as Iran It remains and does not have a voluntary political powers to change these institutions. Findings The research shows that institutions are broadly the main reason for the roots of the robust and looting economy (poverty and inequality) in Iran.

Keywords: Iran, plunderable (Loot) economy, raw shopping, poverty and inequality, acem oglu and robinson, non-inclusive institutions

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Authors: Jihan Mahmoud

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This paper examines the role played by Arabic novelists in revolutionary change in the Arab world, discussing themes of identity, sexuality and fundamentalism as portrayed in a selection of modern and contemporary Arabic novels that are either written in English or translated from Arabic into English. It particularly focuses on the post-Naguib Mahfouz era. Taking my cue from the current political changes in the Arab world, starting with 9/11/ terrorist attacks in the USA and the UK, the ‘Arab Spring’ revolutions, the rise of political Islam and the emergence of Isis, the Islamic state in Iraq and the Levant, the study analyses the differences in the ways contemporary Arab novelists from different Arabic countries represent the interaction between identity, sexual politics and fundamentalist ideas in the Arab world, with a specific focus on the overlap between literature, religion and international politics in the region. It argues that the post-Mahfouz era marked a new phase in the development of the political Arabic novel not only as a force of resistance against political-religious oppression, but as a call for revolution as well. Thus, the Arabic novel reshapes values and prompts future action.

Keywords: Arabic novel, Islam, politics, sexuality

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Authors: Leila Batmany

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This research studies the relationship between the feeling of distributive justice and national identity of the youth. The present analysis intends to experimentally investigate the various dimensions of the justice feeling and its effect on the national identity components. The study has taken justice into consideration from four different points of view on the basis of availability of valuable social sources such as power, wealth, knowledge and status in the political, economic, and cultural and status justice respectively. Furthermore, the national identity has been considered as the feeling of honour, attachment and commitment towards national society and its seven components i.e. history, language, culture, political system, religion, geographical territory and society. The 'field study' has been used as the method for the research with the individual as unit, taking 368 young between the age of 18 and 29 living in Tehran, chosen randomly according to Cochran formula. The individual samples have been randomly chosen among five districts in north, south, west, east, and centre of Tehran, based on the multistage cluster sampling. The data collection has been performed with the use of questionnaire and interview. The most important results are as follows: i) The feeling of economic justice is the weakest one among the youth. ii) The strongest and the weakest dimensions of the national identity are, respectively, the historical and the social dimension. iii) There is a positive and meaningful relationship between the feeling political and statues justice and then national identity, whereas no meaningful relationship exists between the economic and cultural justice and the national identity. iv) There is a positive and meaningful relationship between the feeling of justice in all dimensions and legitimacy of the political system. There is also such a relationship between the legitimacy of the political system and national identity. v) Generally, there is a positive and meaningful relationship between the feeling of distributive justice and national identity among the youth. vi) It is through the legitimacy of the political system that justice feeling can have an influence on the national identity.

Keywords: distributive justice, national identity, legitimacy of political system, Cochran formula, multistage cluster sampling

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Authors: Rai Mansoor Imtiaz

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Guardians in hybrid regimes fragment opposition parties and ban their political leaders, and disenfranchise their voters' political participation. When guardians in hybrid regimes are so powerful that they remain decisive on electoral politics of states, and have powers to ban political parties and their leadership, then "why do political parties backed by those powerful guardians lose elections" and "how do anti-establishment parties make electoral inroads at the local and national levels." These two questions are interrelated with the key research question of my research "why do people vote for political parties rejected by powerful guardians in establishmentarian democracies." Furthermore, this research question is important to be explored for two reasons. First, existing literature only reflects the electoral victories of opposition parties or defeats of military-sponsored parties (see Thailand and Turkey) but remains silent on political change that led the anti-military parties to win the elections. Second, why is it a case that people belonging to the countries where militaries remain popular among the public (see Turkey and Pakistan) have started putting their trust in anti-establishment politicians who criticise the military against their intervention in politics? For instance, in Pakistan, where commenting against the military is meant to comment against the state –– an anti-military narrative is getting popular support. The conceptual framework of hybrid states in this research relies on the concept of a 'reserved domain/tutelary body' (guardians of hybrid states). However, this research makes a case that hybrid states are not consolidated separate political entities but rather vacillated states that fluctuate between democratic and authoritarian practices. This paper, therefore, uses the term establishmentarian democracy as a subtype of the hybrid regime, which is more consolidated than a hybrid democracy.

Keywords: Guardians, Hybrid Regimes, Voters, Elections, Democracy, South Asia

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Authors: Sohanur Rahman, Elisabeth Sinnewe, Larelle (Ellie) Chapple, Sarah Osborne

Abstract:

Greater political attention to global climate change exposes firms to a higher level of political uncertainty, which can lead to adverse capital market consequences. However, a higher level of discourse on environment-specific political risk (EPR) between management and investors can mitigate information asymmetry, followed by less stock price crash risk. This study examines whether EPR discourse in discourse in the earnings conference calls (ECC) reduces firm-level stock price crash risk in the US market. This research also explores if adverse disclosures via media channels further moderates the association between EPR on crash risk. Employing a dataset of 28,933 firm-year observations from 2002 to 2020, the empirical analysis reveals that EPR discourse in ECC reduces future stock price crash risk. However, adverse disclosures via media channels can offset the favourable effect of EPR discourse on crash risk. The results are robust to the potential endogeneity concern in a quasi-natural experiment setting.

Keywords: earnings conference calls, environment, environment-specific political risk discourse, environmental disclosures, information asymmetry, reputation risk, stock price crash risk

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Authors: Kamal Donko

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In the frontier zone of Benin Republic, land seems to be a fundamental political resource as it is used as a tool for socio-political mobilization, blackmail, inclusion and exclusion, conquest and political control. This paper seeks to examine the complex and intriguing interlinks between land, identity and politics in central Benin. It aims to investigate what roles territorialisation and land ownership are playing in the electioneering process in central Benin. It employs ethnographic multi-sited approach to data collections including observations, interviews and focused group discussions. Research findings reveal a complex and intriguing relationship between land ownership and politics in central Benin. Land is found to be playing a key role in the electioneering process in the region. The study has also discovered many emerging socio-spatial patterns of controlling and maintaining political power in the zone which are tied to land politics. These include identity reconstruction and integration mechanism through intermarriages, socio-political initiatives and construction of infrastructure of sovereignty. It was also found that ‘Diaspora organizations’ and identity issues; strategic creation of administrative units; alliance building strategy; gerrymandering local political field, etc. These emerging socio-spatial patterns of territorialisation for maintaining political power affect migrant and native communities’ relationships. It was also found that ‘Diaspora organizations’ and identity issues; strategic creation of administrative units; alliance building strategy; gerrymandering local political field, etc. are currently affecting migrant’s and natives’ relationships. The study argues that territorialisation is not only about national boundaries and the demarcation between different nation states, but more importantly, it serves as a powerful tool of domination and political control at the grass root level. Furthermore, this study seems to provide another perspective from which the political situation in Africa can be studied. Investigating how the dynamics of land ownership is influencing politics at the grass root or micro level, this study is fundamental to understanding spatial issues in the frontier zone.

Keywords: land, migration, politics, territorialisation

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Authors: Alisa Sheppental

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The focus of this paper is the impact of coronavirus-related restrictions on the legitimacy and efficacy of subaltern counter publics and political resistance. Both difficulties and alterations of strategies needed to be considered by modern political movements within the counter-public sphere will be illustrated based on recent examples of protests in Hong Kong, Thailand, Belarus, Poland, and France. The dynamics of the modern globalized world have previously required a high level of adaptability, which resulted in a number of new features of modern political resistance in contrast with previous decades, including digitalization of protests and higher involvement of previously fewer active citizens (women, elderly, people with disabilities, etc.) However, a global pandemic situation, along with massive restrictions of daily lives, provide new input for both theoretical and empirical analysis. The following paper represents an attempt to summarize coping and adapting strategies of subaltern counter publics and activist groups under coronavirus-related restrictions.

Keywords: citizenship, political activism, subaltern counterpublics, discourse ethics

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Authors: Boukrida Rafiq

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Democracy is based on the notion that all citizens have the right to participate in the managing of political affairs and that every citizens input is of equal importance. This basic assumption clearly places emphasis on public participation in maintaining a stable democracy. The level of public participation, however is highly contested with many theorists arguing that too much public participation would overwhelm and ultimately cripple democratic systems. On the other hand, others who favor high levels of participation argue that more citizen involvement leads to greater representation. Regardless of these disagreements over the utopian level of participation, there is widespread agreement amongst scholars that, at the very least, some participation is necessary to maintain democratic systems. The ways in which citizens participate vary greatly and depending on the method used, influence political decision making at varying levels. The method of political participation is a key in controlling public influence over political affairs and therefore is also an integral part of maintaining democracy, whether it be "thin" (low levels of participation) or "Robust" (high levels of participation). High levels of participation or "robust" democracy are argued by some theorists to enhance democracy through providing the opportunity for more issues to be represented during decision making. The notion of widespread participation was first advanced by classical theorists.

Keywords: assumption clearly places emphasis, ultimately cripple, influence political decision making at varying, classical theorists

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Authors: Maryam Firouzmandi, Moosa Miri

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Smile is considered to be one of the most effective methods of influencing people. Increasing numbers of patients are requesting cosmetic dental procedures to achieve the perfect smile. Based on the patient’s age, oral and facial characteristics, and the dentist’s expertise, different concepts of treatment would be available. Orthodontics is the most conservative and the ideal treatment alternative for crowded anterior teeth; however, it may be rejected by patients due to occupational limitations of time, physical discomfort including pain and functional limitations, psychological discomfort, and appearance during treatment. In addition, orthodontic treatment will not resolve deficits of contour and color of the anterior teeth. In consequence, patients may demand restorative techniques to resolve their anterior mal-alignment instead, often called "instant orthodontics". Following its introduction, however, adhesive dentistry has suffered at times from overuse. Creating short-term attractive smiles at the expense of long-term dental health and optimal tooth biomechanics by using cosmetic techniques should not be considered an ethical approach. The objective of this narrative review was to investigate the literature for guidelines with regard to decision making and treatment planning for anterior tooth mal-alignment. In this regard, indications of orthodontic, restorative, combination of both treatments, and adjunctive periodontal surgery were discussed in clinical cases to achieve a proportional smile. Restorative modalities would include disking, cosmetic contouring, veneers, and crowns and were compared with limited or comprehensive orthodontic options. A rapid review was also presented on pros and cons of snap on smile to mask malalignments. Diagnostic tools such as mock up, wax up, and digital smile design were also considered to achieve more conservative and functional treatments with respect to biologic factors.

Keywords: crowding, misalignment, veneer, crown, orthodontics

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Authors: Shaira Karishma Sheriff, Zarinah Hamid

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The Arab Spring, which commenced during the end of 2010 and accelerated during 2011, was caused primarily due to poverty, unemployment and a general recession in the Middle East and North African (MENA) region. The core motivation of this revolution could be said to be the need for political, economic and social reforms that the region desires to experience. Though GDP growth has been significant in the region, the income distribution mechanism in MENA countries has been ineffective. This results in low levels of education, substandard health care facilities, unemployment, and poverty. This paper argues that MENA countries have great potential for experiencing socioeconomic development by being less dependent on oil exports and enhancing their services sector through better education which would eventually lead to job creation. Furthermore, the region can encourage better trade and political integration by forming transparent and accountable governments. The notion of Nation-State needs to be addressed and the countries in the region need to look for ways to develop effective supra-national institutions for better political and economic integration that goes beyond geographical borders.

Keywords: political reforms, social reforms, economic development, nation-state, economic integration

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Authors: Richard Wolfel, Amy Richmond

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Urban resilience and vulnerability are critical concepts in the modern city due to the increased sociocultural, political, economic, demographic, and environmental stressors that influence current urban dynamics. Urban scholars need help explaining urban resilience and vulnerability. First, cities are dominated by people, which is challenging to model, both from an explanatory and a predictive perspective. Second, urban regions are highly recursive in nature, meaning they not only influence human action, but the structures of cities are constantly changing due to human actions. As a result, explanatory frameworks must continuously evolve as humans influence and are influenced by the urban environment in which they operate. Finally, modern cities have populations, sociocultural characteristics, economic flows, and environmental impacts on order of magnitude well beyond the cities of the past. As a result, the frameworks that seek to explain the various functions of a city that influence urban resilience and vulnerability must address the complex adaptive nature of cities and the interaction of many distinct factors that influence resilience and vulnerability in the city. This project develops a taxonomy and framework for organizing and explaining urban vulnerability. The framework is built on a well-established political development model that includes six critical classes of urban dynamics: political presence, political legitimacy, political participation, identity, production, and allocation. In addition, the framework explores how environmental security and technology influence and are influenced by the six elements of political development. The framework aims to identify key tipping points in society that act as influential agents of urban vulnerability in a region. This will help analysts and scholars predict and explain the influence of both physical and human geographical stressors in a dense urban area.

Keywords: urban resilience, vulnerability, sociocultural stressors, political stressors

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Authors: Anzor Abralava, Ketevan Kokrashvili, Rusudan Kutateladze, Nino Pailodze, Ketevan Kutateladze, Giorgi Sulashvili

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Nowadays when the integration of states is growing fast, it is urgent to study the rules of behavior which they resort to in case of conflicts and disagreements. The reason of disagreement in many ways is the Foreign policy carried out by separate countries, as the market participants define production and export capacity and structure as well as level of international division of labor due to the competition among them. We can say over and over again that outbreak of conflicts in Georgia displays the serious controversy between political and economic powerhouses. However, to tell the truth existence of the unsolved conflicts in Georgia is the result of weakness and inadequacy of Georgian politics. Today the main task of political quarters in Georgia should be a direction to Caucasus, as to the region burdened with the most complicated problems which blockade the settlement of conflicts and farther development of our country (or vice versa). In this situation rehabilitation of our authority, leading role and hegemony; expansion and consolidation of peacekeeping and other missions are considered as the exact activities for accomplishing all Georgian economic and political goals.

Keywords: Awara Group, political centers, administrative services, dynamic process

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Authors: Amjed Rasheed

Abstract:

Rebellions are driven by several incentives. They do not often occur because of historical grievances or political exclusion. They can be driven by the desire to control over natural resources, or by both. In the case of the Islamic State (ISIL), greed and grievance are both drive this radical group to operate in Iraq and Syria. This article aims to show that grievance was the trigger to the emergence of ISIL. It also aims to demonstrate that ISIL is using oil as a tool, to implements its political ends, than a purpose per se. In other words, the emergence of ISIL is based on socio-political conditions, which are domestically driven, and oil is not ISIL’s aim but a source of revenue to finance its activities. This paper applies conflict analysis methodology to analyse the conflict in Iraq and Syria, with a specific highlight to ISIL. By doing so, it gives ahistorical background on emergence of ISIL. It also provides an insightful explanation on the main dynamics and the tactics this organisation applies. It also delivers a sufficient explanation on how it recruits its members, both local and international. It concludes that tackling ISIL needs a more sophisticated approach than the one Obama administration has adopted. It is more a political issue to be tackled by political means, than a military one to be tackled by military means. The current war is an Intra-Sunni war, and therefore, Sunni states have to be on board to crackdown ISIL. Besides, the article finishes with the argument that democratisation is not necessarily the key answer to bring stability to the region, but a sort of governance that provides security and material needs to individuals.

Keywords: ISIL, Iraq, domestic politics, Islamic radicalisation

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