Search results for: equality and justice

Authors: Jihan Zakarriya

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This paper aims at examining the concepts of gender vulnerability, militarized spaces and environmental degradation in Egyptian novelist Radwa Ashour’s Specters (1999) and Iraqi novelist Betool Khadiri’s Absent (2005). Although the socio-economic, environmental and political conditions in the 1990s- Egypt and Iraq are different, this paper argues that Ashour’s Specters and Khadiri’s Absent show the two societies as sharing a concern with the politics of public participation, individual freedom and political violence. For example, while Specters exposes the planned processes of economic-political and cultural violence towards Egyptian environment and people that undermine concepts of justice, equality and democracy, Absent shows the destructive effects of the systematic, successive waves of (international) militarized interferences and socio-economic sanctions imposed on Iraq following the Gulf War that hinder efforts of social development and kindle ethnic-religious violence and polarization in the country. This paper investigates and relates issues of gender, environmental and political violence and repression in Ashour’s Specters and Khadiri’s Absent in relation to the concepts of public space and security in the two countries. The paper argues that the selected novels articulate a particular awareness of the political-international conflicts and difficulties in the 1990s-Egypt and Iraq, with the aim both to emphasize the issue of gender as a tool of oppression and power hierarchy worldwide and to figure out new notions of public participation and change.

Keywords: gender violence, public space, environment, change

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Authors: Zoe Polk

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In cities across the US, race continues to predict an individual’s likelihood to be employed, to receive a quality education, to live in a safe neighborhood, to life expectancy to contacts with the criminal justice system. Deep and pervasive disparities exist despite laws enacted at the federal, state and local level to eliminate discrimination. This paper examines the strengths of the U.S. civil rights movement in making discrimination a moral issue. Following the passage of the 1964 Civil Rights Act, cities throughout the US adopted laws that mirror the language, theories of practice and enforcement of the law. This paper argues that while those laws were relevant to the way discrimination was conducted in that time, they are limited in their ability to help cities address discrimination today. This paper reviews health indicators This paper concludes that in order for cities to create environments where race no longer predicts one’s success, cities must conduct institutional and structural racism audits.

Keywords: racism, racial equity, constitutional law, social justice

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Authors: Umeda Junaydova

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Legal aid is a key element of access to justice. According to UN Principles and Guidelines on Access to Legal Aid in Criminal Justice Systems, state members bear the obligation to put in place accessible, effective, sustainable, and credible legal aid systems. Regarding this obligation, developing countries, such as Tajikistan, faced challenges in terms of financing this system. Thus, many developed nations have launched rule-of-law programs to support these states and ensure access to justice for all. Following independence from the Soviet Union, Tajikistan committed to introducing the rule of law and providing access to justice. This newly established country was weak, and the sudden outbreak of civil war aggravated the situation even more. The country needed external support and opened its door to attract foreign donors to assist it in its way to development. In 2015, Tajikistan, with the financial support of development partners, was able to establish a state-funded legal aid system that provides legal assistance to vulnerable and marginalized populations, including in criminal cases. In the beginning, almost the whole system was financed from donor funds; by that time, the contribution of the government gradually increased, and currently, it covers 80% of the total budget. All these governments' actions toward ensuring access to criminal legal aid for disadvantaged groups look promising; however, the reality is completely different. Currently, not all disadvantaged people are covered by these services, and their cases are most of the time considered without appropriate defense, which leads to violation of fundamental human rights. This research presents a comprehensive exploration of the interplay between donor assistance and the effectiveness of legal aid services in Tajikistan, with a specific focus on criminal cases involving vulnerable groups, such as women and children. In the context of Tajikistan, this study addresses a pressing concern: despite substantial financial support from international donors, state-funded legal aid services often fall short of meeting the needs of poor and vulnerable populations. The study delves into the underlying complexities of this issue and examines the structural, operational, and systemic challenges faced by legal aid providers, shedding light on the factors contributing to the ineffectiveness of legal aid services. Furthermore, it seeks to identify the root causes of these issues, revealing the barriers that hinder the delivery of adequate legal aid services. The research adopts a socio-legal methodology to ensure an appropriate combination of multiple methodologies. The findings of this research hold significant implications for both policymakers and practitioners, offering insights into the enhancement of legal aid services and access to justice for disadvantaged and marginalized populations in Tajikistan. By addressing these pressing questions, this study aims to fill the gap in legal literature and contribute to the development of a more equitable and efficient legal aid system that better serves the needs of the most vulnerable members of society.

Keywords: access to justice, legal aid, rule of law, rights for council

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Authors: Mohammad Sadeghi, Mahdieh Saniee

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Nowadays, development laws have become a major branch of engineering science, laws help humankind achieve his/her basic needs, and it is attracted to the attention of the nations. Therefore, lawyers have been invited to contemplate legislator's approaches respecting legislating countries' economic, social and cultural development plans and to observe the reliance of approaches on two elements of distributive justice and transitional justice in light of legal rationality. Legal rationality in development planning has encountered us with this question that whether a rational approach and existing models in the Iran development planning system approximate us to the goal of development laws respecting the rationalist approach and also regarding wisely decision-making model. The present study will investigate processes, approaches, and damages of development planning in the legislation of country development plans to answer this question.

Keywords: rationality, decision-making process, policymaking, development

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Authors: Priscilla Echeverria

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This paper addresses initial teacher formation as a formative space in which pedagogy students develop a pedagogical agency capacity to contribute to social justice, considering ethical, political, and epistemic dimensions. This paper is structured by discussing first the concepts of agency, pedagogical interaction, and social justice from a critical perspective; and continues offering preliminary results on the capacity of pedagogical agency in novice teachers after the analysis of critical incidents as a research methodology. This study is motivated by the concern that responding to the current neoliberal scenario, many initial teacher formation (ITF) programs have reduced the meaning of education to instruction, and pedagogy to methodology, favouring the formation of a technical professional over a reflective or critical one. From this concern, this study proposes that the restitution of the subject is an urgent task in teacher formation, so it is essential to enable him in his capacity for action and advance in eliminating institutionalized oppression insofar as it affects that capacity. Given that oppression takes place in human interaction, through this work, I propose that initial teacher formation develops sensitivity and educates the gaze to identify oppression and take action against it, both in pedagogical interactions -which configure political, ethical, and epistemic subjectivities- as in the hidden and official curriculum. All this from the premise that modelling democratic and dialogical interactions are basic for any program that seeks to contribute to a more just and empowered society. The contribution of this study lies in the fact that it opens a discussion in an area about which we know little: the impact of the type of interactions offered by university teaching at ITF on the capacity of future teachers to be pedagogical agents. For this reason, this study seeks to gather evidence of the result of this formation, analysing the capacity of pedagogical agency of novice teachers, or, in other words, how capable the graduates of secondary pedagogies are in their first pedagogical experiences to act and make decisions putting the formative purposes that they are capable of autonomously defining before technical or bureaucratic issues imposed by the curriculum or the official culture. This discussion is part of my doctoral research, "The importance of developing the capacity for ethical-political-epistemic agency in novice teachers during initial teacher formation to contribute to social justice", which I am currently developing in the Educational Research program of the University of Lancaster, United Kingdom, as a Conicyt fellow for the 2019 cohort.

Keywords: initial teacher formation, pedagogical agency, pedagogical interaction, social justice, hidden curriculum

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Authors: Kerolis Samoul Zaghloul Noaman

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area law is the brand new access in the basket of worldwide law in the latter half of the 20 th Century. inside the last hundred and fifty years, courts and pupils advanced a consensus that, the custom is an vital supply of global law. Article 38(1) (b) of the statute of the international court of Justice identified global custom as a supply of global law. country practices and usages have a more role to play in formulating commonplace international regulation. This paper examines those country practices which may be certified to emerge as global standard law. due to the fact that, 1979 (after Moon Treaty) no hard law had been developed within the vicinity of space exploration. It attempts to link among country practices and custom in area exploration and development of standard global regulation in area activities. The paper makes use of doctrinal approach of felony research for inspecting the current questions of worldwide regulation. The paper explores exceptional worldwide prison files which include general meeting Resolutions, Treaty standards, working papers of UN, cases relating to commonplace global law and writing of jurists regarding area law and standard international law. it's far argued that, ideas such as common background of mankind, non-navy region, sovereign equality, nuclear weapon unfastened area and protection of outer area environment, etc. evolved nation practices a number of the worldwide community which can be certified to turn out to be international customary regulation.

Keywords: social networks privacy issues, social networks security issues, social networks privacy precautions measures, social networks security precautions measures

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Authors: Giya Erina

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Linguists have analyzed the rhetorical structure of various forensic genres, but only a few have investigated the complete structure of death row statements. Unlike other forensic text types, such as suicide or ransom notes, the focus of death row statement analysis is not the authenticity or falsity of the text, but its intended meaning and its communicative purpose. As it constitutes their last statement before their execution, there are probably many things that inmates would like to express. This study mainly examines the rhetorical moves of 200 death row statements from the Texas Department of Criminal Justice website using rhetorical move analysis. The rhetorical moves identified in the statements will be classified based on their communicative purpose, and they will be grouped into moves and steps. A move structure will finally be suggested from the most common or characteristic moves and steps, as well as some sub-moves. However, because of some statements’ atypicality, some moves may appear in different parts of the texts or not at all.

Keywords: Death row statements, forensic linguistics, genre analysis, move analysis

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Authors: Rodrigo Calili, Anna Carolina Sermarini, João Henrique Azevedo, Vanessa Cardoso de Albuquerque, Felipe Gonçalves, Gilberto Jannuzzi

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The diffusion of Distributed Energy Resources (DER) has caused structural changes in the relationship between consumers and electrical systems. The Photovoltaic Distributed Generation (PVDG), in particular, is an essential strategy for achieving the 2030 Agenda goals, especially SDG 7 and SDG 13. However, it is observed that most projects involving this technology in Brazil are restricted to the wealthiest classes of society, not yet reaching the low-income population, aligned with theories of energy justice. Considering the research for energy equality, one of the policies adopted by governments is the social electricity tariff (SET), which provides discounts on energy tariffs/bills. However, just granting this benefit may not be effective, and it is possible to merge it with DER technologies, such as the PVDG. Thus, this work aims to evaluate the economic viability of the policy to replace the social electricity tariff (the current policy aimed at the low-income population in Brazil) by PVDG projects. To this end, a proprietary methodology was developed that included: mapping the stakeholders, identifying critical variables, simulating policy options, and carrying out an analysis in the Brazilian context. The simulation answered two key questions: in which municipalities low-income consumers would have lower bills with PVDG compared to SET; which consumers in a given city would have increased subsidies, which are now provided for solar energy in Brazil and for the social tariff. An economic model was created for verifying the feasibility of the proposed policy in each municipality in the country, considering geographic issues (tariff of a particular distribution utility, radiation from a specific location, etc.). To validate these results, four sensitivity analyzes were performed: variation of the simultaneity factor between generation and consumption, variation of the tariff readjustment rate, zeroing CAPEX, and exemption from state tax. The behind-the-meter modality of generation proved to be more promising than the construction of a shared plant. However, although the behind-the-meter modality presents better results than the shared plant, there is a greater complexity in adopting this modality due to issues related to the infrastructure of the most vulnerable communities (e.g., precarious electrical networks, need to reinforce roofs). Considering the shared power plant modality, many opportunities are still envisaged since the risk of investing in such a policy can be mitigated. Furthermore, this modality can be an alternative due to the mitigation of the risk of default, as it allows greater control of users and facilitates the process of operation and maintenance. Finally, it was also found, that in some regions of Brazil, the continuity of the SET presents more economic benefits than its replacement by PVDG. However, the proposed policy offers many opportunities. For future works, the model may include other parameters, such as cost with low-income populations’ engagement, and business risk. In addition, other renewable sources of distributed generation can be studied for this purpose.

Keywords: low income, subsidy policy, distributed energy resources, energy justice

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Authors: Emma Charlene Lubaale

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The International Criminal Court (ICC) operates based on the principle of complementarity. On the basis of this principle, states enjoy the primary right to prosecute international crimes, with the ICC intervening only when a state with jurisdiction over an international crime is unable or unwilling to prosecute. To ably exercise their primary right to prosecute international crimes domestically, a number of states are taking steps to criminalise international crimes in their national laws. Significant to note, many of the laws enacted are not being applied in the prosecution of the international crimes allegedly committed. Kenya, Uganda and Sudan are some notable states where commission of international crimes is documented. All these states have recently enacted laws on international crimes. Kenya enacted the International Crimes Act in 2008, Uganda enacted the International Criminal Court Act in 2010 and in 2007, Sudan made provision for international crimes under its Armed Forces Act. However, in all these three states, the enacted national laws on international crimes have thus far not featured in any of the proceedings before these states’ courts. Instead, these states have either relied on ordinary crimes to prosecute international crimes or not prosecuted international crimes altogether. This paper underscores the limitations of the enacted laws, explaining why, even with efforts taken by these states to enact national laws on international crimes, these laws cannot be relied on to advance accountability for the international crimes. Notably, the laws in Kenya and Uganda do not have retroactive application. In Sudan, despite the 2007 reforms, the structure of military justice in Sudan has the effect of placing certain categories of individuals beyond the reach of international criminal justice. For Kenya and Uganda, it is concluded that the only benefit that flows from these enactments is reliance on them to prosecute future international crimes. For Sudan, the 2007 reforms will only have the desired impact if reforms are equally made to the structure of military justice.

Keywords: complementarity, national laws, Kenya, Sudan, Uganda, international crimes, limitations

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Authors: Mais Qandeel

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Within the Jewish and democratic Israeli state, as dually characterized, the treatment of citizens differs according to their religious groups and nationalities. The laws and policies against Arab citizens concerning ownership and use of land are the main focus of this article. As the Jewish character has led to Jewish based legal provisions which give the privilege to Jews, first, this article examines the legal bases which distinguish between citizens in Israel based on their religion. It examines the major Israeli laws which are used to confiscate, manage, and lease properties. Second, the article demonstrates the de facto practices against Arab citizens in using lands. Most of the Palestinian land was confiscated and turned over to Jewish owners or to state land, Palestinian citizens are distinguished in using the state administered lands. They are also restricted in using full ownership rights and denied using plots of lands and housing units. Such policies have created, within the same state, a class of secondary citizens who are categorized as non-Jews. Last, within the Basic Law: Human Dignity and Freedom which has served as the constitutional bill of rights for Israelis and also the International law, particularly the International Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination, it will be concluded whether these restricted policies against Arab citizens in using land constitute a religion-based-discrimination among Israeli citizens and create a situation of separation and inequality between two groups of people in Israel.

Keywords: Israel, citizens, discrimination, equality

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Authors: Amira M. Othman

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Despite the massive array of literature that engages with the Egyptian legislative system on a theoretical level, very little attention has been dedicated to the comparison between the legislative clauses on the one hand, and the (absence of their) real-world implementation on the other. This paper starts with this discrepancy, focusing on the legal proceedings in some recent cases dubbed ‘political,’ in which defendants received death sentences. Then, it sheds light on the trend of practical disregard of the law on behalf of the criminal justice apparatuses (whether security forces, public prosecution offices, lawyers, judges, prison wardens, and executioners) through the examination of case files and the conduction of interviews with some defense lawyers in the cases in question. It also identifies the resultant state of confusion among prison staff, as manifest in their treatment of defendants even before the death sentences against them is pronounced; in other words, the application of some aspects of the law in certain cases, and their simultaneous disregard of others. Then, the paper explores the effects of such execution of the law on the death row inmates, as it identifies the different strategies through which defendants who are sentenced to death appropriate a number of legal clauses to their benefit, thereby embarrassing - or highly irritating - the judges that pronounce their death sentences. In addition to appropriation, other strategies include the contestation of the law and their presence before the courts in general, as well as the complete disregard and dismissal of the legal system altogether. Finally, the paper investigates the consequent conceptual effect on the first degree families of death row inmates, namely how their daily encounters with the Egyptian legislative system - particularly its emphasis on the absence of the otherwise binding local legislation - continue to shape their conceptions of the ‘law,’ of ‘justice,’ and their trust in the ‘state.’

Keywords: death penalty, Egyptian law absence, justice, political cases

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Authors: Sajedeh Salehi, Marco Giacalone

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This paper examines the role of existing online dispute resolution (ODR) mechanisms and their effects on ameliorating access to justice – as a protected right by Art. 47 of the EU Charter of Fundamental Rights – for consumers in EU. The major focus of this study will be on evaluating ODR as the means of dispute resolution for Business-to-Consumer (B2C) cross-border small claims raised in e-commerce transactions. The authors will elaborate the consequences of implementing ODR methods in the context of recent developments in EU regulatory safeguards on promoting consumer protection. In this analysis, both non-judiciary and judiciary ODR redress mechanisms are considered, however, the significant consideration is given to – obligatory and non-obligatory – judiciary ODR methods. For that purpose, this paper will particularly investigate the impact of the EU ODR platform as well as the European Small Claims Procedure (ESCP) Regulation 861/2007 and their role on accelerating the access to justice for consumers in B2C e-disputes. Although, considerable volume of research has been carried out on ODR for consumer claims, rather less (or no-) attention has been paid to provide a combined doctrinal and empirical evaluation of ODR’s potential in resolving cross-border small e-disputes, in EU. Hence, the methodological approach taken in this study is a mixed methodology based on qualitative (interviews) and quantitative (surveys) research methods which will be mainly based on the data acquired through the findings of the Small Claims Analysis Net (SCAN) project. This project contributes towards examining the ESCP Regulation implementation and efficiency in providing consumers with a legal watershed through using the ODR for their transnational small claims. The outcomes of this research may benefit both academia and policymakers at national and international level.

Keywords: access to justice, consumers, e-commerce, small e-Disputes

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Authors: Adrianna D. Hendricks

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This paper examines the factors that contribute to the re-traumatization of victims of sex trafficking within the Canadian context. Sex trafficking occurring domestically in Canada is severely under-researched, stigmatized, and under-prosecuted, leading to the re-traumatization of victims by various levels of government. This is in part due to the Canadian criminal justice system unethically utilizing prostitution laws in cases of sex trafficking and partially due to the unaddressed stigmatization victims face within the justice system itself. Utilizing evidence from a current literature review, personal correspondence, and personal life experiences, this paper will demonstrate the need for victim involvement in policy reform. The current literature review was done through an academic database search using the terms: “Sex Trafficking, Exploitation, Canada”, with the limitation of articles written within the last 5 years and written within the Canadian context. Overall, from the results, only eight articles precisely matched the criteria. The current literature argues strongly and unanimously for more research and education of professionals who have close contact with high-risk populations (doctors, police officers, social workers, etc.) to protect both minors and adults from being sexually trafficked. Additionally, for women and girls who do not have Canadian citizenship, the fear of deportation becomes a barrier to disclosing exploitation experiences to professionals. There is a desperate need for more research done in tandem with survivors and victims to inform policymaking in a meaningful way. The researcher is a survivor of sex trafficking both as a youth and as an adult, giving the researcher a unique insight into the realities of the criminal justice system for victims of sex trafficking. There is a clear need for professionals in positions of power to be re-educated about the realities of sex-trafficking, and what it means for the victims. Congruent to the current research the author calls for: standardized professional training for people in healthcare, police officers, court officials, and victim services; with the additional layers of victim involvement in creation of professional education training, and victim involvement in research. Justice for victims/survivors can only be obtained if they have been consulted and believed. Without meaningful consultation with survivors, victims who are both minors and adults will continue to fall through the cracks in policy.

Keywords: Canadian policy, re-traumatization, sex-trafficking, stigmatization

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Authors: Pranav Vaidya

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The recent upheaval of a ballot initiative taken place in California & Los Angeles‘s newspapers shows how the concept of giving Death Penalty obliterates the very soul basis of community and society which rests upon the tripod of values, ethics, and morality. This paper goes on with examining how, by giving death penalties we are, on one hand trying to wipe out those heinous offenders committing such unspeakable crimes against the public; while on the other hand it comes with a devastating effect of corroding and eluding the existence of ethics and morality which is in the very nature of “protecting the life of humankind”. As it can be stated that, by giving capital punishment, we are trying to legitimize an irreversible act of violence by the authority of state and target innocent victims because as long as the human justice is fallible, the risk of executing an innocent can never be eliminated. However, scholars in the legalization of Capital Punishment have argued that the courts should impose punishment befitting the crime so that they could reflect public abhorrence of the crime, create deterrent or rehabilitating effects & deliver the truest form of justice.

Keywords: ethics, heinous offenders, morality, unspeakable crimes

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Authors: Debora Caetano Dahas

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In ‘Ethics’ and in ‘A Political Treatise’ Spinoza presents his very influential take on natural law and the principles that guide his philosophical work and observations. Spinoza’s ideas about rationalization, God, and ethical behavior are undeniably relevant to many debates in the field of legal theory. In addition, it is important to note that Spinoza's takes on body, mind, and imagination played an important role in building a certain way of understanding the female figure in western societies and of their differences in regards to the male figure. It is important to emphasize that the constant and insistent presentation of women as inferior and irrational beings corroborates the institutionalization of discriminatory public policies and practices legitimized by the legal system that cooperates with the aggravation of gender inequalities. Therefore, his arguments in relation to women and their nature have been highly criticized, especially by feminist theorists during the second half of the 21st century. The questioning of this traditional philosophy –often phallocentric– and its way of describing women as irrational and less capable than men, as well as the attempt to reformulate postulates and concepts, takes place in such a way as to create a deconstruction of classical concepts. Some of the arguments developed by Spinoza, however, can serve as a basis for elucidating in what way and to what extent the social and political construction of the feminine identity served as a basis for gender inequality. Thus, based on to the observations elaborated by Moira Gantes, the present research addresses the relationship between Spinoza and the feminist demands in the juridical and political spheres, elaborating arguments that corroborate the convergence between his philosophy and feminist critical theory. Finally, this research aims to discuss how the feminists' critics of Spinoza’s writings have deconstructed and rehabilitated his principles and, in doing so, can further help to illustrate the importance of his philosophy –and, consequently, of his notes on Natural Law– in understanding gender equality as a vital part of the effective implementation of democratic debate and inclusive political participation and representation. In doing so, philosophical and legal arguments based on the feminist re-reading of Spinoza’s principles are presented and then used to explain the controversial political reform in Brazil, especially in regards to the applicability of the legislative act known as Law n. 9.504/1997 which establishes that at least 30% of legislative seats must be occupied by women.

Keywords: natural law, feminism, politics, gender equality

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Authors: F. Saptouw

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This paper will examine the value of introducing social justice issues into the tertiary fine art curriculum at a first-year level. The paper will present detail of the conceptual impetus and the logistics related to the execution of a collaborative teaching project. The cohort of students was registered for the Fine Art Foundation course at the Michaelis School of Fine Art at the University of Cape Town. The course is dedicated to the development of critical thinking, communication skills, and varied approaches to knowledge construction within the first-year cohort. A core component of the course is the examination of the representation of gender, identity, politics, and power. These issues are examined within a range of public and private representations like art galleries, museum spaces, and contemporary popular culture. This particular project was a collaborative project with the Office of Inclusivity and Change, and the project leaders were Fabian Saptouw and Gabriel Khan. The paper will conclude by presenting an argument for the importance of such projects within the tertiary environment.

Keywords: art, education, gender-based violence, social responsiveness

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Authors: Kin Yan Ho

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Negative brand news (such as Volkswagen’s faulty carbon emission reports, China’s Luckin Coffee scandal, and bribery in reputable US universities) influence how people perceive a company. Germany’s citizens claimed Volkswagen’s scandal as a national embarrassment and cannot recover their psychological damages through monetary and non-monetary compensation. The main research question is to examine how consumers evaluate and respond to embarrassing brand publicity. The cognitive appraisal theory is used as a theoretical foundation. This study describes the use of scenario-based experiment. The findings suggest that consumers with different levels of embarrassment evaluate brand remedial offers from emotion-focused and task-focused restorative justice perspectives (newly derived from the well-established scales of perceived justice). When consumers face both negative and positive brand information (i.e., negative publicity news and a remedial offer), they change their appraisal criterion. The social situation in the cognitive reappraisal process influences the quality of the customer-brand relationship and the customer’s recovery from brand embarrassment. The results also depict that the components of recovery compensation cause differences in emotion recovery, relationship quality, and repurchase intentions. This study extends embarrassment literature in an embarrassing brand publicity context. The emotional components of brand remedial tactics provide insights to brand managers on how to handle different consumers’ emotions, consumer satisfaction, and foster positive future behavior.

Keywords: brand relationship quality, cognitive appraisal, crisis communications, emotion, justice, social presence

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Authors: Kolawole Oyekan Jamiu

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In Nigerian criminal law, a victim of an offence plays little or no role in the prosecution of an offender. The state concentrates only on imposing punishment on the offender while the victims of crime and abuse of power by security agencies are abandoned without any compensation either from the State or the offender. It has been stated that the victim of crime is the forgotten man in our criminal justice system. He sets the criminal law in motion but then goes into oblivion. Our present criminal law does not recognise the right of the victim to take part in the prosecution of the case or his right to compensation. The victim is merely a witness in a state versus case. This paper examines the meaning of the phrase ‘the victims of crime and abuse of power’. It needs to be noted that there is no definition of these two categories of victims in any statute in Nigeria. The paper also considers the United Nations General Assembly Declaration of Basic Principle of Justice for Victims and abuse of power. This declaration was adopted by the United Nations General Assembly on the 25th of November 1985. The declaration contains copious provisions on compensation for the victims of crime and abuse of power. Unfortunately, the declaration is not, in itself a legally binding instrument and has been given little or no attention since the coming into effect in1985. This paper examines the role of the judiciary in ensuring that victims of crime and abuse of power in Nigeria are compensated. While some Judges found it difficult to award damages to victims of abuse of power others have given some landmark rulings and awarded substantial damages. The criminal justice ( victim’s remedies) Bill shall also be examined. The Bill comprises of 74 sections and it spelt out the procedures for compensating the victims of crime and abuse of power in Nigeria. Finally, the paper also examines the practicability of awarding damages to victims of crime whether the offender is convicted or not and in addition, the possibility of granting all equitable remedies available in civil cases to victims of crime and abuse of power so that the victims will be restored to the earlier position before the crime.

Keywords: compensation, damages, restitution, victims

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Authors: Nikoletta G. Karytsioti

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The European Union’s function and effectiveness are still an issue that minds, bringing about division even in the member-states interior. Recently, more serious issues have been added in the Union’s malfunction, which affects not only the Union’s function but also their residents’ safety. One of these issues is the migration crisis, which frustrates the European Union’s balances and the stability. The present paper’s aim to frame and interpret the Greek public opinion in basic migration matters, throughout the political philosophy and specifically via John Rawls ‘Theory of Justice’. The theory is deployed to examine if it may be used in a practical way, on a tangible issue and in a specific area. In order to obtain a real frame of the public opinion about the matter of migration, a questionnaire was addressed to Greek people. The sample was chosen for three main reasons: a) Greeks are experienced in the migration as they had migrated in the past, b) many young people migrated the recent years after the debt crisis, c) Greece is a reception state. Being based in the Theory of Justice and specifically in the ‘veil of ignorance’, is tried to overcome the obstacles of human nature’s subjectivity, while examining the variations in the responses per social group. The questionnaire will have demographic questions and special interest questions, related with the crisis, before and after ‘the veil of ignorance’. The paper’s originality comes from the fact that it is the first time that a philosophical theory is used to examine the migration issue in a practical manner. The main goals of the paper are three: - To examine the differences/similarities in the responses before and after the veil of ignorance, - to reveal opinions on migration crisis from E.U. citizens and - to confirm or not the practical usefulness of the Political Philosophy as a highlighting tool

Keywords: European Union, immigrants, migration crisis, political philosophy, theory of justice, veil of ignorance

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Authors: Anat Peleg, Hadar Dancig-Rosenberg

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This interdisciplinary study, to our knowledge the first in this field, is located on the intersection of victimology-law and society-and media literature, and it corresponds both with feminist writing and with cyber literature which explores the techno-social sphere. It depicts the multifaceted dimensions of shaming in the eyes of the survivors through the following research questions: What are the motivations of sexual-assault survivors to publicize the assailants' identity or to refrain from this practice? Is shaming on Facebook perceived by sexual–assault victims as a substitute for the CJS or as a new form of social activism? What positive and negative consequences do survivors experience as a result of shaming their assailants online? The study draws on in-depth semi-structured interviews which we have conducted between 2016-2018 with 20 sexual-assaults survivors who exposed themselves on Facebook. They were sexually attacked in various forms: six participants reported that they had been raped when they were minors; eight women reported that they had been raped as adults; three reported that they had been victims of an indecent act and three reported that they had been harassed either in their workplace or in the public sphere. Most of our interviewees (12) reported to the police and were involved in criminal procedures. More than half of the survivors (11) disclosed the identity of their attackers online. The vocabularies of motives that have emerged from the thematic analysis of the interviews with the survivors consist of both social and personal motivations for using the practice of shaming online. Some survivors maintain that the use of shaming derives from the decline in the public trust in the criminal justice system. It reflects demand for accountability and justice and serves also as a practice of warning other potential victims of the assailants. Other survivors assert that shaming people in a position of privilege is meant to fulfill the public right to know who these privileged men really are. However, these aforementioned moral and practical justifications of the practice of shaming are often mitigated by fear from the attackers' physical or legal actions in response to their allegations. Some interviewees who are feminist activists argue that the practice of shaming perpetuates the social ancient tendency to define women by labels linking them to the men who attacked them, instead of being defined by their own life complexities. The variety of motivations to adopt or resent the practice of shaming by sexual assault victims presented in our study appear to refute the prevailing intuitive stereotype that shaming is an irrational act of revenge, and denote its rationality. The role of social media as an arena for seeking informal justice raises questions about the new power relations created between victims, assailants, the community and the State, outside the formal criminal justice system. At the same time, the survivors' narratives also uncover the risks and pitfalls embedded within the online sphere for sexual assault survivors.

Keywords: criminal justice, gender, Facebook, sexual-assaults

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Authors: Neelum Maqsood

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This paper is a study of how institutional structures shape the policy-making activities of female legislators. The literature on this area indicates that if there is an institution created by men to secure elite interests, women will face constraints in legislative activities. This paper will analyze the institutional setting in Pakistan and document the conditions women face that both restrict or enable them from representing the general interests of other women. The main experimental design depends on the variation of international scrutiny that Pakistan faces in two different time periods that will be classified as high international scrutiny and low international scrutiny. A high international scrutiny period is one where Pakistan comes under the international lens because of a domestic event that has international ramifications, for example, in terms of gender equality. The argument is that women parliamentarians receive different treatment in periods of high international scrutiny. As Pakistan comes under scrutiny, women will be more active in their legislative activities than in low international scrutiny, as male parliamentarians will be less likely to influence or restrain women’s activities. Using this variation, the trends in memberships and support functions given to women in these two time periods will be studied. The second variation will comprise the analysis of male and female assignments, training, and funding on general seats across time, which will require data collection over this time of 12-15 years, including the years during the war when Pakistan was under high international scrutiny.

Keywords: female representation, gender equality, democratic institutions, quota seats

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Authors: Deborah A. Hollingworth

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The key tenets associated with ‘environmental justice’, were first articulated in a global context in Principle 10 of the United Nations Declaration on Environment and Development at Rio de Janeiro in 1992 (the Rio Declaration). The elements can be conflated to require: public participation in decision-making; the provision of relevant information to those affected about environmental hazards issues; access to judicial and administrative proceeding; and the opportunity for redress where remedy where required. This paper examines the legislative and regulatory arrangements in place for the implementation these elements in a number of industrialised democracies, including Australia. Most have, over time made regulatory provision for these elements – even if they are not directly attributed Principle 10 or the notion of environmental justice. The paper proposes, that of these elements the most critical to the achievement of good environmental governance, is a legislated recognition and role of public participation. However, the paper considers that notwithstanding sound legislative and regulatory practices, environmental regulators frequently struggle, where there is a complex decision-making scenario or long-standing enmity between a community and industry to achieve effective engagement with the public. This study considers the dilemma confronted by environmental regulators to given meaningful effect to the principles enshrined in Principle 10 – that even when the legislative expression of Principle 10 is adhered to – does not prevent adverse outcomes. In particular, it considers, as a case study a prominent environmental incident in 2014 in Australia in which an open-cut coalmine located in the regional township of Morwell caught fire during bushfire season. The fire, which took 45 days to be extinguished had a significant and adverse impact on the community in question, but compounded a complex, and sometime antagonistic history between the mine and township. The case study exemplifies the complex factors that will often be present between industry, the public and regulatory bodies, and which confound the concept of environmental justice, and the elements of enshrined in the Principle 10 of the Rio Declaration. The study proposes that such tensions and complex examples will commonly be the reality of communities and regulators. However, to give practical effect to outcomes contemplated by Principle 10, the paper considers that regulators will may consider public intervention more broadly as including early interventions and formal opportunities for “conferencing” between industry, community and regulators. These initiatives help to develop a shared understanding and identification of issues. It is proposed that although important, options for “alternative dispute resolution” are not sufficiently preventative, as they come into play when a dispute has arise. Similarly “restorative justice” programs, while important once an incident or adverse environmental outcome has occurred, are post event and therefore necessarily limited. The paper considers the examples of how public participation at the outset – at the time of a proposal, before issues arise or eventuate to ensure, is demonstrably the most effective way for building commonality and an agreed methodology for working to resolve issues once they occur.

Keywords: environmental justice, alternative dispute resolution, domestic environmental law, international environmental law

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Authors: Anna Jagielska

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Five years ago, the word ‘gender’ was discussed in Poland exclusively in academic contexts. One year later, it was chosen as the word of the year and omnipresent in the Polish media. The rapid career of this word is due to the involvement of the Polish church hierarchy who strategically brought this term into relation with abortion, pornography and paedophilia. ‘Gender’ is more than a political slogan. It is a symbol of social anxiety and moral panic in Poland which need to be historically considered. The aim of this paper is to present selected rhetorical strategies used by the Polish Catholic clergy who strive to have an impact on the current gender discourse in Poland. In particular, the gender debate, culminated in the pastoral letter of the Bishops' Conference of Poland, will be discussed. The church’s protest against the Council of Europe’s Convention on Preventing and Combating Violence against Women and Domestic Violence will be analyzed and the recent heated debates in Poland on contraception, abortion, in vitro fertilization, and sex education will be mentioned. To provide explanations on the specificity of Polish gender debates the role of the Catholic Church in the fall of communism in Poland as well as the charismatisation of Polish society by Pope John Paul II will be explained. The social constructions of communism and feminism which are manifested in both written and symbolic contracts on gender equality between the Church and the State will be demonstrated. At the end of the paper, theories about the changing role of religion in society will be applied.

Keywords: gender, Poland, religion, catholicism, feminism

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Authors: Angelica S. Valeriani, Lorenzo Biasiolo

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In recent years, the scale of the impact of climate change and its related side effects has become ever more massive and devastating. Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs), promoted by United Nations, aim to front issues related to climate change, among others. In particular, the project CROWD4SDG focuses on a bunch of SDGs since it promotes environmental activities and climate-related issues. In this context, we developed a prototype of an application, under advanced development considering web design, that focuses on SDG 13 (SDG on climate action) by providing users with useful instruments to face environmental crises and climate-related disasters. Our prototype is thought and structured for both web and mobile development. The main goal of the application, POLI4SDG, is to help users to get through emergency services. To this extent, an organized overview and classification prove to be very effective and helpful to people in need. A careful analysis of data related to environmental crises prompted us to integrate the user contribution, i.e., exploiting a core principle of Citizen Science, into the realization of a public catalog, available for consulting and organized according to typology and specific features. In addition, gender equality and opportunity features are considered in the prototype in order to allow women, often the most vulnerable category, to have direct support. The overall description of the application functionalities is detailed. Moreover, the implementation features and properties of the prototype are discussed.

Keywords: crowdsourcing, social media, SDG, climate change, natural disasters, gender equality

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Authors: Dipanwita Chakravortty

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Officially, the Israel Defence Forces (IDF) follows a policy of 'gender equality and partnership' which institutionalises norms regarding equal duty towards the nation. It reiterates the equality in unbiased opportunities and resources for Jewish men and women to participate in the military as equal citizens. At the same time, as a military institution, the IDF supports gender biases and crystallises the same through various interactions among women soldiers, male soldiers and the institution. These biases are expressed through various stages and processes in the military institution like biased training, discriminatory postings of women soldiers, lack of combat training and acceptance of sexual harassment. The gender-military debates in Israel is largely devoted to female emancipation and converting the militarised women’s experiences into mainstream debates. This critical scholarship, largely female-based and located in Israel, has been consistently critical of the structural policies of the IDF that have led to continued discriminatory practices against women soldiers. This has compelled the military to increase its intake of women soldiers and make its structural policies more gender-friendly. Nonetheless, the continued thriving of gender discrimination in the IDF resulted in scholars looking deep into the failure of these policies in bringing about a change. This article looks into two research objectives, firstly to analyse existing gender relations in the IDF which impact the practices and prejudices in the institution and secondly to look beyond the structural discrimination as part of the gender debates in the IDF. The proposed research uses the structural-functional model as a framework to study the discourses and norms emerging out of the interaction between gender and military as two distinct social institutions. Changing gender-military debates will be discussed in great detail to understanding the in-depth relation between the Israeli society and the military due to the conscription model. The main arguments of the paper deal with the functional aspect of the military service rather than the structural component of the institution. Traditional stereotypes of military institutions along with cultural notions of a female body restrict the complete integration of women soldiers despite favourable legislations and policies. These result in functional discriminations like uneven promotion, sexual violence, restructuring gender identities and creating militarised bodies. The existing prejudices encourage younger women recruits to choose from within the accepted pink-collared jobs in the military rather than ‘breaking the barriers.’ Some women recruits do try to explore new avenues and make a mark for themselves. Most of them face stiff discrimination but they accept it as part of military life. The cyclical logic behind structural norms leading to functional discrimination which then emphasises traditional stereotypes and hampers change in the institutional norms compels the IDF to continue to strive towards gender equality within the institution without practical realisation.

Keywords: women soldiers, Israel Defence Forces, gender-military debates, security studies

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Authors: Yiyan Wu

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In the past several decades, the market transition in China has brought in not only more opportunities for women in the labor market but also more attention to gender inequality in workplace. Although some pieces of literature have mentioned gender inequality and segregation at workplace in China, the paper looks into the variations of gender inequality and segregation: working women have little feeling about 'hierarchical inequalities', which define the status and position of women at the workplace. However, at the same time, they unconsciously reinforced 'horizontal inequalities', which creates gender segregation across occupations and job titles. Using qualitative interviews with women employers and employees of various occupations and job titles in Eastern and Southern China, this paper finds evidence that working women's understandings of the division of labor based on the characteristics and expectations of women and men are not as a result of rationality and efficiency, but instead, are the products of gendered stereotypes and traditions. However, holding positive views of gender equality at workplace, working women are not aware of the existence and influence of such gendered stereotypes and traditions. By distinguishing the concepts of 'horizontal inequality' and 'hierarchical inequality' with a cultural sociological approach, this paper contributes to the understanding of gender inequality and segregation in contemporary Chinese society. Moreover, this paper explains the logic behind the paradox in which gender inequality and segregation at workplace persist while women are feeling equal.

Keywords: gender equality, segregation, hierarchical inequality, horizontal inequality, China

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Authors: Jacquelyn Burkell, Jane Bailey

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Artificial intelligence (AI) solutions deployed within the justice system face the critical task of providing acceptable explanations for decisions or actions. These explanations must satisfy the joint criteria of public and professional accountability, taking into account the perspectives and requirements of multiple stakeholders, including judges, lawyers, parties, witnesses, and the general public. This research project analyzes and integrates two existing literature on explanations in order to propose guidelines for explainable AI in the justice system. Specifically, we review three bodies of literature: (i) explanations of the purpose and function of 'explainable AI'; (ii) the relevant case law, judicial commentary and legal literature focused on the form and function of reasons for judicial decisions; and (iii) the literature focused on the psychological and sociological functions of these reasons for judicial decisions from the perspective of the public. Our research suggests that while judicial ‘reasons’ (arguably accurate descriptions of the decision-making process and factors) do serve similar explanatory functions as those identified in the literature on 'explainable AI', they also serve an important ‘justification’ function (post hoc constructions that justify the decision that was reached). Further, members of the public are also looking for both justification and explanation in reasons for judicial decisions, and that the absence of either feature is likely to contribute to diminished public confidence in the legal system. Therefore, artificially automated judicial decision-making systems that simply attempt to document the process of decision-making are unlikely in many cases to be useful to and accepted within the justice system. Instead, these systems should focus on the post-hoc articulation of principles and precedents that support the decision or action, especially in cases where legal subjects’ fundamental rights and liberties are at stake.

Keywords: explainable AI, judicial reasons, public accountability, explanation, justification

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Authors: Arlinda Memetaj

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A sound system of administrative justice represents a vital element of democratic governance. The proper control of public administration consists not only of a sound civil service framework and legislative oversight, but empowerment of the public and courts to hold public officials accountable for their decision-making through the application of fair administrative procedural rules and the use of appropriate administrative appeals processes and judicial review. The establishment of effective public administration, has been since 1990s among the most 'important and urgent' final strategic objectives of the Republic of Macedonia. To this aim the country has so far adopted a huge series of legislative and strategic documents related to any aspects of the administrative justice system. The latter is designed to strengthen the legal position of citizens, businesses, civic organizations, and other societal subjects. 'Changes and reforms' in this field have been thus the most frequent terms being used in the country for the last more than 20 years. Several years ago the County established Administrative Courts, while permanently amending the Law on the General Administrative procedure (LGAP). The new LGAP was adopted in 2015 and it introduced considerable innovations concerned. The most recent inputs in this regard includes the National Public Administration Reform Strategy 2017 – 2022, one of the key expected result of which includes both providing effective protection of the citizens` rights. In doing the aforesaid however there is still a series of interrelated shortcomings in this regard, such as (just to mention few) the complex appeal procedure, delays in enforcing court rulings, etc. Against the above background, the paper firstly describes the Macedonian institutional and legislative framework in the above field, and then illustrates the shortcomings therein. It finally claims that the current status quo situation may be overcome only if there is a proper implementation of the administrative courts decisions and far stricter international monitoring process thereof. A new approach and strong political commitment from the highest political leadership is thus absolutely needed to ensure the principles of transparency, accountability and merit in public administration. The main method used in this paper is the descriptive, analytical and comparative one due to the very character of the paper itself.

Keywords: administrative justice, administrative procedure, administrative courts/disputes, European Human Rights Court, human rights, monitoring, reform, benefit.

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Authors: Josephine Eghonghon Ahiante, Barry Hanyane

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To give effect to the constitutional rights of gender equality, the South African government instituted various legislative policy frameworks and legislations to equalise the public service. Nonetheless, gender inequality in senior management positions remains a rift in government institutions, particularly the local sphere of government. The methodology for gathering and analysing data for this study was based on both primary and secondary data sources, namely literature review, qualitative and quantitative data collection and analysis, triangulation, and inductive and deductive thematic analysis. The study found that misogynist tendencies which are manifest in organisational culture suffocate the good intentions of government in ensuring social justices, leadership diversity, and women equality. It also demonstrates that traditional gender role expectation still informs the ground in which senior management positions are allocated, men perceive women as non-leadership fit and discriminate against them during recruitment, selection, and promotion into high positions. The analyses from the study portray that, while government legislation and framework has been instrumental in the leadership acceleration of women, much more has to be done to deconstruct internalised leadership stereotypes on women's gender roles and leadership requirements. The study recommends that gender bias training intervention is needed to teach public employees on management excellence.

Keywords: gender, leadership, misogyny, orgnisational cultural, patriachy

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Authors: Mirjana Dokmanovic

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The main topic of this paper is the analysis of the presence of gender stereotypes in the media content in the Republic of Serbia with respect to the state commitments to eliminate discrimination against women. The research methodology included the analysis of the media content of six daily newspapers and two magazines on the date of 28 December 2015 and the analysis of the reality TV show programs in 2015 from gender perspective. The methods of the research has also included a desk research and a qualitative analysis of the available data, statistics, policy papers, studies, and reports produced by the government, the Ministry of Culture and Information, the Regulatory Body for Electronic Media, the Press Council, the associations of media professionals, the independent human rights bodies, and civil society organizations (CSOs). As a State Signatory to the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women, the Republic of Serbia has adopted numerous measures in this field, including the Law on Equality between Sexes and the national gender equality strategies. Special attention has been paid to eliminating gender stereotypes and prejudices in the media content and portraying of women. This practice has been forbidden by the Law on Electronic Media, the Law on Public Information and Media, the Law on Public Service Broadcasting and the Bylaw on the Protection of Human Rights in the Provision of Media Services. Despite these commitments, there has not been achieved progress regarding eliminating gender stereotypes in the media content. The research indicates that the media perpetuate traditional gender roles and patriarchal patterns. Female politicians, entrepreneurs, academics, scientists, and engineers have been very rarely portrayed in the media. On the other side, women are in their focus as celebrities, singers, and actresses. Women are underrepresented in the pages related to politics and economy, while they are mostly present in the cover stories related to show-business, health care, family and household matters. Women are three times more than men identified on the basis of their family status, as mothers, wives, daughters, etc. Hate speech, misogyny, and violence against women are often present in the reality TV shows. The abuse of women and their bodies in advertising is still widely present. The cases of domestic violence are still presented with sensationalism, although there has been achieved progress in portraying victims of domestic violence with respect and dignity. The issues related to gender equality and the position of the vulnerable groups of women, such as Roma women or rural women, are not visible in the media. This research, as well as warnings of women’s CSOs and independent human rights bodies, indicates the necessity to implement legal and policy measures in this field consistently and with due diligence. The aim of the paper is to contribute eliminating gender stereotypes in the media content and advancing gender equality.

Keywords: discrimination against women, gender roles, gender stereotypes, media, misogyny, portraying women in the media, prejudices against women, Republic of Serbia

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