World Academy of Science, Engineering and Technology

Authors: Juan Manuel Brito-Diaz

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The emergence of urban environmentalism in Spain is related to the processes of economic transformation and growing urbanization that occurred during the end of the Franco regime and the democratic transition. This paper analyzes the urban environmental mobilizations and their impacts as relevant democratizing agents in the processes of political change in cities. It’s an under-researched topic and studies on environmental movements in Spain have paid little attention to it. This research takes as its starting point the close link between democratization and environmentalism, since it considers that environmental conflicts are largely a consequence of democratic problems, and that the impacts of environmental movements are directly linked to the democratization. The study argues that the environmental movements that emerged in Spain at the end of the dictatorship and the democratic transition are an important part of the broad and complex associative fabric that promoted the democratization process. The research focuses on investigating the environmental protest in Las Palmas de Gran Canaria—the most important city in the Canary Islands—between 1970 and 1983, concurrently with the last local governments of the dictatorship and the first democratic city councils. As it is a case study, it opens up the possibility to ask multiple specific questions and assess each of the responses obtained. Although several research methodologies have been applied, such as the analysis of historical archives documentation or oral history interviews, mainly a very widespread methodology in the sociology of social movements, although very little used by social historians, has been used: the Protest Event Analysis (PEA). This methodology, which consists of generating a catalog of protest events by coding data around previously established variables, has allowed me to map, analyze and interpret the occurrence of protests over time and space, and associated factors, through content analysis. For data collection, news from local newspapers have provided a large enough sample to analyze the properties of social protest -frequency, size, demands, forms, organizers, etc.—and relate them to another type of information related to political structures and mobilization repertoires, encouraging the establishment of connections between the protest and the political impacts of urban movements. Finally, the study argues that the environmental movements of this period were essential to the construction of the new democratic city in Spain, not only because they established the issues of sustainability and urban environmental justice on the public agenda, but also because they proposed that conflicts derived from such matters should ultimately be resolved through public deliberation and citizen participation.

Keywords: democratization, environmental movements, political impacts, social movements

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Authors: Dafni Kalatzi Pantera

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How globalisation affects environmental activism? Existing research on this relationship focuses on the influence of the world polity on individuals’ willingness to participate in environmental movements. However, globalisation is a multidimensional process which promotes pro-environmental ideas through the world polity, but it also fosters economic growth which is considered antagonistic to the environment. This article models the way that globalisation as a whole affects individuals’ willingness to participate in environmental activism, and the main argument is that globalisation’s impact is conditional on political ideology. To test the above hypothesis, individual and country level data are used for European countries between 1981-2020. The results support the expectation of the article that although globalisation has a positive impact on individuals’ willingness to participate in environmental activism when it interacts with political ideology, its influence differs between ideological spectrums.

Keywords: environmental activism, globalisation, political ideology, world polity

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Authors: Alireza Tavakoli Nia

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In order to understand the role of the injured party's fault in dividing liability, we studied its historical background. In common law, the traditional contributory negligence rule was a complete defense. Then the legislature and judicial procedure modified that rule to one of apportionment. In Islamic law, too, the Action rule was at first used when the injured party was the sole cause, but jurists expanded the scope of this rule, so this rule was used in cases where both the injured party's fault and that of the other party are involved. There are some popular approaches for apportionment of damages. Some common law countries like Britain had chosen ‘the causal potency approach’ and ‘fixed apportionment’. Islamic countries like Iran have chosen both ‘the relative blameworthiness’ and ‘equal apportionment’ approaches. The article concludes that both common law and Islamic law believe in the division of responsibility between a wrongdoer claimant and the defendant. In contrast, in the apportionment of responsibility, Islamic law mostly believes in equal apportionment that is way easier and saves time and money, but common law legal systems have chosen the causal potency approach, which is more complicated than the rival approach but is fairer.

Keywords: contributory negligence, tort law, damage apportionment, common law, Islamic law

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Authors: Tomasz Zarebski

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A very important element of the education system is its evaluation procedure. Each education system should be systematically evaluated and improved. Among the criteria subject to evaluation, attention should be paid to the following: structure of the study programme, implementation of the study programme, admission to studies, verification of learning outcomes achievement by students, giving credit for individual semesters and years, and awarding diplomas, competence, experience, qualifications and the number of staff providing education, staff development, and in-service training, education infrastructure, cooperation with social and economic stakeholders on the development, conditions for and methods of improving the internationalisation of education provided as part of the degree programme, supporting learning, social, academic or professional development of students and their entry on the labour market, public access to information about the study programme and quality assurance policy. Concerning the assessment process and the individual assessment indicators, the participation of students in these processes is essential. The purpose of this paper is to analyse the rules of student participation in accreditation processes on the example of individual countries in Europe. The rules of students' participation in the work of accreditation committees and their influence on the final grade of the committee were analysed. Most of the higher education institutions follow similar rules for accreditation. The general model gives the individual institution freedom to organize its own quality assurance, as long as the system lives up to the criteria for quality and relevance laid down in the particular provisions. This point also applies to students. The regulations of the following countries were examined in the legal-comparative aspect: Poland (Polish Accreditation Committee), Denmark (The Danish Accreditation Institution), France (High Council for the Evaluation of Research and Higher Education), Germany (Agency for Quality Assurance through Accreditation of Study Programmes) and Italy (National Agency for the Evaluation of Universities and Research Institutes).

Keywords: accreditation, student, study programme, quality assurance in higher education

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Authors: Goodness Thandi Ntuli

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As one of the sub-Saharan African countries, South Africa has a majority of women living at the receiving end of all ferocious atrocities, afflictions and social ills such as utter poverty, unemployment, morbidity, sexual exploitation and abuse, gender-based and domestic violence. The response to these social ills that permeate the South African context like wildfire requires postcolonial feminism as a lens which needs to directly address this particular context. In the empirical study that was conducted among the Zulu people about Zulu young women in the South African context, it was found that a postcolonial young woman has a lot of social challenges that militate against her. In her struggle to liberate herself, there are layers of oppression that she has to deal with before attaining emancipation of any kind. These layers of oppression emanate from postcolonial effects on cultural norms that come with patriarchal issues, racial issues as the woman of colour and socio-economic issues as the poverty-stricken marginalised woman. Such layers also render marginalized women voiceless on many occasions, and hence the kind of feminism that needs to be applied in this context has to give them a voice, worth and human dignity that they deserve. From the postcolonial feminist perspective, this paper examines the condition of women from the margins and seeks the ways in which the layers of oppression could be disengaged. In the process of the severed layers of oppression, these women can be uplifted to becoming the women of worth, restored to life-giving dignity from the inferiority complex of racial discrimination and liberation from all forms of patriarchy and its upshots that keep them bound by gender inequality. This requires, in particular, postcolonial feminism that would find profound ways of reaching into the deep-seated socialization and internalization of every kind of prejudice against women. It is the kind of feminism that questions the status core even among those who consider themselves feminists. With the ruination of all postcolonial layers of oppression, women in the margins could find real emancipation that they have always longed for through feminism that will take into consideration their context. This calls for the rethinking of feminism in different contexts because the conditions of the oppressed woman of the South cannot be the same as the conditions of the woman who considers herself oppressed in the North.

Keywords: exploration, feminism, postcolonial, margins, South African, women

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Authors: Monika Rezacova

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Radiation-induced breast changes are a consequence of radiotherapy toxicity over the breast tissues either related to targeted breast cancer treatment or other thoracic malignancies (eg. lung cancer). This study has created an overview of different changes and their pathophysiology. The main conditions included were skin thickening, interstitial oedema, fat necrosis, dystrophic calcifications, skin retractions, glandular atrophy, breast fibrosis and radiation induced breast cancer. This study has performed focused literature search through multiple databases including pubmed, medline and embase. The study has reviewed English as well as non English publications. As a result of the literature the study provides comprehensive overview of radiation-induced breast changes and their pathophysiology with small focus on new development and prevention.

Keywords: radiotherapy toxicity, breast tissue changes, breast cancer treatment, radiation-induced breast changes

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Authors: Vasudev Das

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The specific problem is that many leaders of the 21st century do not understand that the extermination of embryos wreaks havoc on peace leadership. The purpose of the document review is to understand embryology in facilitating peace leadership. Extermination of human embryos generates a requital wave of violence which later falls on human society in the form of disturbances, considering that violence breeds further violence as a consequentiality. The study results reveal that a deep understanding of embryology facilitates peace leadership, given that minimizing embryo extermination enhances non-violence in the global village. Neo-Newtonians subscribe to the idea that every action has an equal and opposite reaction. The US Federal Government recognizes the embryo or fetus as a member of Homo sapiens. The social change implications of this study are that understanding human embryology promotes peace leadership, considering that the consequentiality of embryo extermination can serve as a deterrent for violence on embryos.

Keywords: consequentiality, Homo sapiens, neo-Newtonians, violence

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Authors: Eunice Chiamaka Allen-Ngbale

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Prior to bill of lading (BOL), merchants travelled along with their goods; then recorded the goods in the ship’s mates’ register; and finally started selling the goods while in transit by way of BOL, indicative that BOL is negotiable. Common law doctrine of privity of contract did not allow the transfer of right to sue to a non-party to the contract. This created hardship to cargo owners, which made many jurisdictions enact laws in this regard. Bill of Lading Act 1855 (BLA) was enacted in the United Kingdom, which applied as statute of general application under section 375 Merchant Shipping Act 1990 (MSA) in Nigeria; and conferred contractual rights of the suit on consignees and endorsees, but on the passing of ownership upon or by reason of such consignment or endorsement on the shipment of the goods simultaneously. The repeal of section 375 MSA by section 439 MSA 2007 created a lacuna, and the doctrine of privity of contract is the extant law in Nigeria. The aim of this study is to evaluate laws governing the transfer of the contractual right of suit to a third party under the bill of lading in Nigeria. The specific objectives of this study are to ascertain: (i) whether the extant law of common law doctrine of privity of the contract covers the transfer of the right of suit to the third party under the bill of lading in Nigeria; (ii) impediment(s) of the common law to transfer such right in Nigeria in the absence of any legislation; (iii) the level of applicability of the doctrine of privity of contract as it relates to transfer of the contractual right of suit to third party under the bill of lading in Nigeria; and (iv) whether to proffer possible suggestion on how to fill the lacuna left by the repeal of Merchant Shipping Act 1990. This work adopted a doctrinal approach with reliance on primary and secondary source materials. It finds that the common law doctrine of privity of contract in Nigeria is retrogressive. This work recommends for amendment of the relevant statute to cure this defect/lacuna like other commonwealth nations for best international practices.

Keywords: contract of carriage by sea, doctrine of privity of contract, lawful holder of bill of lading, third party right of suit

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Authors: Eunice Chiamaka Allen-Ngbale

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Cargo claims are brought by cargo interests against carriers when the goods are not delivered or delivered short or mis-delivered or delivered damaged. The objective of the cargo claimant is to seek recovery for the loss suffered through the award of damages against the carrier by a court of competent jurisdiction. Moreover, whether the vessel on which the goods were carried is or is not under charter, the bill of lading plays a central role in the cargo claim. Since the bill of lading is an important international transport document, this paper examines, by chronicling the progress of a cargo claim as governed by the English law of contract. It finds that other than by contract, there are other modes of recovery available to a consignee or endorsee of a bill of lading to obtain a remedy under the sui generis contract of carriage contained in or evidenced by a bill of lading.

Keywords: bill of lading, cargo interests, carriage contract, transfer of right of suit

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Authors: Olanrewaju Aladeitan, Obiageli Phina Anaghara-Uzor

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Despite the abundance of natural gas deposits in Nigeria and the immense potential, this presents both for the domestic and export oriented revenue, there exists an imbalance in the preference for export as against the development and optimal utilization of natural gas for the domestic industry. Considerable amounts of gas are still being wasted by flaring in the country to this day. Although the government has set in place initiatives to harness gas at the flare and thereby reduce volumes flared, the gas producers would rather direct the gas produced to the export market whereas gas apportioned to the domestic market is often marred by the low domestic gas price which is often discouraging to the gas producers. The exported fraction of gas production no doubt yields healthy revenues for the government and an encouraging return on investment for the gas producers and for this reason export sales remain enticing and preferable to the domestic sale of gas. This export pull impacts negatively if left unchecked, on the domestic market which is in no position to match the price at the international markets. The issue of gas price remains critical to the optimal development of the domestic gas industry, in that it comprises the basis for investment decisions of the producers on the allocation of their scarce resources and to what project to channel their output in order to maximize profit. In order then to rebalance the domestic industry and streamline the market for gas, the Gas Aggregation Company of Nigeria, also known as the Strategic Aggregator was proposed under the Nigerian Gas Master Plan of 2008 and then established pursuant to the National Gas Supply and Pricing Regulations of 2008 to implement the domestic gas supply obligation which focuses on ramping-up gas volumes for domestic utilization by mandatorily requiring each gas producer to dedicate a portion of its gas production for domestic utilization before having recourse to the export market. The 2008 Regulations further stipulate penalties in the event of non-compliance. This study, in the main, assesses the adequacy of the legal framework for the Nigerian Gas Industry, given that the operational laws are structured more for oil than its gas counterpart; examine the legal basis for the Strategic Aggregator in the light of the Domestic Gas Supply and Pricing Policy 2008 and the National Domestic Gas Supply and Pricing Regulations 2008 and makes a case for a review of the pivotal role of the Aggregator in the Nigerian Gas market. In undertaking this assessment, the doctrinal research methodology was adopted. Findings from research conducted reveal the reawakening of the Federal Government to the immense potential of its gas industry as a critical sector of its economy and the need for a sustainable domestic natural gas market. A case for the review of the ownership structure of the Aggregator to comprise a balanced mix of the Federal Government, gas producers and other key stakeholders in order to ensure the effective implementation of the domestic supply obligations becomes all the more imperative.

Keywords: domestic supply obligations, natural gas, Nigerian gas sector, strategic gas aggregator

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Authors: Ridho Al-Hamdi, Sakir, Tanto Lailam

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During the democratic period of 1999-present, Indonesia has consistently applied a List Proportional Representation (List PR) system in the parliamentary election. Between 1999 and 2004, it adopted a closed-list proportional representation (CLPR) system. In the meantime, it employed open-list proportional representation (OLPR) system from 2009 to 2019. Recently, some parties intended to propose the application of CLPR while others are still consistent in adopting OLPR. An unfinished debate is taking place. Thus, this article aims to evaluate the application of CLPR in Indonesia and, in turn, analyze its compatibility in contemporary parliamentary election system. From a methodological standpoint, it is qualitative research by applying a case study approach. Data-gathering relies on field data, mainly focus group discussion (FGD) and in-depth interviews with political parties, electoral management bodies (EMBs), NGO activists, and scholars spread in six provinces and nine regencies/cities across the country. Using SWOT analysis and the compatibility of CLPR and embedded democracy framework, the finding demonstrates that CLPR is no longer relevant for contemporary Indonesian elections. This paper recommends OLPR by considering that CLPR has numerous weaknesses and threats that can jeopardize embedded democracy. More importantly, CLPR can remove inclusive suffrage significantly.

Keywords: closed-list proportional representation, embedded democracy, Indonesia, parliamentary election

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Authors: Terri Cole, Fay Sweeting

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Abuse of position for sexual gain by police is defined as behavior involving individuals taking advantage of their role to pursue a sexual or improper relationship. Previous research has considered whether it involves ‘bad apples’ - individuals with poor moral ethos or ‘bad barrels’ – broader organizational flaws which may unconsciously allow, minimize, or do not effectively deal with such behavior. Low level sexual misconduct (e.g., consensual sex on duty) is more common than more serious offences (e.g., rape), yet the impact of such behavior can have severe implications not only for those involved but can also negatively undermine public confidence in the police. This ongoing, collaborative research project has identified variables from 514 historic case files from 35 UK police forces in order to identify potential risk indicators which may lead to such behavior. Quantitative analysis using logistic regression and the Cox proportion hazard model has resulted in the identification of specific risk factors of significance in prediction. Factors relating to both perpetrator background such as a history of intimate partner violence, debt, and substance misuse coupled with in work behavior such as misusing police systems increase the risk. Findings are able to provide pragmatic recommendations for those tasked with identifying potential or investigating suspected perpetrators of misconduct.

Keywords: abuse of position, forensic psychology, misconduct, sexual abuse

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Authors: Fabian Flintoff

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The nature of the workforce has changed radically over the last 50 years in terms of a wide range of factors, including its education levels, gender composition, and the status of workers. Despite extensive changes to the structure of the workforce, lawmakers and judges have shown a reluctance to reshape employment law. In particular, employment laws have not kept pace with the extensive use of flexible forms of employment, whether part-time, casual or agency employees. This paper focuses on recent attempts at legislative change in the state/provincial and federal jurisdictions in both Australia and Canada. Australian and Canadian employment laws share a common heritage and many similarities. However, there are significant differences in the way in which employment-based disputes are resolved. The Australian component of the paper considers the changes made by the Federal conservative Coalition government in 2021. The paper also reviews the proposals for change to regulating the gig economy made by the Canadian Federal government in the 2021 budget and the idea of a rebuttable presumption in favor of an employment relationship over a contract for services. The paper suggests that there are considerable institutional impediments to achieving pragmatic law reform that balances the interests of workers and employers. It concludes that there are strong interests in the legal and labor law community for continuing the status quo, despite the fact that it may negatively impact the most marginalized members of the workforce in Australia, Canada, and other jurisdictions.

Keywords: employment law, flexible employment, labor law, legislative reform

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Authors: Laima Zakaraite, Vaidas Morkevicius

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The COVID-19 pandemic brought important and pressing challenges for politicians around the world. Governments, parliaments, and political leaders had to make quick decisions about containment of the pandemic, usually without clear knowledge about the factual spread of the virus, the possible expected speed of spread, and levels of mortality. Opinions of experts were also divided, as some advocated for ‘herd immunity’ without closing down the economy and public life, and others supported the idea of strict lockdown. The debates about measures of pandemic containment were heated and involved strong moral tensions with regard to the possible outcomes. This paper proposes to study the manifestations of moral imagination in the political debates regarding the COVID-19 pandemic. Importantly, moral imagination is associated with twofold abilities of a decision-making actor: the ability to discern the moral aspects embedded within a situation and the ability to envision a range of possibilities alternative solutions to the situation from a moral perspective. The concept was most thoroughly investigated in business management studies. However, its relevance for the study of political decision-making is also rather clear. The results of the study show to what extent politicians are able to discern the wide range of moral issues related to a situation (in this case, consequences of COVID-19 pandemic in a country) and how broad (especially, from a moral perspective) are discussions of the possible solutions proposed for solving the problem (situation). Arguably, political discussions and considerations are broader and affected by a wider and more varied range of actors and ideas compared to decision making in the business management sector. However, the debates and ensuing solutions may also be restricted by ideological maxims and advocacy of special interests. Therefore, empirical study of policy proposals and their debates might reveal the actual breadth of moral imagination in political discussions. For this purpose, we carried out the qualitative study of the parliamentary debates related to the COVID-19 pandemic in Lithuania during the first wave (containment of which was considered very successful) and at the beginning and consequent acceleration of the second wave (when the spread of the virus became uncontrollable).

Keywords: decision making, moral imagination, political debates, political decision

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Authors: Toufic Sarieddine

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As the belt and road Initiative (henceforth, BRI) enters its 9th year, Iran and China are forging stronger ties on economic and military fronts, a development which has not only caused alarm in Washington but also risks staining China’s relationships with the oil-rich Gulf monarchies. World-systems theory has been used to examine the impact of the BRI on the current world order, with scholarship split on the capacity of China to emerge as a hegemon contending with the US or even usurping it. This paper argues the emergence of a new China-centered world-system comprised of states/areas and processes participating in the BRI and overlapping with the global world-system under (shaky) US hegemony. This world-system centers around China as core and hegemon via economic domination, capable new institutions (Shanghai Cooperation Council), legal modi operandi, the common goal of infrastructure development to rally support among developing states, and other indicators of hegemony outlined in world-systems theory. In this regard, while states like Pakistan could become peripheries to China in the BRI-bound world-system via large-scale projects such as the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor, Iran has greater capacities and influence in the Middle East, making it superior to a periphery. This paper thus argues that the increasing proximity between Iran and China sees the former becoming a semi-periphery with respect to China within the BRI-bound world-system, having economic dependence on its new core and hegemon while simultaneously wielding political and military influence on weaker states such as Iraq, Lebanon, Yemen, and Syria. The indicators for peripheralization as well as the characteristics of a semi-periphery outlined in world-systems theory are used to examine the current economic, political, and militaristic dimensions of Iran and China’s growing relationship, as well as the trajectory of these dimensions as part of the BRI-bound world-system.

Keywords: belt and road initiative, China, China-Middle East relations, Iran, world-systems analysis

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Authors: Priyanka Joshi

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The paper traces the evolving relationship between women, public spaces, and citizenship and dissent by analyzing acts of dissent led by women. The paper outlines this relationship in the context of the protests held in Shaheen Bagh, Delhi against the Citizenship Amendment Act (CAA), National Registry of Citizens (NRC), and National Population Register (NPR) in 2019. Additionally, the paper aims to explore how the multiple identities of the protestors in Shaheen Bagh affected the nature, implications, and responses to the protests. To do so, the paper will analyze three key areas in relationship with women, namely, public spaces, citizenship, and dissent. In doing so, it will examine the gendered access to public spaces and its implications on the realization of one’s citizenship rights. Moreover, it will explore the historical notions of citizenship, its contemporary understanding, the exclusionary nature of citizenship, and the conflict between community rights and individual rights with respect to women’s rights. In context of dissent, it will evaluate the understanding of dissent and trace the difference in the experience of dissent based on gender by reviewing social movements led and maintained by women. This paper will utilize secondary data to explore the questions it poses. This includes a study of books and journal articles in conjunction with media reports concerning gender, public spaces, citizenship, and dissent. It will apply an intersectional lens in its analysis.

Keywords: citizenship, dissent, public spaces, Shaheen Bagh, women

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Authors: Lilian Ijomah

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Restorative justice practices continue to gain recognition globally in the criminal and juvenile justice systems and schools. Despite considerable research, little is known about how juvenile detention center staff members’ knowledge, beliefs, and attitudes affect implementation. As with many interventions, effective implementation relies on the staff members who must do the daily work. This phenomenological study aimed to add to the existing literature by examining staff knowledge, beliefs, and attitudes on restorative justice practices, barriers to effective implementation, and potential differences in knowledge, beliefs, and attitudes between education staff and juvenile detention officers at the research site. The present study used semi-structured interviews and focus groups of both types of staff members who work with the youth in a juvenile justice facility to answer three research questions: (1) To what extent are staff members knowledgeable about the principles behind restorative approach to discipline and about how the approach should be carried out?; (2) What are staff member beliefs and attitudes toward the restorative justice program and its implementation in a juvenile justice setting?; and (3) What similarities and differences are there between (a) knowledge and (b) beliefs and attitudes of the educators and juvenile detention officers? A total of 28 staff members participated, nine educators, and 19 detention officers. The findings for the first research question indicated that both groups (educators and juvenile detention officers) were knowledgeable about two of the three principles of restorative justice: repairing the harm done by the offender and reducing risks for future occurrence; but did not show clear knowledge of one principle, active involvement from all stakeholders. For research question 2, staff beliefs and attitudes were categorized into two types, positive beliefs and attitudes (e.g., that restorative justice is more appropriate than the use of punitive measures) and negative beliefs and attitudes (e.g., that restorative justice is ‘just another program that creates extra work for staff’). When the two staff groups were compared to answer research question 3, both groups were found to have similar knowledge (showing knowledge of two of the three principles) and somewhat different beliefs and attitudes – both groups showed a mix of positive and negative, but the educators showed somewhat more on the positive side. Both groups also identified barriers to implementation such as the perception of restorative justice as ‘soft’, lack of knowledge and exposure to restorative justice, shortage of resources and staff, and difficulty sustaining the restorative justice approach. The findings of this study are largely consistent with current literature but also extend the literature by studying staff knowledge, attitudes, and beliefs in a juvenile detention center and comparing the two staff groups. Recommendations include assessing staff knowledge and attitudes toward restorative justice during the hiring process, ensuring adequate staff training, communicating clearly to build positive attitudes and beliefs, providing adequate staffing, and building a sense of community.

Keywords: juvenile justice, restorative justice, restorative practices, staff attitudes and beliefs

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Authors: Erinda Bllaca Ndroqi

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The dilemma with which the monitoring professionals are facing in today’s reality is whether to accept that prisons all over the world constitute a place where not all rights are respected (ethical approach), or widen the scope of monitoring by prioritizing the special needs of people deprived of their liberties (human right approach), despite the context and the level of improved prison condition, staff profiling, more services oriented towards rehabilitation instead of punishment. Such dilemma becomes a concern if taking into consideration the fact that prisoners, due to their powerlessness and 'their lives at the hand of the state', are constantly under the threat of abuse of power and neglect, which in the Albanian case, has never been classified as torture. Scientific research in twenty-four (24) Albanian prisons shows that for some rights, prisoners belonging to 'vulnerable groups' such as mental illness, HIV positive status, sexual orientation, and terminal illness remain quite challenged and do not ensure that their basic rights are being met by the current criminal justice system (despite recommendations set forwards to prison authorities by the European Committee for the Prevention of Torture and Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or Punishment (CPT)). The research orients more discussion about policy and strategic recommendations that would need a thorough assessment of the impact of rehabilitation in special categories of prisoners, including recidivists.

Keywords: prisons, rehabilitation, torture, vulnerability

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Authors: Lutfurrahman Aftab

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The Taliban’s relationships with the neighboring countries are a complex political issue that local people interpret one way, and politicians have different perceptions; therefore, it is a current issue that needs to be analyzed broadly and impartially. In this article, the writer investigates the Taliban’s current relationships with the neighboring countries, as well as looking at the effects these relationships have on the current peace negotiations in Doha, which began on September 12, 2020. The issue of Taliban and the current peace process has turned to be the center-of-attention for most of the neighboring countries, and every country has opened new pages in their foreign policies because after the Taliban-US peace agreement, the neighboring countries are meticulously and closely observing the situation and they believe that the Taliban are on the verge to tighten their grips on the future political power of Afghanistan. Every neighboring country of Afghanistan has political, economic, and social interests in this land-locked country. The Taliban’s current role within the peace talks and anticipated future position within the Afghan government will have great political, economic, and social implications on countries in the region as they assess their foreign policies. As these countries move to form closer ties with the Taliban, the government of Afghanistan is worried that this may hinder the peace process. Afghanistan has long blamed Pakistan for sheltering the Taliban and providing safe havens for the terrorist groups, including Al Qaeda, and the recent visits of Taliban’s delegations to Islamabad, Pakistan, have raised concern among government officials in Afghanistan who believe that the Taliban are not independent in their decisions, and for every step they take, are consulting with Pakistan’s political leadership.

Keywords: peace process, USA, Afghanistan, Taliban

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Authors: Keo Mbebe

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The South African Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC) is widely regarded as a blueprint for countries seeking to transcend the atrocities of their past and create a new human rights-based administration. The aim of these societies is to establish historical truth. Within the TRC, the aspects of truth-finding and truth-telling were considered to be catalysts for national unity and reconciliation. Truth-seeking, in addition, was mandated in the Promotion of National Unity and Reconciliation Act (TRC Act), which is the legislation behind the TRC. However, there is an incongruency between the conception of truth outlined in the Act, and the conception of truth explained in the Report of the TRC proceedings. The aim of this paper is to delineate these two kinds of “truth” and to critically analyze them. Doing so, it will then be evident in the discussion that there is a need for substantial clarity in the conception of truth used in transitional justice settings based on truth-finding and truth-seeking, and the paper will present ways in which such clarity may be achieved. The paper will begin with a philosophical engagement on the notion of historical truth used by the TRC legislation. Thereafter, the historical background to the political context in which the TRC Act was mandated will be provided. The next section would then be a sketch of the conceptions of historical truth and historical injustice in the Act, as well as its supporting documents. Lastly, it will be argued that the subversion of the TRC’s mandate to promote reconciliation and national unity by bringing to light past human rights violations during apartheid is betrayed by its amorphous conception of historical truth.

Keywords: historical truth, human rights, transitional justice, truth commission

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Authors: Aysha Alshehri

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This paper provides a literature review of the sources of women’s rights under the Saudi legal framework, taking account of the constitutional primacy of Sharia under the Saudi legal system as well as the state’s obligations under international law. Building on one of the central aims of the paper, it conducts an exploration of how Saudi Arabia already has or might be further able to more clearly delineate its position and reservations in the adoptions of international human rights agreements while preserving its core religious beliefs and societal practices in regard to women’s rights at the domestic level. In this regard, the paper will consider the apparent tension between certain jurisprudential and customary aspects on gender equality and contemporary discourses of women’s rights from within and outside the Muslim world. Particular attention will be devoted to the question of the causes behind the lack of direct application of women’s rights mentioned by international reports and any challenges this may bring in the contexts of Saudi Arabia’s evolving gender equality policies.

Keywords: Islamic Constitution, executive actions, gender equality, judicial review

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Authors: Amanda Rebman

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This paper challenges the criminal justice system’s traditional stance regarding prostitution. Historically, the acceptance and morality of prostitution within the United States has fluctuated depending upon the social attitudes of the era. Today, prostitutes are allegedly viewed as victims; however, they are treated like criminals throughout the criminal justice system and society. Dominant patriarchal narratives within the United States has resulted in woman lacking autonomy over their bodies and diminished their ability to choose their own career. Even though prostitutes are deemed victims, many times, they are convicted of crimes, a practice that results in further victimization. Utilizing the socialist feminist theory to understand these juxtaposing positions on whether to legalize prostitution facilitates a greater understanding of how patriarchal capitalist arrangements ensure the oppression of women throughout the criminal justice system. The legalization of prostitution will alleviate some of this oppression and ensure a more equal treatment of women in the criminal justice system and society at large.

Keywords: equality, feminist theory, prostitution, sex work

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Authors: Nina Leila Mussa

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Background: The devastating effects of the war on Syria’s educational infrastructure has been widely reported, with millions of children denied access. However, among those who resettled in Lebanon, the impact of receiving educational assistance on their abilities to pass the English entrance exam is not well described. The aim of this study was to identify predictors of success among Syrian refugees receiving English language courses in a Lebanese university. Methods: The database of Syrian refugee girls matriculated in English courses at the American University of Beirut (AUB) was reviewed. The study period was 7/2018-09/2020. Variables compared included: family size and income, welfare status, parents’ education, English proficiency, access to the internet, and need for external help with homework. Results: For the study period, there were 28 girls enrolled. The average family size was 6 (range 4-9), with eight having completed primary, 14 secondary education, and 6 graduated high school. Eighteen were single-income families. After 12 weeks of English courses, 16 passed the Test of English as Foreign Language (TOEFL) from the first attempt, and 12 failed. Out of the 12, 8 received external help, and 6 passed on the second attempt, which brings the total number of successful passing to 22. Conclusion: Despite the tragedy of war, girls receiving assistance in learning English in Lebanon are able to pass the basic language test. Investment in enhancing those educational experiences will be determinantal in achieving widespread progress among those at-risk children.

Keywords: refugee girls, TOEFL, education, success

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Authors: Georgios Samaras

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New media such as Facebook, YouTube and Twitter introduced the world to a new era of instant communication. An era where online interactions could replace a lot of offline actions. Technology can create a mediated environment in which participants can communicate (one-to-one, one-to-many, and many-to-many) both synchronously and asynchronously and participate in reciprocal message exchanges. Currently, social networks are attracting similar academic attention to that of the internet after its mainstream implementation into public life. Websites and platforms are seen as the forefront of a new political change. There is a significant backdrop of previous methodologies employed to research the effects of social networks. New approaches are being developed to be able to adapt to the growth of social networks and the invention of new platforms. Golden Dawn was the first openly neo-Nazi party post World War II to win seats in the parliament of a European country. Its racist rhetoric and violent tactics on social networks were rewarded by their supporters, who in the face of Golden Dawn’s leaders saw a ‘new dawn’ in Greek politics. Mainstream media banned its leaders and members of the party indefinitely after Ilias Kasidiaris attacked Liana Kanelli, a member of the Greek Communist Party, on live television. This media ban was seen as a treasonous move by a significant percentage of voters, who believed that the system was desperately trying to censor Golden Dawn to favor mainstream parties. The shocking attack on live television received international coverage and while European countries were condemning this newly emerged neo-Nazi rhetoric, almost 7 percent of the Greek population rewarded Golden Dawn with 18 seats in the Greek parliament. Many seem to think that Golden Dawn mobilised its voters online and this approach played a significant role in spreading their message and appealing to wider audiences. No strict online censorship existed back in 2012 and although Golden Dawn was openly used neo-Nazi symbolism, it was allowed to use social networks without serious restrictions until 2017. This paper used qualitative methods to investigate Golden Dawn’s rise in social networks from 2012 to 2019. The focus of the content analysis was set on three social networking platforms: Facebook, Twitter and YouTube, while the existence of Golden Dawn’s website, which was used as a news sharing hub, was also taken into account. The content analysis included text and visual analyses that sampled content from their social networking pages to translate their political messaging through an ideological lens focused on extreme-right populism. The absence of hate speech regulations on social network platforms in 2012 allowed the free expression of those heavily ultranationalist and populist views, as they were employed by Golden Dawn in the Greek political scene. On YouTube, Facebook and Twitter, the influence of their rhetoric was particularly strong. Official channels and MPs profiles were investigated to explore the messaging in-depth and understand its ideological elements.

Keywords: populism, far-right, social media, Greece, golden dawn

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Authors: Wanjiku Karanja

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Facebook has monopoly power in the social networking market. It has grown and entrenched its monopoly power through the capture of its users’ data value chains. However, antitrust law’s consumer welfare roots have prevented it from effectively addressing the role of data capture in Facebook’s market dominance. These regulatory blind spots are augmented in Facebook’s proposed Diem cryptocurrency project and its Novi Digital wallet. Novi, which is Diem’s digital identity component, shall enable Facebook to collect an unprecedented volume of consumer data. Consequently, Novi has seismic implications on internet identity as the network effects of Facebook’s large user base could establish it as the de facto internet identity layer. Moreover, the large tracts of data Facebook shall collect through Novi shall further entrench Facebook's market power. As such, the attendant lock-in effects of this project shall be very difficult to reverse. Urgent regulatory action is therefore required to prevent this expansion of Facebook’s data resources and monopoly power. This research thus highlights the importance of data capture to competition and market health in the social networking industry. It utilizes interviews with key experts to empirically interrogate the impact of Facebook’s data capture and control of its users’ data value chains on its market power. This inquiry is contextualized against Novi’s expansive effect on Facebook’s data value chains. It thus addresses the novel antitrust issues arising at the nexus of Facebook’s monopoly power and the privacy of its users’ data. It also explores the impact of platform design principles, specifically data portability and data portability, in mitigating Facebook’s anti-competitive practices. As such, this study finds that Facebook is a powerful monopoly that dominates the social media industry to the detriment of potential competitors. Facebook derives its power from its size, annexure of the consumer data value chain, and control of its users’ social graphs. Additionally, the platform design principles of data interoperability and data portability are not a panacea to restoring competition in the social networking market. Their success depends on the establishment of robust technical standards and regulatory frameworks.

Keywords: antitrust law, data protection law, data portability, data interoperability, digital identity, Facebook

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Authors: Payam Mousavi, Andrew L. Stewart, Huiwen You, Aryeh F. G. Fayerman

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We present a decision-support tool to assist an operator in the detection and tracking of a suspect vehicle traveling to an unknown target destination. Multiple data sources, such as traffic cameras, traffic information, weather, etc., are integrated and processed in real-time to infer a suspect’s intended destination chosen from a list of pre-determined high-value targets. Previously, we presented our work in the detection and tracking of vehicles using traffic and airborne cameras. Here, we focus on the fusion and processing of that information to predict a suspect’s behavior. The network of cameras is represented by a directional graph, where the edges correspond to direct road connections between the nodes and the edge weights are proportional to the average time it takes to travel from one node to another. For our experiments, we construct our graph based on the greater Los Angeles subset of the Caltrans’s “Performance Measurement System” (PeMS) dataset. We propose a Bayesian approach where a posterior probability for each target is continuously updated based on detections of the suspect in the live video feeds. Additionally, we introduce the concept of ‘soft interventions’, inspired by the field of Causal Inference. Soft interventions are herein defined as interventions that do not immediately interfere with the suspect’s movements; rather, a soft intervention may induce the suspect into making a new decision, ultimately making their intent more transparent. For example, a soft intervention could be temporarily closing a road a few blocks from the suspect’s current location, which may require the suspect to change their current course. The objective of these interventions is to gain the maximum amount of information about the suspect’s intent in the shortest possible time. Our system currently operates in a human-on-the-loop mode where at each step, a set of recommendations are presented to the operator to aid in decision-making. In principle, the system could operate autonomously, only prompting the operator for critical decisions, allowing the system to significantly scale up to larger areas and multiple suspects. Once the intended target is identified with sufficient confidence, the vehicle is reported to the authorities to take further action. Other recommendations include a selection of road closures, i.e., soft interventions, or to continue monitoring. We evaluate the performance of the proposed system using simulated scenarios where the suspect, starting at random locations, takes a noisy shortest path to their intended target. In all scenarios, the suspect’s intended target is unknown to our system. The decision thresholds are selected to maximize the chances of determining the suspect’s intended target in the minimum amount of time and with the smallest number of interventions. We conclude by discussing the limitations of our current approach to motivate a machine learning approach, based on reinforcement learning in order to relax some of the current limiting assumptions.

Keywords: autonomous surveillance, Bayesian reasoning, decision support, interventions, patterns of life, predictive analytics, predictive insights

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Authors: Natalia Sypion-Dutkowska

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Abstract — The main research objective of the paper is to discover the relationship between the age groups of residents and crime in particular districts of a large city. The basic analytical tool is specific crime rates, calculated not in relation to the total population, but for age groups in a different social situation - property, housing, work, and representing different generations with different behavior patterns. They are the communities from which criminals and victims of crimes come. The analysis of literature and national police reports gives rise to hypotheses about the ability of a given age group to generate crime as a source of offenders and as a group of victims. These specific indicators are spatially differentiated, which makes it possible to detect socio-demographic determinants of spatial patterns of urban crime. A multi-feature classification of districts was also carried out, in which specific crime rates are the diagnostic features. In this way, areas with a similar structure of socio-demographic determinants of spatial patterns on urban crime were designated. The case study is the city of Szczecin in Poland. It has about 400,000 inhabitants and its area is about 300 sq km. Szczecin is located in the immediate vicinity of Germany and is the economic, academic and cultural capital of the region. It also has a seaport and an airport. Moreover, according to ESPON 2007, Szczecin is the Transnational and National Functional Urban Area. Szczecin is divided into 37 districts - auxiliary administrative units of the municipal government. The population of each of them in 2015-17 was divided into 8 age groups: babes (0-2 yrs.), children (3-11 yrs.), teens (12-17 yrs.), younger adults (18-30 yrs.), middle-age adults (31-45 yrs.), older adults (46-65 yrs.), early older (66-80) and late older (from 81 yrs.). The crimes reported in 2015-17 in each of the districts were divided into 10 groups: fights and beatings, other theft, car theft, robbery offenses, burglary into an apartment, break-in into a commercial facility, car break-in, break-in into other facilities, drug offenses, property damage. In total, 80 specific crime rates have been calculated for each of the districts. The analysis was carried out on an intra-city scale, this is a novel approach as this type of analysis is usually carried out at the national or regional level. Another innovative research approach is the use of specific crime rates in relation to age groups instead of standard crime rates. Acknowledgments: This research was funded by the National Science Centre, Poland, registration number 2019/35/D/HS4/02942.

Keywords: age groups, determinants of crime, spatial crime pattern, urban crime

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Authors: Lorna Goulden, Kai M. Hermsen, Jari Isohanni, Mirko Ross, Jef Vanbockryck

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This article introduces disposable identities, with reference use cases and explores possible technical approaches. The proposed approach, when fully developed as an open-source toolkit, enables developers of mobile or web apps to employ a self-sovereign identity and data privacy framework, in order to rebuild trust in digital services by providing greater transparency, decentralized control, and GDPR compliance. With a user interface for the management of self-sovereign identity, digital authorizations, and associated data-driven transactions, the advantage of Disposable Identities is that they may also contain verifiable data such as the owner’s photograph, official or even biometric identifiers for more proactive prevention of identity abuse. These Disposable Identities designed for decentralized privacy management can also be time, purpose and context-bound through a secure digital contract; with verification functionalities based on tamper-proof technology.

Keywords: dentity, trust, self-sovereign, disposable identity, privacy toolkit, decentralised identity, verifiable credential, cybersecurity, data driven business, PETs, GDPRdentity, trust, self-sovereign, disposable identity, privacy toolkit, decentralised identity, verifiable credential, cybersecurity, data driven business, PETs, GDPRI

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Authors: Cesar Leines

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The social effects of the pandemic are significant and diverse, most of those effects have widened the gap of economic inequality. Without a doubt, each country faces difficulties associated with the strengths and weaknesses of its own institutions that can address these causes and consequences. Around the world, pricing practices that have no connection to production costs have been used extensively in numerous markets beyond those relating to the supply of essential goods and services, and although it is not unlawful to adjust pricing considering the increased demand of certain products, shortages and disruption of supply chains, illegitimate pricing practices may arise and these tend to transfer wealth from consumers to producers that affect the purchasing power of the former, making people worse off. High prices with no objective justification indicate a poor state of the competitive process in any market and the impact of those underlying competition issues leading to inefficiency is increased when national competition agencies are weak and ineffective in enforcing competition in law and policy. It has been observed that in those countries where competition authorities are perceived as weak or ineffective, price increases of a wide range of products and services were more significant during the pandemic than those price increases observed in countries where the perception of the effectiveness of the competition agency is high. When a perception is created of a highly effective competition authority, one which enforces competition law and its non-enforcement activities result in the fulfillment of its substantive functions of protecting competition as the means to create efficient markets, the price rise observed in markets under its jurisdiction is low. A case study focused on the effectiveness of the national competition agency in Mexico (COFECE) points to institutional weakness as one of the causes leading to excessive pricing. There are many factors that contribute to its low effectiveness and which, in turn, have led to a very significant price hike, potentiated by the pandemic. This paper contributes to the discussion of these factors and proposes different steps that overall help COFECE or any other competition agency to increase the perception of effectiveness for the benefit of the consumers.

Keywords: agency effectiveness, competition, institutional weakness, price gouging

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Authors: Mirko Sailio

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Border crossing automatization reduces required human resources in handling people crossing borders. As technology replaces and augments the work done by border officers, new cyber threats arise to threaten border security. This research analyses the current cyber threat actors and their capabilities. The analysis is conducted by gathering the threat actor data from a wide range of public sources. A model for a general border automatization system is presented, and its most significant cyber-security attributes are then compared to threat actor activity and capabilities in order to predict priorities in securing such systems. Organized crime and nation-state actors present the clearest threat to border cyber-security, and additional focus is given to their motivations and activities.

Keywords: border automation, cyber-security, threat actors, border cyber-security

Procedia PDF Downloads 203