Search results for: soviet ideology

Authors: Joonha Park

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This essay examines the Soviet Artist Pavel Korin’s artistic pursuit towards his life-long project, “Requiem/Passing of the Rus,” framing the funeral of Tikhon, the last great defender of the Russian orthodox Church during the Great purge, as the final moment of “Rus,” which is the identity of the Russian people that built up in the 1000 year of history behind Russian Orthodoxy. Korin’s project remains in the form of a series of 29 man-sized portraits and a monumental blank canvas. Born in a family dedicated to iconography, Korin witnessed the historic drama during Stalin’s terror; therefore, he tried to convey the nation’s mourning for the disappearance of “Rus” and disapproval of the Soviet notion of atheism. Yet, due to Korin’s success as a state artist, many believed that the political pressure led Korin to give up his belief and controversy arose over the fact that Korin left the canvas blank. The empty 40-square-meter canvas, which remains untouched in his studio since 1930, supports this theory to an extent. However, resources such as Korin’s notes, primary accounts from his fellow Soviet Artists, and testimonies from his wife suggested that this assumption is incorrect. Moreover, Korin’s uninterrupted relationship with the church and the religious attributes in his commissioned works were brought up as evidence of Korin’s continued belief. The empty canvas not only represents Korin’s discontentment towards the repression and the hardships that the Orthodox Church experienced, but also depicts the identity that coexisted with the Church in order to bequeath this idea to future generations. The faultless canvas surrounded by the striking 29 portraits is a symbol of the highest spirit, similar to that of the iconography paintings placed in every Russian house that unites the Russian people till this day, therefore one can deduce that the legacy of “Requiem” is still relevant to the Russian people even under freedom of religious expression. Consequently, “Requiem” was on display at the Tretyakov Gallery for the first time in public in 2013 even though Korin started creating this piece in 1925, extolling Korin not only as an artist but also as a historian; by recording the turmoil of the Great Oppression, Korin exhibited the social responsibility universal to artists across time and space. In this essay, the legacy Korin left behind, both to his contemporaries and his posterity is reevaluated through the lens of his works, unfinished as they were.

Keywords: Pavel Korin, Art History, Art, Russia, Soviet Union, Requiem, Russian orthodox church, Treytyakov gallery, contemporary art, socialist realism, Maxim Gorky

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Authors: Almira Sharafeeva

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In the Soviet Union of the 1930s, motherhood was seen as a natural need of women. The masculine Bolshevik state did not see the emancipated woman as free from her maternal burden. In order to support the idea of "joyful motherhood," a medical discourse on the anesthesia of childbirth emerges. In March 1935 at the IX Congress of obstetricians and gynecologists the People's Commissar of Public Health of the RSFSR G.N. Kaminsky raised the issue of anesthesia of childbirth. It was also from that year that medical, literary and artistic editions with enviable frequency began to publish articles, studies devoted to the issue, the goal - to anesthetize all childbirths in the USSR - was proclaimed. These publications were often filled with anti-German and anti-capitalist propaganda, through which the advantages of socialism over Capitalism and Nazism were demonstrated. At congresses, in journals, and at institute meetings, doctors' discussions around obstetric anesthesia were accompanied by discussions of shortening the duration of the childbirth process, the prevention and prevention of disease, the admission of nurses to the procedure, and the proper behavior of women during the childbirth process. With the help of articles from medical periodicals of the 1930s., brochures, as well as documents from the funds of the Institute of Obstetrics and Gynecology of the Academy of Medical Sciences of the USSR (TsGANTD SPb) and the Department of Obstetrics and Gynecology of the NKZ USSR (GARF) in this paper we will show, how the advantages of the Soviet system and the socialist way of life were constructed through the problem of childbirth pain relief, and we will also show how childbirth pain relief in the USSR was related to the foreign policy situation and how projects of labor pain relief were related to the anti-abortion policy of the state. This study also attempts to answer the question of why anesthesia of childbirth in the USSR did not become widespread and how, through this medical procedure, the Soviet authorities tried to take control of a female function (childbirth) that was not available to men. Considering this subject from the perspective of gender studies and the social history of medicine, it is productive to use the term "biopolitics. Michel Foucault and Antonio Negri, wrote that biopolitics takes under its wing the control and management of hygiene, nutrition, fertility, sexuality, contraception. The central issue of biopolitics is population reproduction. It includes strategies for intervening in collective existence in the name of life and health, ways of subjectivation by which individuals are forced to work on themselves. The Soviet state, through intervention in the reproductive lives of its citizens, sought to realize its goals of population growth, which was necessary to demonstrate the benefits of living in the Soviet Union and to train a pool of builders of socialism. The woman's body was seen as the object over which the socialist experiment of reproductive policy was being conducted.

Keywords: labor anesthesia, biopolitics of stalinism, childbirth pain relief, reproductive policy

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Authors: Woraya Som-Indra

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This article purposes to decode the notion of democracy embedded in the political speeches of Aung San Su Kyi by adopting critical discourse analysis approach, using Systemic Function Linguistics (SFL) and transitivity as a vital analytical tool. Two main objectives of the study are 1) to analyze linguistic strategies constituted the crucial characteristics of Su Kyi's political speeches by employing SFL and transitivity and 2) to examine ideology manifested the notion of democracy behind Su Kyi’s political speeches. The data consists of four speeches of Su Kyi delivering in different places within the year 2011 broadcasted through the website of US campaign for Burma. By employing linguistic tool and the concept of ideology as an analytical frame, the word choice selection found in the speeches assist explaining the manifestation of Su Kyi’s ideology toward democracy and power struggle. The finding revealed eight characters of word choice projected from Su Kyi’s political speeches, as follows; 1) support, hope and encouragement which render the recipients to uphold with the mutual aim to fight for democracy together and moving forwards for change and solution in the future, 2) aim and achievement evoke the recipients to attach with the purpose to fight for democracy, 3) challenge and change release energy to challenge the present political regime of Burma to change to the new political regime of democracy, 4) action, doing and taking signify the action and practical process to call for a new political regime, 5) struggle represents power struggle during the process of democracy requesting and it could refer to her long period of house arrest in Burma, 6) freedom implies what she has been long fighting for- to be released from house arrest, be able to access to the freedom of speech related to political ideology, and moreover, be able to speak out for the people of Burmese about their desirable political regime and political participation, 7) share and scarify call the recipients to have the spirit of shared value in the process of acquiring democracy, and 8) solution and achievement remind her recipients of what they have been long fighting for, and what could lead them to reach out the mutual achievement of a new political regime, i.e. democracy. Those word choice selections are plausible representation of democracy notion in Su Kyi’s terms. Due to her long journey of fighting for democracy in Burma, Suu Kyi’s political speeches always possess tremendously strong leadership characteristic, using words of wisdom and moreover, they are encoded with a wide range of words related to democracy ideology in order to push forward the future change into the Burma’s political regime.

Keywords: Aung San Su Kyi’s speeches, critical discourse analysis, democracy ideology, systemic function linguistics, transitivity

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Authors: Pedro Cardoso Alves, Ana Lucia Galinkin, José Carlos Ribeiro

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Political participation, can be a somewhat tricky subject to define, not in small part due to the constant changes in the concept fruit of the effort to include new forms of participatory behavior that go beyond traditional institutional channels. With the advent of the internet and mobile technologies, defining political participation has become an even more complicated endeavor, given de amplitude of politicized behaviors that are expressed throughout these mediums, be it in the very organization of social movements, in the propagation of politicized texts, videos and images, or in the micropolitical behaviors that are expressed in daily interaction. In fact, the very frontiers that delimit physical and digital spaces have become ever more diluted due to technological advancements, leading to a hybrid existence that is simultaneously physical and digital, not limited, as it once was, to the temporal limitations of classic communications. Moving away from those institutionalized actions of traditional political behavior, an idea of constant and fluid participation, which occurs in our daily lives through conversations, posts, tweets and other digital forms of expression, is discussed. This discussion focuses on the factors that precede more direct forms of political participation, interpreting the relation between informational habits, ideology, and political efficacy. Though some of the informational habits can be considered political participation, by some authors, a distinction is made to establish a logical flow of behaviors leading to participation, that is, one must gather and process information before acting on it. To reach this objective, a quantitative survey is currently being applied in Brazilian social media, evaluating feelings of political efficacy, social and economic issue-based ideological stances and informational habits pertaining to collection, fact-checking, and diversity of sources and ideological positions present in the participant’s political information network. The measure being used for informational habits relies strongly on a mix of information literacy and political sophistication concepts, bringing a more up-to-date understanding of information and knowledge production and processing in contemporary hybrid (physical-digital) environments. Though data is still being collected, preliminary analysis point towards a strong correlation between information habits and political efficacy, while ideology shows a weaker influence over efficacy. Moreover, social ideology and economic ideology seem to have a strong correlation in the sample, such intermingling between social and economic ideals is generally considered a red flag for political polarization.

Keywords: political efficacy, ideology, information literacy, cyberpolitics

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Authors: J. Scott Kenney

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Not all pain is created equal. In recent decades, the concept of Illegitimate pain has begun to shed light on the phenomena of emotional and physical pain that is misunderstood, neglected, or stigmatized, broadly conceptualized along dimensions of relative legitimation and physicality. Yet, beyond a pioneering study of the suffering of closeted LGBTQ + individuals, along with an analysis of the pains experienced by students at a religious boarding school, there has been insufficient attention to what lies behind such marginalized suffering beyond the original claim that it relates to broad interpretive standards and structured power relations, mediated through interaction in various groups/settings. This paper seeks to delve theoretically into this underdeveloped terrain. Building on earlier work, it takes direct aim at the definitional aspect that lies analytically prior to such matters, theoretically unpacking the role of ideology. Following a general introduction focused on theoretical relationships between social structure, power, and ideas, the paper reviews a range of sociological literature on relevant matters. After condensing the insights from these various literatures into a series of theoretical statements, the paper analytically engages with these to articulate a series of theoretical and methodological elaborations intended to practically assist researchers in empirically examining such matters in today's complex social environment.

Keywords: deviance, ideology, illegitimate pain, social theory, victimization

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Authors: Shatha Khuzaee

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The study develops multimodal stylistic approach to analyse a number of BBC online news articles reporting some key events from the so called ‘Arab Uprisings’. Critical stylistics (CS) and visual grammar (VG) provide insightful arguments to the ways ideology is projected through different verbal and visual modes, yet they are mode specific because they examine how each mode projects its meaning separately and do not attempt to clarify what happens intersemiotically when the two modes co-occur. Therefore, it is the task undertaken in this research to propose multimodal stylistic approach that addresses the issue of ideology construction when the two modes co-occur. Informed by functional grammar and social semiotics, the analysis attempts to integrate three linguistic models developed in critical stylistics, namely, transitivity choices, prioritizing and hypothesizing along with their visual equivalents adopted from visual grammar to investigate the way ideology is constructed, in multimodal text, when text/image participate and interrelate in the process of meaning making on the textual level of analysis. The analysis provides comprehensive theoretical and analytical elaborations on the different points of integration between CS linguistic models and VG equivalents which operate on the textual level of analysis to better account for ideology construction in news as non-literary multimodal texts. It is argued that the analysis well thought out a plan that would remark the first step towards the integration between the well-established linguistic models of critical stylistics and that of visual analysis to analyse multimodal texts on the textual level. Both approaches are compatible to produce multimodal stylistic approach because they intend to analyse text and image depending on whatever textual evidence is available. This supports the analysis maintain the rigor and replicability needed for a stylistic analysis like the one undertaken in this study.

Keywords: multimodality, stylistics, visual grammar, social semiotics, functional grammar

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Authors: Edwin Onwuka, Segun Omidiora, Eugenia Abiodun-Eniaiyekan

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The Nigerian military is often the subject of active critical inquiries having played significant roles in Nigeria’s national development. However, the soldier is one of the most vilified characters in Nigeria’s imaginative literature, be it in poetry, drama or prose fiction. In the main, the characterization of soldiers is predictable because of their entrenched stereotype as oppressors, tyrants, bullies, rapists, despots, killers or at best law-breakers subject to no authority outside the military institution. In most novels, the soldier’s personality is associated with force and violence; still, few have defied the norm to portray soldiers that go against the grain of notoriety. Such novels have characterized the Nigerian soldier positively as a civil, thinking and human personality in relating to civil society. To a great extent, two major impetuses that influence literary representation of characters and institutions in African literature are ideology and commitment, and one necessarily impacts on the other in shaping the artistic vision of the writer. Using two war novels therefore as templates, this paper argues that the ideology that drives the Nigerian writer’s socio-cultural commitment to national development shapes their portrayal of the Nigerian soldier in imaginative literature. A major objective of this study, therefore, is to show through close textual analysis that the writers’ ideologies influence their perception and characterization of the Nigerian soldier in Isidore Okpewho’s The Last Duty and Festus Iyayi’s Heroes, two representative novels of both persuasions described above. New Historicism is the critical framework applied in this study and its conclusion is that the Nigerian writer’s characterization of the soldier is influenced by his ideological perception of the military in the policy against the backdrop of their past socio-political activities.

Keywords: commitment, ideology, national development, new historicism, Nigerian soldier

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Authors: Soumya Awasthi

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The spread of radical ideology is possible not merely through public meetings, protests, and mosques but even in schools, seminaries, and madrasas. The rhetoric created around the relationship between religion and conflict has been the primary factor for instigating global conflicts – when religion is used to achieve broader objectives. There have been numerous cases of religion-driven conflict around the world be it the Jewish revolt between 66 AD and 628 AD or the 1119 AD the Crusades revolt or during the Cold War period or the rise of right-wing politics in India. Some of the major developments which reiterate the significance of religion in the contemporary times include: (1) The emergence of theocracy in Iran in 1979 (2) Resurgence of world-wide religious beliefs in post-Soviet space. (3) Emergence of transnational terrorism shaped by twisted depiction of Islam by the self proclaimed protectors of the religion. Therefore this paper is premised in the argument that religion has always found itself on the periphery of the discipline of International Relations (IR), and has received less attention than it deserves. The focus of the topic is on the discourses of ‘Deobandi’ and its impact both on the geopolitics of the region- particularly in India, Pakistan, and Afghanistan- and also at the global level. Discourse is a mechanism in use since time immemorial and has been a key tool to mobilise masses against the ruling authority. With the help of field surveys, qualitative and analytical method of research in religion and international relations, it has been found that they are numerous madrassas that are running illegally and are unregistered. These seminaries are operating in the Khyber-Pakhtunkhwa and Federally Administered Tribal Area (FATA). During the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan in 1979, relation between religion and geopolitics was highlighted when there was a sudden spread of radical ideas, finding support from countries like Saudi Arabia (who funded the campaign) and Pakistan (which organised the Saudi funds and set up training camps, both educational and military). During this period there was a huge influence of Wahabi theology on the madrasas which started with Deoband philosophy and later became a mix of Wahabi (influenced by Ahmad Ibn Hannabal and Ibn Taimmiya) and Deobandi philosophy, tending towards fundamentalism. Later the impact of regional geopolitics had influence on the global geopolitics when the incidents like attack on the US in 2001, bomb blasts in U.K, Indonesia, Turkey, and Israel in 2000s. In the midst of all this, there were several scholars who pointed towards Deobandi Philosophy as one of the drivers in the creation of armed Islamic groups in Pakistan, Afghanistan. Hence this paper will make an attempt to understand the trend as to how Deobandi religious discourses originating from India have changed over the decades, and who the agents of such changes are. It will throw light on Deoband from pre-independence till date to create a narrative around the religious discourses and Deobandi philosophy and its spill over impact on the map of global and regional security.

Keywords: Deobandi School of Thought, radicalization, regional and global geopolitics, religious discourses, Whabi movement

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Authors: Dina Tawfic, Robert Hassan

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The current chapter addresses Al-Azhar's strategy to counter extremism in tandem with reflecting on the ideology of the Islamic establishment itself. The topic is motivated by the fact that some of the Western governments have been relying on Al-Azhar to counter the ideology of Islamist radicalism and violent extremism, in particular during the rise of the Islamic State in Syria and Iraq (known as ISIS/ ISIL/ Daesh) in 2014/2015. In his visit to Egypt in June 2016, Brett McGurk, the then U.S. envoy for the global coalition to counter ISIS, commended Al-Azhar’s “intellectual and reforming role” in refuting the ideology of extremism. On the other hand, Egyptian liberal intellectuals, such as Farag Fouda (1945- 1992) and Nasr Hamed Abu Zeid (1943-2010), had always questioned the ideological capability of Al-Azhar to counter extremism, citing the rigidity and resistance of the Islamic establishment to carry out genuine reformation. This chapter aims to discuss the following research questions: what is the strategy of Al-Azhar to counter extremism? Does Al-Azhar have a solid strategy to combat online propaganda produced by violent extremist groups? Is it applicable to identify Al-Azhar ideological identity? and is it capable of countering extremism? To answer these questions, I conducted intensive interviews with seven senior scholars and officials at Al-Azhar and the Endowments ministry from September to December 2020. Using a qualitative approach as a backdrop, this project uses semi-structured interviews to collect data. Participants were briefed on the purpose of the study and consented to be interviewed and to record their interviews. Some of the participants chose to conceal their names. All the interviews were conducted in Arabic via Zoom. The researcher then transcribed and translated the interviews into English. A purposive sample is used to select the seven interviewees, based on their prominence and experience in the field of counter-extremism and Al-Azhar affairs. The researcher uses a snowball sample to select the sample, in which a personal contact recommends other officials within the establishment.

Keywords: Al-Azhar, Egypt, Counter-Extremism, Political Islam, Ideology

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Authors: Ada Yurman

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Social reactions to deviant groups with political goals follow two central patterns; one that associates personal characteristics with deviant behavior, and the other that claims that society is to be blamed for deviant behavior. The establishment usually tends towards the former notion and thus disclaims any responsibility for the distress of the underprivileged, while it is usually those who oppose government policies who believe that the fault lies with society. The purpose of the present research was to examine social reactions to the Wadi Salib riots that occurred in Haifa in 1959. These riots represented the first ethnic protest within Israeli society with its ideology of the ingathering of the exiles. The central question was whether this ideology contributed to the development of a different reaction when compared to reactions to similar events abroad. This question was examined by means of analyzing articles in the Israeli press of that period. The Israeli press representing the views of the establishment was at pains to point out that the rioters were criminals, their object being to obstruct the development of society. Opposition party leaders claimed that the rioters lived in poor circumstances, which constituted a direct result of government policies. An analysis of press reports on the Wadi Salib riots indicates a correspondence between the reaction to these events and similar events abroad. Nevertheless, the reaction to the Wadi Salib riots did not only express a conflict between different political camps, but also different symbolic universes. Each group exploited the events at Wadi Salib to prove that their ideology was the legitimate one.

Keywords: riots, media, political deviance, symbolic universe

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Authors: Shu Hui

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From 2013 to 2015, Tiny Times series gained huge commercial success. However, compared with the successful box office, these films received severe public criticism. Some scholars refer to these films as trash (lan pian) because of the fragment narrative, the non-professional photographing, and advocating money warship. Differing from other popular films, the popularity of Tiny Times series is actually generated from the fantasy that presented on screen instead of good stories or photographs. The fantasy is desired by the public and then formulates its popularity. Based on Jacques Lacan’s fantasy theory, the paper aims to explain what kind of fantast the films present. Then, according to hegemony theory, the paper will illustrate why the public desires such a fantasy and how the fantasy causes the criticism as well. The dominant ideology (patriarchy) conspires with or manipulates consumerism, which brings about the female's fantasy in Tiny Times. Because consumerism interrogates Confucianism, the film received public criticism for highlighting the former.

Keywords: fantasy, desire, ideology, popularity

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Authors: Lela Gadrani, Mariam Tsitsagi

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Human is a part of the urban landscape and responsible for it. Urbanization of cities includes the longest phase; thus none of the environment ever undergoes such anthropogenic impact as the area of large cities. The post-Soviet period is very interesting in terms of scientific research. The changes that have occurred in the cities since the collapse of the Soviet Union have not yet been analyzed best to our knowledge. In this context, the aim of this paper is to analyze the changes in the land use of the three large cities of Georgia (Tbilisi, Kutaisi, Batumi). Tbilisi as a capital city, Batumi as a port city, and Kutaisi as a former industrial center. Data used during the research process are conventionally divided into satellite and supporting materials. For this purpose, the largest topographic maps (1:10 000) of all three cities were analyzed, Tbilisi General Plans (1896, 1924), Tbilisi and Kutaisi historical maps. The main emphasis was placed on the classification of Landsat images. In this case, we have classified the images LULC (LandUse / LandCover) of all three cities taken in 1987 and 2016 using the supervised and unsupervised methods. All the procedures were performed in the programs: Arc GIS 10.3.1 and ENVI 5.0. In each classification we have singled out the following classes: built-up area, water bodies, agricultural lands, green cover and bare soil, and calculated the areas occupied by them. In order to check the validity of the obtained results, additionally we used the higher resolution images of CORONA and Sentinel. Ultimately we identified the changes that took place in the land use in the post-Soviet period in the above cities. According to the results, a large wave of changes touched Tbilisi and Batumi, though in different periods. It turned out that in the case of Tbilisi, the area of developed territory has increased by 13.9% compared to the 1987 data, which is certainly happening at the expense of agricultural land and green cover, in particular, the area of agricultural lands has decreased by 4.97%; and the green cover by 5.67%. It should be noted that Batumi has obviously overtaken the country's capital in terms of development. With the unaided eye it is clear that in comparison with other regions of Georgia, everything is different in Batumi. In fact, Batumi is an unofficial summer capital of Georgia. Undoubtedly, Batumi’s development is very important both in economic and social terms. However, there is a danger that in the uneven conditions of urban development, we will eventually get a developed center - Batumi, and multiple underdeveloped peripheries around it. Analysis of the changes in the land use is of utmost importance not only for quantitative evaluation of the changes already implemented, but for future modeling and prognosis of urban development. Raster data containing the classes of land use is an integral part of the city's prognostic models.

Keywords: analysis, geo information system, remote sensing, LULC

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Authors: Håkon Riiber

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This paper explores the extent to which Russian ‘Active Measures’ play a role in contemporary Russian foreign policy and in what way the legacy of the Soviet Union is still apparent in these practices. The analysis draws on a set of case studies from the 21st century to examine these aspects, showing which ‘Active Measures’ features are old and which are new in the post-Cold War era. The paper highlights that the topic has gained significant academic and political interest in recent years, largely due to the aggressive posture of the Russian Federation on the world stage, exemplified through interventions in Estonia, Georgia, and Ukraine and interference in several democratic elections in the West. However, the paper argues that the long-term impact of these measures may have unintended implications for Russia. While Russia is unlikely to stop using Active Measures, increased awareness of the exploitation of weaknesses, institutions, or other targets may lead to greater security measures and an ability to identify and defend against these activities. The paper contends that Soviet-style ‘Active Measures’ from the Cold War era have been modernized and are now utilized to create an advantageous atmosphere for further exploitation to support contemporary Russian foreign policy. It offers three key points to support this argument: the reenergized legacy of the Cold War era, the use of ‘Active Measures’ in a number of cases in the 21st century, and the applicability of AM to the Russian approach to foreign policy. The analysis reveals that while this is not a new Russian phenomenon, it is still oversimplified and inaccurately understood by the West, which may result in a decreased ability to defend against these activities and limit the unwarranted escalation of the ongoing security situation between the West and Russia. The paper concludes that the legacy of Soviet-era Active Measures continues to influence Russian foreign policy, and modern technological advances have only made them more applicable to the current political climate. Overall, this paper sheds light on the important issue of Russian ‘Active Measures’ and the role they play in contemporary Russian foreign policy. It emphasizes the need for increased awareness, understanding, and security measures to defend against these activities and prevent further escalation of the security situation between the West and Russia.

Keywords: Russian espionage, active measures, disinformation, Russian intelligence

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Authors: Irena Alperyte

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Since the regaining of the Independence, the Lithuanian state has been confronting an increasingly dramatic challenge because of the lack of funding sources dedicated to the film industries. During the Soviet times, Lithuanian film was under a total supervision of the Soviet functioners. This means that the responsibility of the state to make movies was of a monopolist character. The filmmakers’ community of the newly independent state needed to learn how to develop their fundraising skills, co-production and marketing techniques. Currently, Lithuanian film is experiencing a new phase concerning its funding: it is exploring the possibilities of motivating the public to invest in entertainment via crowd funding and crowd sourcing techniques and making these activities an alternative way of funding films. The paper aims at the exploration of the existing film financing practices in Lithuania and abroad and provides recommendations on how to improve the alternative Lithuanian film financing strategy via employing new possibilities, such as crowd funding and other alternative marketing tools. Objectives: 1) To examine the theories on creative industries and possibilities for their application. 2) To analyze the current situation in the film industry Lithuania. 3) To analyze the statistical data on movie theater visitors in Lithuania. 4) To discuss alternative options for film financing system. 5) To look through the alternative funding strategies tailored for Lithuanian film industry. 6) To propose recommendations for alternative funding strategies in Lithuanian film fundraising.

Keywords: creative industries, film, funding, fun theory

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Authors: Elena Sherstoboeva, Elena Karzanova

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This paper explores the impact of the annexation of Crimea on the regulation of live performances and tour management of Russian pop music performers in Ukraine and of Ukrainian performers in Russia. Without a doubt, the cultural relationship between Russia and Ukraine is not limited to this issue. Yet concert markets tend to respond particularly rapidly to political, economic, and social changes, especially in Russia and Ukraine, where the high level of digital piracy means that the music businesses mainly depend upon income from performances rather than from digital rights sales. This paper argues that the rules formed in both countries after Russia’s annexation of Crimea in 2014 have contributed to the separation of a single cultural space that had existed in Soviet and Post-Soviet Russia and Ukraine before the annexation. These rules have also facilitated performers’ self-censorship and increased the politicisation of the music businesses in the two neighbouring countries. This study applies a comparative socio-legal approach to study Russian and Ukrainian live events and tour regulation. A qualitative analysis of Russian and Ukrainian national and intergovernmental legal frameworks is applied to examine formal regulations. Soviet and early post-Soviet laws and policies are also studied, but only to the extent that they help to track the changes in the Russian–Ukrainian cultural relationship. To identify and analyse the current informal rules, the study design includes in-depth semi-structured interviews with 30 live event or tour managers working in Russia and Ukraine. A case study is used to examine how the Eurovision Song Contest, an annual international competition, has played out within the Russian–Ukrainian conflict. The study suggests that modern Russian and Ukrainian frameworks for live events and tours have developed Soviet regulatory traditions when cultural policies served as a means of ideological control. At the same time, contemporary regulations mark a considerable perspective shift, as the previous rules have been aimed at maintaining close cultural connections between the Russian and Ukrainian nations. Instead of collaboration, their current frameworks mostly serve as forms of repression, implying that performers must choose only one national market in which to work. The regulatory instruments vary and often impose limitations that typically exist in non-democratic regimes to restrict foreign journalism, such as visa barriers or bans on entry. The more unexpected finding is that, in comparison with Russian law, Ukrainian regulations have created more obstacles to the organisation of live tours and performances by Russian artists in Ukraine. Yet this stems from commercial rather than political factors. This study predicts that the more economic challenges the Russian or Ukrainian music businesses face, the harsher the regulations will be regarding the organisation of live events or tours in the other country. This study recommends that international human rights organisations and non-governmental organisations develop and promote specific standards for artistic rights and freedoms, given the negative effects of the increasing politicisation of the entertainment business and cultural spheres to freedom of expression and cultural rights and pluralism.

Keywords: annexation of Crimea, artistic freedom, censorship, cultural policy

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Authors: Levan Sabauri

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In this paper, we discuss the deteriorated standing of engineering companies, some of the reasons behind it and the problems facing engineering enterprises during the financial crisis. We show the part that financial analysis plays in the detection of the main factors affecting the standing of a company, classify internal problems and the reasons influencing efficiency thereof. The publication contains the analysis of municipal engineering companies in post-Soviet transitional economies. In the wake of the 2008 world financial crisis the issue became even more poignant. It should be said though that even before the problem had been no less acute for some post-Soviet states caught up in a lengthy transitional period. The paper highlights shortcomings in the management of transportation companies, with new, more appropriate methods suggested. In analyzing the financial stability of a company, three elements need to be considered: current assets, investment policy and structural management of the funding sources leveraging the stability, should be focused on. Inappropriate management of the three may create certain financial problems, with timely and accurate detection thereof being an issue in terms of improved standing of an enterprise. In this connection, the publication contains a diagram reflecting the reasons behind the deteriorated financial standing of a company, as well as a flow chart thereof. The main reasons behind low profitability are also discussed.

Keywords: efficiency, financial management, financial analysis funding structure, financial sustainability, investment policy, profitability, solvency, working capital

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Authors: Karin Megheșan, Alexandra Popescu, Teodora Dobre

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In the past few years, the Russian Federation has become a central point on the security agenda of the most important international actors, due to its reloaded aggressiveness of foreign policy. Vladimir Putin, the actual president of the Russian Federation, has proven that Russia can and has the willingness to become the powerful actor that used to be during the Cold War. Russia’s new behavior on the international scene showed that Russia has not only expansionist (where expansionist is not only in terms of territory but also of ideology) intentions, but also the necessary resources, to build an empire that may have the power to counterbalance the influence of the United States and stop the expansion of the North-Atlantic Treaty Organization in an equation understood of multipolar Russian view. But in order to do this, there is necessary to follow a well-established plan or policy. Thus, the aim of the paper is to discuss how has the foreign policy of the Russian Federation evolved under the influence of the military and security strategies of the Russian nation, to briefly examine some of the factors that sculpture Russian foreign policy and behavior, in order to reshape a Russian (Soviet) profile so far considered antiquated. Our approach is an argument in favor of the analyses of the recent evolutions embedded in the course of history. In this context, the paper will include analytical thoughts about the Russian foreign policy and the latest strategic documents (security strategy and military doctrine) adopted by the Putin administration, with the purpose to highlight the main direction of action followed by all these documents together. The paper concludes that the military component is to be found in all these strategic documents, as well as at the core of Russian national interest, aspect that proves that Russia is still the adept of the traditional realist paradigm, reshaped in a Russian theory of the multipolar world.

Keywords: hybrid warfare, military component, military doctrine, Russian foreign policy, security strategy

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Authors: Jiaqi XU, Qingru Sun

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Accent plays a crucial role in second language (L2) learners’ performance in the schooling context in the era of globalization, where English is adopted as a lingua franca (ELF). Previous studies found that Chinese mainland students prefer American English accents, whereas the young generations in Hong Kong prefer British accents. However, these studies neglect the non-native accents of English and fail to elaborate much about why the L2 learners differ in accent preferences between the two regions. Therefore, this research aims to bridge the research gap by 1) including both native and non-native varieties of English accents: American accent, British accent, Chinese Mandarin English accent, and Hong Kong English accent; and 2) uncovering and comparing the deeper reasons for the similar or/and different accent preferences between the Chinese mainland and Hong Kong speakers. This research designed a questionnaire including objective and subjective questions to investigate the students’ accent inclinations and the attitudes and reasons behind their linguistic choices. The questionnaire was distributed to eight participants (4 Chinese mainland students and 4 Hong Kong students) who were postgraduate students at a Hong Kong university. Based on the data collection, this research finds out one similarity and two differences between the Chinese mainland and Hong Kong students’ attitudes. The theories of identity construction and standard language ideology are further applied to analyze the reasons behind the similarities and differences and to evaluate how language attitudes intertwine with their identity construction and language ideology.

Keywords: accent, language attitudes, identity construction, language ideology, ELF communication

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Authors: Etibar Guliyev, Durdana Jafarli

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The breakdown of the Soviet Union in the early 1990s and the 9/11 attacks resulted in the global changes created a totally new geopolitical situation for the Muslim populated republics of the former Soviet Union. Located between great powers such as China and Russia, as well as theocratic states like Iran and Afghanistan, the newly independent Central Asian states were facing a dilemma to choose a new politico-ideological course for development. Policies dubbed Perestroyka and Glasnost leading to the collapse of the world’s once superpower brought about a considerable rise in the national and religious self-consciousness of the Muslim population of the USSR where the religion was prohibited under the strict communist rule. Moreover, the religious movements prohibited during the Soviet era acted as a part of national straggle to gain their freedom from Moscow. The policies adopted by the Central Asian countries to manage the religious revival and extremism in their countries vary dramatically from each other. As Kazakhstan and Kyrgyzstan are located between Russia and China and hosting a considerable number of the Russian population, these countries treated Islamic revival more tolerantly trying benefit from it in the nation-building process. The importance of the topic could be explained with the fact that it investigates an alternative way of management of religious activities and movements. The recent developments in the Middle East, Syria and Iraq in particular, and the fact that hundreds of fighters from the Central Asian republics joined the ISIL terrorist organization once again highlights the implications of the proper regulation of religious activities not only for domestic, but also for regional and global politics. The paper is based on multiple research methods. The process trace method was exploited to better understand the Russification and anti-religious policies to which the Central Asian countries were subject during the Soviet era. The comparative analyse method was also used to better understand the common and distinct features of the politics of religion of Kazakhstan and Kyrgyzstan and the rest of the Central Asian countries. Various legislation acts, as well as secondary sources were investigated to this end. Mostly constructivist approach and a theory suggesting that religion supports national identity when there is a third cohesion that threatens both and when elements of national identity are weak. Preliminary findings suggest that in line with policies aimed at gradual reduction of Russian influence, as well as in the face of ever-increasing migration from China, the mentioned countries incorporated some Islamic elements into domestic policies as a part and parcel of national culture. Kazakhstan and Kyrgyzstan did not suppress religious activities, which was case in neighboring states, but allowed in a controlled way Islamic movements to have a relatively freedom of action which in turn led to the less violent religious extremism further boosting national identity.

Keywords: identity, Islam, nationalism, terrorism

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Authors: Anna Stoutenburg

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With the rise of the so-called 'new left' within the United States, marked by social democratic figures such as Bernie Sanders and Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez, significant questions have been raised in response to those who would identify with the term 'socialist'. These queries typically revolve around the negatively perceived legacy of past and present countries that share the term in question, with the stark conclusion that not only is socialism a structure that does not work economically, but that it also tends to inflict more harm on those living under it that would be endured in a country functioning under capitalism. In order to examine these claims, the goal of this paper is to examine the legacy of anti-communist historiography in a western context, with the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics, China, and modern Venezuela used as case studies for how this phenomenon operates. Not only will key portions of each nation’s history be re-examined, but there will also be a critical analysis of source cultivation and usage among western historians. The intent of this paper is not merely to deride previous attempts at historicizing and reporting on the events of the nations, but rather to attempt to glean a clearer picture that is free from anti-communist sentiments. Theoretical works that will be consulted in order to define this project are 'The Historiography of Communism' by Michael Brown, as well as 'Beyond Philosophy: Ethics, History, Marxism, and Liberation Theology' by Enrique Dussel. The latter will provide insights concerning why these questions are relevant in a larger context, namely by articulating how the means of liberation understood through an analectic method can be achieved structurally. For a majority of leftists, this question is integral, and by using history as a tool, the ways that political organizing can be used can be better understood, bridging the gap between the common assumption that the communist legacy is a dire one and the idea that it is something which needs to be completely lauded.

Keywords: anti-communism, history, ideology, Marxism

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Authors: Dawa Wangmo

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The anti-religious campaigns of the Soviet Union in the 1930s eradicated Kalmyk Buddhism from the public sphere. Following Perestroika, the Kalmyks retained a sense of being essentially Buddhist people. Nevertheless, since the collapse of the Soviet Communist regime, Kalmykia has been going through vigorous ethnic and cultural revitalization. The new Kalmyk government is reviving the religion with the building of Buddhist temples and the attempted training of Kalymk monks. Kalmykia, officially an autonomous republic within the Federation of Russia, is situated in the European part of Russia in the steppe region bordering the Caspian Sea in its southeast. According to the 2010 census, the Kalmyks, a people of Mongolian origin, constitute over 57 percent of the Republic’s population of less than 290000. Russians living in Kalmykia comprise around 30 percent, the remainder being various Slavic and Asian groups. Since the Kalmyks historically adhere to Buddhism, Kalmykia is often described in tourist brochures and proudly by the Kalmyks themselves as one of the three “traditional Buddhist republics” of Russia and “the only Buddhist region” in Europe. According to traditional Kalmyk Gelug Buddhism, monasticism is the central aspect; hence monastic Tibetans from India have been invited to the Republic to help revive Buddhism and their Buddhist identity in Russia as a whole. However, for the young post-soviets, the monastic way of life is proving too alien, and the subsequent labeling by these monks of ‘surviving’ Kalmyk Buddhist practices as superstitious, mistaken, or corrupt is an initial step in the purification of alternate views, leading to religious reform. This sentiment is also felt by younger Kalmyks who do not find sense in surviving Buddhism but believe more in the philosophical approach of Buddhism taught by the visiting Buddhist teachers at Dharma centers. By discussing this post-soviet shift in local notions of religious efficacy, an attempt will be made to shed light on how the social movements of both reform and revival arise as a collusion between contemporary Tibetan and Kalmyk views on the nature of true Buddhism. This work explores aspects of religious innovation that have developed since the early 1990s in the process of reconstitution of ethnic and religious identity in Kalmykia, a Republic in the southwest of Russia. Any attempts to study the history of Buddhism in Kalmykia would surely mean studying the “History of the most northern Dharma community in the World.”

Keywords: Kalmykia, Tibetan Buddhism, reform, revival, identity

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Authors: Erik Eklund

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Mary Kathleen was a purpose-built company town located in northwest Queensland in Australia. It was created to work on a rich uranium deposit discovered in the area in July 1954. The town was complete by 1958, possessing curved streets, modern materials, and a progressive urban planning scheme. Formed in the minds of corporate executives and architects and made manifest in arid zone country between Cloncurry and Mount Isa, Mary Kathleen was a modern marvel in the outback, a town that tamed the wild country of northwest Queensland, or so it seemed. The town was also a product of the Cold War. In the context of a nuclear arms race between the Soviet Union and her allies, and the United States of America (USA) and her Allies, a rapid rush to locate, mine, and process uranium after 1944 led to the creation of uranium towns in Czechoslovakia, Canada, the Soviet Union, USA and Australia of which Mary Kathleen was one such example. Mary Kathleen closed in 1981, and most of the town’s infrastructure was removed. Since then, the town’s ghostly remains have attracted travellers and tourists. Never an officially-sanctioned tourist site, the area has nevertheless become a regular stop for campers and day trippers who have engaged with the site often without formal interpretation. This paper explores the status of this vernacular heritage and asks why it has not gained any official status and what visitors might see in the place despite its uncertain status.

Keywords: uranium mining, planned communities, official heritage, vernacular heritage, Australian history

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Authors: Nandini Mohan, Thiruvengadam R. B.

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Mahatma Gandhi advocated that the true indicator of modern India lay in the development of its villages. This has been proven with the recent outbreak of the Coronavirus pandemic and the surfacing predicament of our urban centers. Developed on the Industrialization model, the current state of the metropolis is of rampant overcrowding, high rates of unemployment, inadequate infrastructure, and resources to cater to the growing population. A majority of each city’s strength composes of the migrant population, demonstrated through the migrant crisis, a direct repercussion of COVID-19. This paper explores the ideology of how rural development can act as a tactic to counter the high rates of rural-urban migration. It establishes the need for a rural push, as India is predominantly an agrarian economy, with a vast disparity between the urban and rural centers due to its urban bias. It seeks to define development in holistic terms. It studies the models of ‘cluster’ as conceptualized by V.K.R.V. Rao, and detailed by Architect Charles Correa in his book, The New Landscape. The paper reexamines the theory of cluster development through existing models proposed by the government of India. Namely, PURA (Provision of Urban Amenities in Rural Areas), DRI (Deendayal Research Institute), and Rurban under Shyama Prasad Mukharjee Rurban Mission. It analyses the models, their strengths, weaknesses, and reasons for their failure and success to derive parameters for the ideation of an archetype model. A model of rural development that talks of the simultaneous development of existing adjacent villages, by the introduction of set unique functions, that may turn into self-sustaining clusters or agglomerations in the future, which could serve as the next step for Indian village development based on the cluster ideology.

Keywords: counter migration, models of rural development, cluster development theory, India

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Authors: Masanori Kimura

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The “founding spirit” of a Japanese university is similar to the mission statement of a Western university, but the difference between the two is that the former more closely reflects the founder’s inner world because it usually originates from the strong personal beliefs that the founder held when establishing the university. To find how much this ideology actually valued in today’s higher education, this paper surveys 2091 job openings for foreign language full-time faculty positions, posted by Japanese private universities from 2012 to 2016. The results suggest that women’s universities and universities with religious affiliations have a tendency to request that successful candidates observe their founding spirit, or at least demonstrate some understanding of the ideology after being hired. On the other hand, co-ed universities and universities with no religious affiliations do not show such a distinct tendency. A chi-square test revealed that this difference between the two groups was statistically significant (p<.01). Furthermore, the paper argues that it is not always appropriate for universities to evaluate themselves based on a single evaluation scale such as university rankings, and that both faculty and staff members need to be more aware of the founding spirit to improve the quality of the education the university provides.

Keywords: founding spirit, higher education, university administrative management, university evaluation

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Authors: Yaser Riki

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There are plenty of considerations about the Third World and developing countries, but one of the main issues regarding these areas is how we can study them. This article makes attention to a fundamental way of approaching this subject through the convergence of history, philosophy, and sociology in order to understand the complexity of the Third World countries. These three disciplines are naturally connected and integrated, but they have gradually separated. While sociology has originated from philosophy, this work is an attempt to generate a sociology that incorporates philosophy as well as history at its heart. This is descriptive-analytical research that searches the history of sociology to find works and theories that provide ideas for this purpose, including the sociology of knowledge and science, The German Ideology (Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels), The Protestant Ethic (Max Weber), Ideology and Utopia (Karl Mannheim) and Dialectic of Enlightenment (Horkheimer and Adorno) provide ideas needed for this purpose. The paper offers a methodological and theoretical vision (historical-philosophical sociology) to identify a few factors, such as the system of thought, that are usually invisible and cause problems in societies, especially third-world counties. This is similar to what some of the founders of sociology did in the first world.

Keywords: the third world, methodology, sociology, philosophy, history, social change, development, social movements

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Authors: Andreas Aceranti, Simonetta Vernocchi, Marco Colorato, Pozzaglio Carolina

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This work analyses the term sect or religious cult and the general traits of those groups and the people involved so as to better understand this unexpectedly popular reality. Some translations taken from research papers as well as academic articles are likewise taken into consideration. We have carried out an in-depth analysis of the topics presented. Firstly we defined magic related to religion and all the similarities and differences between magical thinking and religious thinking, religion, and superstition. Secondly, the term “sect” was defined, and the phenomenon was dealt with, along with the listing of all kinds of existing groups. Then we studied the recruitment process in general and recruitment according to the brainwashing theory. We then analysed the criminological aspects that entail their harmfulness with a particular focus on the structure of those religious communities and the theories regarding the people involved: leader, members, and the group, as it has its own pattern of behaviour and its conformism. Finally, we studied the ideology and the techniques of manipulation used, such as brainwashing, which got already introduced in previous chapters trying to explain this reality not only in theory but studying and trying to understand some of the most famous religious cults.

Keywords: psychological manipulation, brainwashing, love bombing, magic and religion

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Authors: Omotoyosi Bilikies Ilori, Adekunle Saheed Ajisebiyawo

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After the Second World War, there was an emergence of a new stage of capitalist globalization with its Neo-liberal ideology. There were global economic and political restructurings that affected third-world countries like Nigeria. Neo-liberalism is the driving force of globalization, which is the latest manifestation of imperialism that engenders endemic poverty in Nigeria. Poverty is severe and widespread in Nigeria. Poverty entails a situation where a person lives on less than one dollar per day and has no access to basic necessities of life. Poverty is inhuman and a breach of human rights. The Nigerian government initiated some strategies in the past to help in poverty reduction. Neo-liberalism manifested in the Third World, such as Nigeria, through the privatization of public enterprises, trade liberalization, and the rollback of the state investments in providing important social services. These main ideas of Neo-liberalism produced poverty in Nigeria and also encouraged the abandonment of the social contract between the government and the people. There is thus a gap in the provision of social services and subsidies for the masses, all of which Neo-liberal ideological positions contradict. This paper is a qualitative study which draws data from secondary sources. The theoretical framework is anchored on the market theory of capitalist globalization and public choice theory. The objectives of this study are to (i) examine the impacts of Neo-liberalism on poverty in Nigeria as a typical example of a Third World country and (ii) find out the effects of Neo-liberalism on the provision of social services and subsidies and employment. The findings from this study revealed that (i) the adoption of the Neo-liberal ideology by the Nigerian government has led to increased poverty and poor provision of social services and employment in Nigeria; and (ii) there is an increase in foreign debts which compounds poverty situation in Nigeria. This study makes the following recommendations: (i) Government should adopt strategies that are pro-poor to eradicate poverty; (ii) The Trade Unions and the masses should develop strategies to challenge Neo-liberalism and reject Neo-liberal ideology.

Keywords: neo-liberalism, poverty, employment, poverty reduction, structural adjustment programme

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Authors: Patthida Bunchavalit, Saharot Kittimahacharoen

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The objective of this article is to compare rice blessing ceremony between Thailand and Vietnam. Both countries are located in Southeast Asia where agriculture is the main occupation. As a result of the study, it is found that the rice blessing ceremony of Thai and Vietnamese societies have differences and similarities. A person leading the ceremony is a person who has the highest position in the country. For Thailand, it is the king or royal family member while for Vietnam, it is the president. In Thailand, the ceremony began in Ayutthaya period which derived from Buddhism and Brahmanism ideology. It is annually organized in the beginning of raining season. In Vietnam, it is annually organized in the beginning of spring. The first time it occurred was in Tien Le Monarchy period of Thien Phuc era deriving from Chinese ideology. The differences are ideas, believes, objectives and details of the ceremony. It is, in Thailand, to boost farmer’s morale and to predict the fertility of crops in each year. Additionally, there is a prediction using royal cows. Meanwhile, in Vietnam the purpose is to worship god of weather for seasonal rain and productive harvesting. Therefore, it is presumed that the rice blessing ceremony of Thailand and Vietnam somewhat have similarities in spite of having different origin but are on the same basis of belief.

Keywords: agriculture, ceremony, culture, Thailand, Vietnam

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Authors: Aykut Sigin

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In feminist theory, home is usually regarded as an unsafe place for women to be in, as it continually produces inequalities between men and women, favoring the former, and maintains the patriarchal status quo. The second-wave feminists argued that women need to raise their concerns regarding domestic problems and this eventually led to the emergence of the motto 'the personal is political', pointing out to the fact that the domestic problems one woman experienced were essentially the problems of women in general as the patriarchal ideology manifested itself at home. Although this motto was from the late 1960s, it still holds significance today. In the golden era of the Internet, women could use social media to voice their concerns more easily than ever. Following this line of thought, the aim of this study is to analyze the domestic problems of the women in Turkey during the lockdown caused by COVID-19 through social media as they find themselves at home with their fathers, husbands and/or brothers for longer periods of time than ever before. For this purpose, an investigation of the posts shared under '#EvdeKal' ('StayAtHome') was carried out. The results of the study made it clear that women find the lockdown process to be problematic, that they express their domestic concerns rather freely through social media, and that the inequalities caused by the patriarchal ideology persist in the 21st century.

Keywords: COVID-19, lockdown, home, feminism

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Authors: Liat Kulik

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The main goal of the present study was to examine gender differences in the variables that explain the experience of role conflict and well-being among Jewish working fathers and mothers in the Israel. The experience of work-family conflict arises from simultaneous pressures from the work and family domains that are mutually incompatible. In light of the expansion of women's role set following the addition of paid employment outside of the home, most of the studies dealing with the impact of multiple roles on well-being have been conducted among women. However, changes in gender roles in recent years have also affected men's role set, as reflected in the terms ‘new men’ and ‘new fathers’. Based on structural equation modeling, the study examined gender differences in variables that explain the experience of two types of role conflict – family interferes with work (FIW) and work interferes with family (WIF), as well as with the sense of well-being (positive and negative affect) among 611 employed Jewish mothers and fathers in Israel. The findings revealed that for women, both FIW and WIF conflict correlated negatively with well-being, whereas for men, a negative correlation with well-being was found only in the case of FIW conflict. For both men and women, egalitarian gender role ideology correlated with the dimension of positive effect, but the correlation was stronger for men. The findings highlight the contribution of egalitarian gender role ideology to alleviating the experience of role conflict and improving the emotional well-being of both men and women. Contrary to expectations, social support contributed more to mitigating negative effect among men than women. On the whole, the findings highlight the changes that men have experienced in the work-family system. In sum, the research findings shed new light on the masculine image in terms of the experience of FIW conflict. In contrast to the prevailing assumption that FIW role conflict is predominant among women, the findings of this study indicate that today, this type of role conflict is experienced equally by men and women whereas WIF conflict is predominant among men. Furthermore, contrary to expectations, levels of perceived social support were found to be similar for men and women, and men benefited from it even more than women did.

Keywords: FIW conflict, WIF conflict, social support, egalitarian gender role ideology, overload

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