Search results for: sovereignty of God (Hakimmiyah)

Authors: Mohammad Saif

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In the post-Westphalianworld order, the concept of sovereignty has been a fundamental area of inquiry in Political Science, International Relations, and International Law. Modern Islamic political thought has also dedicated a fair share of debate on the subject. The debate fundamentally revolves around the ‘ontological differentiation’ between western and Islamic political thought. While the centrality of the individual in western political thought regards the individual as the center of universe, Islamic Political thought provides that space to God. The modern liberal democratic principles suggest sovereignty as one of the major attributes of modern nation state; Islamists regard sovereignty as an attribute of God. However, the position regarding God’ssovereignty in Islamic political thought is not coherent in conception. Some scholars regard such a position as ‘the political interpretation of Islam’. This paper is an attempt to first analyze the fundamental discord between two rival political ideologies (western and Islamic), and then forward a debate on the subject of sovereignty in South Asian Islamic Political thought, particularly between Syed Abul Ala Maududi (ideological father of modern islamist movements) andHifzurrahmanSeoharvi (lesser known in Academia but highly influential in shaping Deobandi position of principles related to political nature of Islamic theology). Maududi regardssovereignty as an attribute of God and the rulers as subservient to Gods will, Seoharvi suggests that God's sovereignty does not entail that the caliph or amir cannot be a ruler or hakim, nor can his command or hukum be an order. Certain references have also been made to contemporary scholars like Sayidd Qutub, Rashid al Ghanouchi, who in one way or the other have contributed to the debate on ‘sovereignty in Islamic thought’.

Keywords: nation state, sovereigty, sovereignty of God (Hakimmiyah), deoband

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Authors: Djehich Mohamed Yousri

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The national sovereignty of states is now facing a dangerous situation that has witnessed a clear exacerbation of the restrictions that this sovereignty has known for quite some time, if not since the establishment of the sovereign national state in the first place, and things have reached this way to the extent that a group of analysts and commentators are talking about the demise or disappearance of the phenomenon of sovereignty Patriotism, a judgment that some consider exaggerated, although there is agreement on the seriousness of what has afflicted the national sovereignty of medium and small states in particular. In fact, the phenomenon of national sovereignty has not completely ended, as there is still a category of countries that are able to disagree with the American will without disappearing from the world map, as happened with the Soviet Union. China, some European countries, and some countries with leading regional roles are still able to deal with This administration, with rational and complex calculations, makes the restrictions on its sovereignty minimal, or at least draws a red line in front of the vital interests of those countries that the restrictions on sovereignty cannot cross, and it is certain that strengthening internal democratic development in countries will increase their ability to challenge external restrictions. On its sovereignty to the extent that this development creates a cohesive society in the face of external hegemony attempts, as well as to the extent that it eliminates some pretexts for interference in the internal affairs of states, including the claim of a lack of democracy or lack of respect for human rights in it. What led to transformations in the international arena in the wake of globalization and its effects on international aspects, including national sovereignty and the principle of state independence. Which was marred by several currents, which led to affecting it in a negative way, and this is what poor countries suffer from at the expense of rich countries, which led us to research the extent of the presence of national sovereignty on the international arena, and the extent to which the principle of non-interference in affairs is applied or existed. The internal affairs of states, which are stipulated in the Charter of the United Nations in the modern era, the theory of sovereignty has been subjected to substantial criticism and abandonment by many on the grounds that it is inconsistent with the current conditions of the international community. In fact, the theory of sovereignty has been misused to justify internal tyranny and international chaos. This theory has hindered the development of international law, the work of international organizations and the dominance of strong states over weak ones. At the present time, the concept of sovereignty has moved towards direction, as the transformations of the international system in the economic, political and military fields have led to the decline and erosion of the idea of the sovereignty of the national state.

Keywords: sovereignty, intervention, non-interference, globalization, humanitarian intervention

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Authors: Sri Wartini

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Based on the sovereignty over natural resources principle, the Indonesian government has an authority to exploit the natural resources within a national jurisdiction of Indonesia. The forest is one of the natural resources which is very valuable for Indonesia. It becomes the source of raw material for many industrial activities, such as pharmaceutical industry, pulp industry, and household furniture industry. Hence, it contributes to the economic development of Indonesia. However, the exploitation of the forest may cause negative impacts, such as environmental pollution and environmental degradation. The implementation of the sovereignty over natural resources principle in Indonesia may jeopardize the forest and affect the sustainability of the forest if there is no appropriate policy of the government to exploit the forest in a sustainable manner. The exploitation of the forest in Indonesia, in some extent, has caused serious impact to environment and biodiversity. Hence, in order to sustain and to maintain the forest as the valuable resources to the future generation, the government of Indonesia has already adopted many programmes and action plans. The aim of the research is to undertake a critical examination of the issues relating to the the implementation of sovereignty over natural resources to the exploitation of the forest in Indonesia. It is a normative research and the methodology employed in this research is library research. While the approaches employed in the research are conceptual approach., statutory approach, and comparative approach. The research finds that the implementation of sovereignty over natural resources principle in the exploitation of the forest in Indonesia is limited by other principles of international environmental law, such as sustainable development principle, intergenerational principle and common concern principle which have been adopted in the government policy and various regulations regarding the exploitation of the forest in Indonesia.

Keywords: Environmental damage, negative impacts, pollution, the sovereignty over natural resources

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Authors: Azin Karami, Bahareh Heydari

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There is a difference between national sovereignty ( national security guarantee) and human rights standards (human security guarantee). Under the pretext of providing security for the majority, Governments violate human rights standards and lead to populism. This paper illustrates despite the human rights standards of non-citizens, they mostly confront different practical and social realities. (a large gap between the reality and the truth). This paper has focused on one of vulnerable irregular non-citizens immigrants from Mediterranean . In addition, it has considered challenges of the basic and primary human rights standards of this group. It shows how government policies affect the flow of irregular immigration. This paper is based upon UN data about Mediterranean immigrants and polls answered by 68 people who intended to migrate from Mediterranean (28 female and 40 male people, the average age of 30 to 40). The model is supposed to be a convenient one to present objective, real evidence of irregular immigrants and discusses the challenges that this group of immigrants confront them .This paper shows clear concept of immigrants.

Keywords: human rights, human security, national sovereignty, irregular immigrants

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Authors: Sibo Lu, Zhongkai Qian, Haotian Zhang

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This article examines the phenomenon of micro-sovereignty in the context of property management and its implications for biopolitics and urban governance in mainland China. It explores the transformation of urban spaces into privatized communities managed by property companies, leading to the reterritorialization of urban areas and the segmentation of urban populations. Drawing on legal frameworks, we analyze how commercial real estate development and property management have reshaped the urban landscape, placing nearly all urban residents within service areas of property management firms, thus establishing micro-sovereign entities that exercise control over residential spaces. Through a critique of property management's sovereign effects on social organization and the exploration of autonomous, democratic alternatives in community governance, this article contributes to the broader discourse on sovereignty, governance, and resistance within the urban milieu of contemporary China. It underscores the urgent need for more democratic forms of community management that can transcend the capitalist logic of property management companies and foster genuine participatory governance at the grassroots level.

Keywords: biopolitic, critical theory, political sociology, political philosophy

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Authors: David E. Wilkins

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While colonialism in its many guises remains the dominant theoretical framework within which to analyze Indigenous relations with state powers, this paper takes a deep look at the treaty, policy, and statutory efforts initiated by both Indigenous peoples and colonial, and later federal representatives within what is now the United States that were intended to create a Native constituent state of the union. While these plans ultimately failed, they are indicative of the reality that, throughout much of the shared Indigenous and American history, there were both Native and non-Native political elites who were keen on the idea of incorporating Indigenous peoples into the burgeoning body politic. This paper explores why these plans arose, who the architects were that devised them, which Native peoples were involved in, and why they ultimately failed to be enacted. Although governmental relations within the US remain fraught and unpredictable, Native nations continue to wield a form of sovereignty that, while truncated, has maintained their distinctive political statuses. There is much to be learned from the exploration of these mixed successes and failures. There are other examples across the globe whereby Indigenous peoples like the Saami and the Māori have secured greater clarity of their retained autonomy through structural political arrangements with the states that have laid claim to their territories while the Ainu struggle to regain their status.

Keywords: indigenous, sovereignty, diplomacy, intergovernmental

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Authors: Aimee Carrillo Rowe

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Drawing on theories of plurinationalism and Indigenous sovereignty, this essay argues for a “landbody” method of culture critique. This method analyzes the relationship between land and bodies in queer Xicana performances. The study finds that queer Xicana performances navigate complex relationships between settler and Indigenous positionalities. By shifting the focus in the field of U.S. intercultural communication from political struggles for inclusion within the settler nation-state to an interrogation of the land politics upon that underwrite sovereignty, the paper develops a decolonial, hemispheric approach to the field of intercultural communication.

Keywords: indigenous studies, settler colonial studies, critical ethnic studies, landbody, decolonization, Chicana feminism, queer Xicana performance

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Authors: Xiaoman Dong

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The refugee problem has a long history, but the scale and severity of modern refugee crises demand us to consider if the progress of political history exacerbates the refugee problem. This paper argues that although sovereignty owes its legitimacy to the protection of human rights, the modern state system complicates the refugee problem by first introducing then blurring the line between human rights and civil rights, and making national identity indispensable to basic livelihood and dignity. This paper first explains the source of the modern state system’s legitimacy by putting it in the context of social contract theories and the politics of nation-building. It then discusses how states create the concept of statelessness, which leads to more violations on human rights. Using historical records of the League of Nations High Commission for Refugees and the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees, this paper reveals that neither the refugee problem of the Cold-War period nor the current refugee crisis is collateral damage of war, but rather the consequence of intentional exclusionary policies produced out of political interests. Finally, it contends that if the modern state system is to sustain, it cannot prioritize the protection of civil rights of a particular group over the protection of basic human rights of all.

Keywords: burden sharing, human rights, legitimacy of state, positive externality, sovereignty

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Authors: Renu Kumari

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State sovereignty refers to the ability and power of a state to be independent and not to have any interference of external actors in its internal affairs. This phenomenon has been accepted by International Law, which gives rights to the state to maintain its autonomy and territorial integrity without the interference of other actors. In of 1980’s and 1990’s the world has witnessed the worst case of human rights violence for instance, Rwanda genocide, the conflict in former Yugoslavia, Kosovo, Burundi, and Chad so and so forth. Though human rights violence is not a new phenomenon, it has been present all over the world in different time and space. But in 1990’s after the devastation of these conflicts and violence the world community came up with the notion of humanitarian intervention in which some states took the responsibility of protecting human rights violations and on the in order to protect they can intervene in the internal matters of a state specifically during civil war where state is unable to protect its people. Later on these so-called world community realized that intervention itself is a negative term that was criticized also therefore they came up with a different notion that sounded positive which known as responsibility to protect. In 2005 onwards, the notion of responsibility to protect accepted and recognized by the United Nations and states at a larger level. In the case of Syria on the name of responsibility to protect foreign interventions took place and due to the internal war Syrian people were already facing many problems, the government was not able to protect them. External invasion caused many devastating outcomes to the country. This paper is an attempt to analyze various dimensions of invasion of external affairs of a particular state and the status of sovereignty. Firstly, it lays out the notion of humanitarian intervention and then the responsibility to protect. Secondly, it looks in the case of Syria since 2011, the conflict of Syria. Thirdly it focuses on various efforts made by international organizations and other actors. Lastly, it looks why and how other actors intervene in the internal matter of Syria.

Keywords: state sovereignty, external actors, intervention, responsibility to protect

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Authors: Laura Southgate

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The Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN), as well as much of the scholarship on the organisation, celebrates its ability to uphold the principle of regional autonomy, understood as upholding the norm of non-intervention by external powers in regional affairs. Yet, in practice, this has been repeatedly violated. This dichotomy between rhetoric and practice suggests an interesting avenue for further study. The East Timor crisis (1975-1999) has been selected as a case-study to test the dynamics of ASEAN state resistance to sovereignty violation in two distinct timeframes: Indonesia’s initial invasion of the territory in 1975, and the ensuing humanitarian crisis in 1999 which resulted in a UN-mandated, Australian-led peacekeeping intervention force. These time-periods demonstrate variation on the dependent variable. It is necessary to observe covariation in order to derive observations in support of a causal theory. To establish covariation, my independent variable is therefore a continuous variable characterised by variation in convergence of interest. Change of this variable should change the value of the dependent variable, thus establishing causal direction. This paper investigates the history of ASEAN’s relationship to the norm of non-intervention. It offers an alternative understanding of ASEAN’s history, written in terms of the relationship between a key ASEAN state, which I call a ‘vanguard state’, and selected external powers. This paper will consider when ASEAN resistance to sovereignty violation has succeeded, and when it has failed. It will contend that variation in outcomes associated with vanguard state resistance to sovereignty violation can be best explained by levels of interest convergence between the ASEAN vanguard state and designated external actors. Evidence will be provided to support the hypothesis that in 1999, ASEAN’s failure to resist violations to the sovereignty of Indonesia was a consequence of low interest convergence between Indonesia and the external powers. Conversely, in 1975, ASEAN’s ability to resist violations to the sovereignty of Indonesia was a consequence of high interest convergence between Indonesia and the external powers. As the vanguard state, Indonesia was able to apply pressure on the ASEAN states and obtain unanimous support for Indonesia’s East Timor policy in 1975 and 1999. However, the key factor explaining the variance in outcomes in both time periods resides in the critical role played by external actors. This view represents a serious challenge to much of the existing scholarship that emphasises ASEAN’s ability to defend regional autonomy. As these cases attempt to show, ASEAN autonomy is much more contingent than portrayed in the existing literature.

Keywords: ASEAN, east timor, intervention, sovereignty

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Authors: Edoba Bright Omoregie

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Nigeria became a federation in 1954 six years before it gained independence away from British colonial rule. The country has remained a federation since then despite the challenging circumstances of military rule and civil strife which have tasked its federal credentials. Since 1961, when it first decided a federalism dispute, cases over vertical and horizontal powers have inundated the country’s Supreme Court. In its current practice of federalism after democratic rule was resumed in 1999, the country has witnessed a spell of intergovernmental disputes over a good number of federalism issues. Such conflicts have eventually found their way to the Supreme Court for resolution, not as a final appellate court (which it is in other non-federal matters) but as a court of first and final instance following the constitutional provision granting the court such power. However, in April 2014 one of such disputes was denied hearing by the court when it declined original jurisdiction to determine the matter. The suit was instituted by one state of the federation against the federal government and the other 35 states challenging the collection of value added tax (a consumption tax)on certain goods and services within the state. The paper appraises the rationale of the court’s decision and reason that its decision to decline jurisdiction is the result of an avoidable misunderstanding of the dual sovereignty instituted by the federal system of Nigeria as well as a misconception of the role which the court is constitutionally assigned to play in resolving intergovernmental schisms in the federal system.

Keywords: dual sovereignty, federalism, intergovernmental conflict, Supreme Court

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Authors: Ana Alvarenga De Castro

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Food sovereignty has been brought by the international peasants’ movement, La Via Campesina, as a precondition to food security, speaking about the right of each nation to keep its own supply of foods respecting cultural, sustainable practices and productive diversity. The political conceptualization nowadays goes beyond saying that this term is about achieving the rights of farmers to control the food systems according to local specificities, and about equality in the access to natural resources and quality food. The current feminization of agroecosystems and of food insecurity identified by researchers and recognized by international agencies like the UN and FAO has enhanced the feminist discourse into the food sovereignty movement, considering the historical inequalities that place women farmers in subaltern positions inside the families and rural communities. The current tendency in many rural areas of more women taking responsibility for food production and still facing the lack of access to natural resources meets particular aspects in Latin America due to the global economic logic which places the Global South in the position of raw material supplier for the industrialized North, combined with regional characteristics. In this context, Latin American countries play the role of commodities exporters in the international labor division, including among exported items grains, soybean paste, and ores, to the expense of local food chains which provide domestic quality food supply under more sustainable practices. The connections between gender inequalities and global territorial inequalities related to the access and control of food and natural resources are pointed out by feminist political ecology - FPE - authors, and are linked in this article to the potentialities and limitations of women farmers to reproduce diversified agroecosystems in the tropical environments. The work brings the importance of local practices held by women farmers which are crucial to maintaining sustainable agricultural systems and their results on seeds, soil, biodiversity and water conservation. This work presents an analysis of documents, releases, videos and other publicized experiences launched by some peasants’ organizations in Latin America which evidence the different technical and political answers that meet food sovereignty from peasants’ groups that are attributed to women farmers. They are associated with articles presenting the empirical analysis of women farmers' practices in Latin America. The combination drove to discuss the benefits of peasants' conceptions about food systems and their connections with local realities and the gender issues linked to the food sovereignty conceptualization. Conclusion meets that reality on the field cannot reach food sovereignty's ideal homogeneously and that agricultural sustainable practices are dependent on rights' achievement and social inequalities' eradication.

Keywords: food sovereignty, gender, diversified agricultural systems, access to natural resources

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Authors: Rana Nasiri, Hamid Vahidkia

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Recently, most courts in democratic nations were hesitant to consider foreign and international law. Their approach was to steer clear of using foreign sources of law that conflicted with their own government's stance. Numerous legal experts consider turning to foreign and international law unsuitable. However, those who advocate for using external sources of law also believe that relying on foreign and international law will always be in conflict with the importance of national sovereignty. Therefore, the academic discussion revolves around the commonly known broader debate on ‘the counter-majoritarian difficulty’. This article challenges the idea of tension. It suggests that in many democratic nations' legal systems, including those in the U.S., using foreign and international law can help strengthen domestic democratic processes by protecting them from outside economic, political, and legal influences. Citing international law supports domestic democratic processes and regains national sovereignty from various globalization forces. In other words, national courts must consider foreign and international law to uphold their national political institutions and protect their own status in relation to political branches.

Keywords: international law, social science, US, democracy, politics

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Authors: Andhika Danesjvara

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Governance of the Republic of Indonesia should be based on the principle of sovereignty and the rule of law. Based on these principles, all forms of decisions and/or actions of government administration should be based on the sovereignty of the people and the law. Decisions and/or actions for citizens should be based on the provisions of the legislation and the general principles of good governance. Control of the decisions and/or actions is a part of administrative review and also judicial control. The control is part of the administrative justice system, which is intended for people affected by the decisions or administrative actions. This control is the duty and authority of the government or independent administrative court. Therefore, systems and procedures for the implementation of the task of governance and development must be regulated by law. Systems and procedures of governance is a subject studied in administrative law, therefore, the research also includes a review of the principles of law in administrative law. The administrative law procedure is important for the government to make decisions, the question is whether the procedures are part of the justice system itself.

Keywords: administrative court, administrative justice, administrative law, administrative procedures

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Authors: Valentina Tereshkova

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The paper shows how the relationship between international law and national sovereignty is viewed through the implementation of European Court of Human Right judgments. Methodology: Сonclusions are based on a survey of representatives of the legislative authorities and judges of the Krasnoyarsk region, the Rostov region, Sverdlovsk region and Tver region. The paper assesses the activities of the Russian Constitutional Court from 1998 to 2015 related to the establishment of the implementation mechanism and the Russian Constitutional Court judgments of 14.07.2015, № 21-P and of 19.04.2016, № 12-P where the Constitutional Court stated the impossibility of executing ECtHR judgments. I. Implementation of ECHR judgments by courts and other authorities. Despite the publication of the report of the RF Ministry of Justice on the implementation, we could not find any formal information on the Russian policy of the ECtHR judgment implementation. Using the results of the survey, the paper shows the effect of ECtHR judgments on law and legal practice in Russia. II. Implementation of ECHR judgments by Russian Constitutional Court. Russian Constitutional Court had implemented the ECtHR judgments. However, the Court determined on July, 14, 2015 its competence to consider the question of implementation of ECHR judgments. Then, it stated that the execution of the judgment [Anchugov and Gladkov case] was impossible because the Russian Constitution has the highest legal force on April, 19, 2016. Recently the CE Committee of Ministers asked Russia to provide ‘without further delay’ a compensation plan for the Yukos case. On November 11, 2016, Constitutional Court accepted a request from the Ministry of Justice to consider the possibility of execution of the ECtHR judgment in the Yukos case. Such a request has been made possible due to a lack of implementation mechanism. Conclusion: ECtHR judgments are as an effective tool to solve the structural problems of a legal system. However, Russian experts consider the ECHR as a tool of protection of individual rights. The paper shows link between the survey results and the absence of the implementation mechanism. New Article 104 par. 2 and Article 106 par. 2 of the Federal Law of the Constitutional Court are in conflict with international obligations of the Convention on the Law on Treaties 1969 and Article 46 ECHR. Nevertheless, a dialogue may be possible between Constitutional Court and the ECtHR. In its judgment [19.04.2016] the Constitutional Court determined that the general measures to ensure fairness, proportionality and differentiation of the restrictions of voting rights were possible in judicial practice. It also stated the federal legislator had the power ‘to optimize the system of Russian criminal penalties’. Despite the fact that the Constitutional Court presented the Görgülü case [Görgülü v Germany] as an example of non-execution of the ECtHR judgment, the paper proposes to draw on the experience of German Constitutional Court, which in the Görgülü case, on the one hand, stressed national sovereignty and, on the other hand, took advantage of this sovereignty, to resolve the issue in accordance with the ECHR.

Keywords: implementation of ECtHR judgments, sovereignty, supranational jurisdictions, principle of subsidiarity

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Authors: Katarzyna Stoklosa

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Introduction: European Public Prosecutor’s Office (EPPO) is an independent office in European Union which was established under the article 86 of the Treaty on the Functioning of the European Union by the Treaty of Lisbon following the method of enhanced cooperation. EPPO is aimed at combating crimes against the EU’s financial interest et fraud against the EU budgets on the one hand, EPPO will give a chance to effective fight with organized criminality, on the other it seems to be a threat for member-states which bound with justice the problem of sovereignty. It is a new institution that will become effective from 2020, which is why it requires prior analysis. Methodology: The author uses statistical and comparative methods by collecting and analyzing the work of current institutions such as Europol, Eurojust, as well as the future impact of EPPO on detection and prosecution of crimes. The author will also conduct questionnaire among students and academic staff involved in the perception of EU institutions and the need to create new entities dealing with inter-agency cooperation in criminal matters. Thanks to these research the author will draw up present ways of cooperation between member-states and changes in fighting with financial crimes which will grow up under new regulation. Major Finding of the Study: Analysis and research show that EPPO is an institution based on the principle of mutual recognition, which often does not work in cooperation between Member States. Distrust and problems with the recognition of judgments of other EU Member States may significantly affect the functioning of EPPO. Poland is not part of the EPPO, because arguments have been raised that the European Public Prosecutor's Office interferes too much with the Member States’ pro-active sovereignty and duplicates competences. The research and analyzes carried out by the author show that EPPO has completely new competences, for example, it may file indictments against perpetrators of financial crimes. However, according to the research carried out by the author, such competences may undermine the sovereignty and the principle of protecting the public order of the EU. Conclusion: After the analysis, it will be possible to set following thesis: EPPO is only possible way to effective fight with organized financial criminality. However in conclusion Polish doubts should not be criticized at all. Institutions as EPPO must properly respect sovereignty of member-states. Even instruments like that cannot provoke political contraventions, because there are no other ways to effective resolving of international criminality problem.

Keywords: criminal trial, economic crimes, European Public Prosecutor's Office, European Union

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Authors: Nick Papanikolaou

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In modern world politics, International relations are very complex not only in their construction but also in their interpretation the ex-Yugoslavian(western Balkans) countries, due to the establishment of independent states, have also risen pending geopolitical and territorial issues such as the Kosovo dispute widely known as an active frozen conflict. Science of anthropology and its subfield of anthropology of conflict can suggest a sustainable plan of communities coexistence and abolishment of fondamentalism. The 1244 Security Council Resolution provides a framework of implementation of a transitional international joint international armed presence for ensuring control and stability in the territory. The changing international relations landscape and the rise of the integration of the Western Balkans in the European Union have brought the question of Kosovo and all the till now internationally controlled system of governance to a dead end. A new solution that will ensure a sustainable future needs to be applied in order to solve this case in a way that rights of both albanians and Serbians will be equally respected and both populations will coexist peacefully. What this presentation aims for is to present a plan for the peaceful coexistence and sovreignty of habitants of Kosovo in a whole new way of governance.

Keywords: sovereignty, Kosovo, Western Balkans, anthropology of conflict

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Authors: Maia Kipiani, Tamari Beridze, Natalia Tchanturia, Bella Goderdzishvili, Sophio Beridze, Natia Kuparadze

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Europe has concrete examples how small nations can survive and maintain their identity in its area. Values are eternal guides of our life and source of its perfection. European values are universal and relevant for every epoch, society or state. Values, such as personal freedom, human dignity, sovereignty of law, national or cultural identity are universal and eternal. Even superficial review of history of Georgian culture clearly shows that western values, including fundamental human rights. This paper discusses the approach and findings of choice of values in Georgia. Georgia is still quite far away from perfectly established values. Georgia has walked the hardest road till XXI century. Country survived miraculously many times. The study shows that the only way to survive is to strengthen national, traditional values and should not forget global factors. It is clear that for achievement of goals is important European education, legislative and economic reforms, peacefully and democratically develop Georgia.

Keywords: democracy, economical reforms, European values, human dignity, science, society, sovereignty of law, well-being

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Authors: Paiboon Chuwatthanakij

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Each of the countries around the world has different ways of management and many of them depend on people to administrate their country. Thailand, for example, empowers the sovereignty of Thai people under constitution; however, our Thai voting system is not able to flow fast enough under the current Political management system. The sovereignty of Thai people is addressing this problem through representatives during current elections, in order to set a new policy for the countries ideology to change in the House and the Cabinet. This is particularly important in a democracy to be developed under our current political institution. The Organic Act on Political Parties 2007 is the establishment we have today that is causing confrontations within the establishment. There are many political parties that will soon be abolished. Many political parties have already been subsidized. This research study is to analyze the legal problems with the political party establishment under the Organic Act on Political Parties 2007. This will focus on the freedom of each political establishment compared to an effective political operation. Textbooks and academic papers will be referenced from studies home and abroad. The study revealed that Organic Act on Political Parties 2007 has strict provisions on the political structure over the number of members and the number of branches involved within political parties system. Such operations shall be completed within one year; but under the existing laws the small parties are not able to participate with the bigger parties. The cities are capable of fulfilling small political party requirements but fail to become coalesced because the current laws won't allow them to be united as one. It is important to allow all independent political parties to join our current political structure. Board members can’t help the smaller parties to become a large organization under the existing Thai laws. Creating a new establishment that functions efficiently throughout all branches would be one solution to these legal problems between all political parties. With this new operation, individual political parties can participate with the bigger parties during elections. Until current political institutions change their system to accommodate public opinion, these current Thai laws will continue to be a problem with all political parties in Thailand.

Keywords: coalesced, political party, sovereignty, elections

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Authors: Sunday Ofum Ogon

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The 1648 Westphalia Conference in Europe ushered in the state as the only legal entity with powers to engage in interstate relations on matters that bothers on the development need of her citizens. This epochal entry of the state reshaped global relations with the curtailment of the powers of individual and groups in external relations as the state became the only entity that acted on behalf of any individual or non-state actors like NGOs residing within the parameters of such a country. Thus, the paper interrogated the extent at which the state determines her Politico-Economic relations with regards to development and growth within the state. To achieve these objectives, the paper relied on documentary evidences wherein the qualitative descriptive method was used for data collection and analysis. The paper exploited the facilities of the Rentier State theory as a guide to the study. It was revealed at the end of the study that the 21st century global economic relations is largely determine by international organizations as exemplified by the World Bank and the International Monitory Fund (IMF) where their activities in the continent has undermined state sovereignty. Hence the paper recommended amongst others that states should look inward for development strategies rather than relying on handout from supra-national organizations which has infringe on their sovereignty.

Keywords: State , Global , Rentier state, Twenty-First Century

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Authors: Amrisha Pandey

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Indian constitution has distributed the powers to govern and legislate between the centre and the state governments based on the list of subject-matter provided in the seventh schedule. By that schedule, the states are authorized to regulate the water resource within their territory. However, the centre/union government is authorized to regulate the inter-state water disputes. The powers entrusted to the union government mainly deals with the sharing of river water which flows through the territory of two or more states. For that purpose, a provision enumerated in Article 262 of the Constitution of India which empowers the parliament to resolve any such inter-state river water dispute. Therefore, the parliament has enacted the - ‘Inter-State River Water Dispute Tribunal, Act’, which allows the central/union government to constitute the tribunal for the adjudication of the disputes and expressly bars the jurisdiction of the judiciary in the concerned matter. This arrangement was intended to resolve the dispute using political or diplomatic means, without deliberately interfering with the sovereign power of the states to govern the water resource. The situation in present context is complicated and sensitive. Due to the change in climatic conditions; increasing demand for the limited resource; and the advanced understanding of the freshwater cycle, which is missing from the existing legal regime. The obsolete legal and political tools, the existing legislative mechanism and the institutional units do not seem to accommodate the rising challenge to regulate the resource. Therefore, resulting in the rise of the politicization of the inter-state water disputes. Against this background, this paper will investigate the inter-state river water dispute in India and will critically analyze the ability of the existing constitutional, and institutional units involved in the task. Moreover, the competence of the tribunal as the adjudicating body in present context will be analyzed using the long ongoing inter-state water dispute in India – The Cauvery Water Dispute, as the case study. To conduct the task undertaken in this paper the doctrinal methodology of the research is adopted. The disputes will also be investigated through the lens of sovereignty, which is accorded to the states using the theory of ‘separation of power’ and the ‘grant of internal sovereignty’, to its federal units of governance. The issue of sovereignty in this paper is discussed in two ways: 1) as the responsibility of the state - to govern the resource; and 2) as the obligation of the state - to govern the resource, arising from the sovereign power of the state. Furthermore, the duality of the sovereign power coexists in this analysis; the overall sovereign authority of the nation-state, and the internal sovereignty of the states as its federal units of governance. As a result, this investigation will propose institutional, legislative and judicial reforms. Additionally, it will suggest certain amendments to the existing constitutional provisions in order to avoid the contradictions in their scope and meaning in the light of the advanced hydrological understanding.

Keywords: constitution of India, federalism, inter-state river water dispute tribunal of India, sovereignty

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Authors: Manuel Iretzberger

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This paper aims to uncover the ideological aspects in the political thought of Carl Schmitt, who is enjoying an ever-increasing popularity in various academic fields, following in the wake of rising interest in questions of sovereignty and legitimacy. Given Schmitt’s biography, i.e. his role as the ‘Crown Jurist of the Third Reich’ (Gurian), an extraordinarily thorough examination is necessary; however, instead of merely ‘deconstructing’ his works, certain ontological truths he might have attained, shall be taken seriously. To this end, his notions of politics and the state of exception are scrutinized, which are indeed considered intriguing, yet prove to be enigmatic and impalpable at the core when read closely. In order to explain this conjuncture, both Schmitt’s philosophy of history and his ‘secret discussion’ (Agamben) with Walter Benjamin are depicted. As it turns out – it is argued – his concept of the Political has to be conceived of as embedded in a much broader context: In a post-transcendental, immanent age, he regards traditional modes of representation as no longer feasible and clings to authoritarianism as a surrogate – his Catholicism plays a decisive role here, forcing him to inject normatively biased assumptions into his political writings. Seeing Schmitt perform ‘rearguard action’ not only serves to disarm his work of most of its menacing aura, it also allows drawing conclusions about ways of legitimatizing democratic rule in modern times, as the paper tries to outline in its last section.

Keywords: Benjamin, history, immanence, Schmitt, sovereignty

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Authors: Medina Muñoz Lina Rocio

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The purpose of this paper is to examine the debates related to the harmonization of intellectual property rights on plant material, the corporate governance of the seed market in Colombia and the political economy of seeds defended by indigenous communities. In recent years, the commodification of seeds through genetic engineering and political intellectual property, codified as a result of the implementation of the Free Trade Agreement with the United States, has come into conflict with the traditional production of seeds carried out by small farmers and indigenous populations. Agricultural and food practices. In order to understand the ontological dimension of conflicts over seeds, it is necessary to analyze the conceptions that indigenous communities have about good, which they consider a common element of their social organization and define them as sentient beings. Therefore, through a multiple approach, in which the intellectual property policy, the ecological aspects of seed production and the political ontology of indigenous communities are interwoven, I intend to present the discussions held by the actors involved and present the strategies of small producers to protect their interests. It demonstrates that communities have begun to organize social movements to protect such interests and have questioned the philosophy of GM corporate agriculture as a pro-life movement. Finally, it is argued that the conservation of 'traditional' seeds of the communities is an effective strategy to support their struggles for territory, identity, food sovereignty and self-determination.

Keywords: intellectual property rights, intellectual property, traditional knowledge, food safety

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Authors: Kasuri Kaushalya Pathirana Pahamunu Pathirannehelage

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Recent changes in the international system challenged the traditional idea of citizenship, prompting a need for a clearer definition. With the rapid globalization and shifting geopolitical dynamics, the concept of dual citizenship has emerged as a focal point of debate regarding its implications for state interests. As borders become less rigid and people identify with multiple nationalities, the traditional idea of citizenship is changing. This change is especially important given the increased connections between countries and the challenges that sovereign states face. While many countries accept dual citizenship, others are hesitant, seeing it as a potential threat to their national goals. This difference underscores the complicated relationship between national interests and the evolving concept of citizenship in the modern world. This study seeks to critically assess whether dual citizenship represents a significant threat to sovereign states by examining its effects across economic, social, and political sectors. Employing qualitative methodologies, including the analysis of published articles, reports, government acts, and a mix of primary and secondary sources, this research delves into the complexities surrounding dual citizenship. The findings reveal a nuanced landscape, showcasing both positive and negative impacts on state sovereignty and international cooperation. By exploring the tension between multinationalism and state interests, particularly through the lens of Sri Lanka’s evolving policies, this study aims to contribute valuable insights to the fields of political science and international relations, ultimately addressing the question of dual citizenship's implications for state interests. The evolving framework of dual citizenship in Sri Lanka provides a unique opportunity to examine its implications for various aspects of the nation. Specifically, this study will analyse the impact of dual citizenship on the country's economy, international cooperation, and social development. By exploring these dimensions, the research aims to provide a comprehensive understanding of how dual citizenship influences not only individual rights but also broader state interests and development goals within the context of globalization. It’s crucial to assess the potential threats posed by dual citizenship, as it can impact national security, economic stability, social unity, and political issues within countries. Understanding these effects is important for policymakers and researchers as they work to balance globalization with the need to protect state sovereignty. Dual citizenship presents a complex interplay of challenges and benefits to state interests, influencing critical areas such as international cooperation and state sovereignty. On the one hand, it can foster stronger ties between nations, enhance economic collaboration, and encourage cultural exchange, ultimately contributing to more robust international relationships. On the other hand, it may create tensions related to national identity, complicate governance, and raise concerns about loyalty and allegiance, which can challenge the notion of state sovereignty. As countries navigate these dual realities, it becomes essential to carefully assess and manage the implications of dual citizenship. By doing so, states can harness the potential advantages while addressing the associated risks, ultimately striving for a balance that promotes both national interests and international relations.

Keywords: dual citizenship, globalization, sustainable development, nationalism

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Authors: Sara Dragisic

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Using the theoretical analysis of the birth of biopolitics that Foucault performed through the history of liberalism and neoliberalism, in this paper we will try to show how, precisely through problematizing the role of international institutions, the model of governance differs from previous ways of objectifying body and life. Are the state and its mechanisms still a Leviathan to fight against, or can it be even the driver of resistance against the proponents of modern governance and the biopolitical power? Do paradigmatic examples of biopolitics still appear through sovereignty and (international) law, or is it precisely this sphere that shows a significant dose of incompetence and powerlessness in relation to, not only the economic sphere (Foucault’s critique of neoliberalism) but also the new politics of freedom? Have the struggle for freedom and human rights, as well as the war on terrorism, opened a new spectrum of biopolitical processes, which are manifested precisely through new international institutions and humanitarian discourse? We will try to answer these questions, in the following way. On the one hand, we will show that the views of authors such as Agamben and Hardt and Negri, in whom the state and sovereignty are seen as enemies to be defeated or overcome, fail to see how such attempts could translate into the politicization of life like it is done in many examples through the doctrine of liberal interventionism and humanitarianism. On the other hand, we will point out that it is precisely the humanitarian discourse and the defense of the right to intervention that can be the incentive and basis for the politicization of the category of life and lead to the selective application of human rights. Zizek example of the killing of United Nations workers and doctors in a village during the Vietnam War, who were targeted even before police or soldiers, because they were precisely seen as a powerful instrument of American imperialism (as they were sincerely trying to help the population), will be focus of this part of the analysis. We’ll ask the question whether such interpretation is a kind of liquidation of the extreme left of the political (Laclau) or on this basis can be explained at least in part the need to review the functioning of international organizations, ranging from those dealing with humanitarian aid (and humanitarian military interventions) to those dealing with protection and the security of the population, primarily from growing terrorism. Based on the above examples, we will also explain how the discourse of terrorism itself plays a dual role: it can appear as a tool of liberal biopolitics, although, more superficially, it mostly appears as an enemy that wants to destroy the liberal system and its values. This brings us to the basic problem that this paper will tackle: do the mechanisms of institutional struggle for human rights and freedoms, which is often seen as opposed to the security mechanisms of the state, serve the governance of citizens in such a way that the latter themselves participate in producing biopolitical governmental practices? Is the freedom today "nothing but the correlative development of apparatuses of security" (Foucault)? Or, we can continue this line of Foucault’s argumentation and enhance the interpretation with the important question of what precisely today reflects the change in the rationality of governance in which society is transformed from a passive object into a subject of its own production. Finally, in order to understand the skills of biopolitical governance in modern civil society, it is necessary to pay attention to the status of international organizations, which seem to have become a significant place for the implementation of global governance. In this sense, the power of sovereignty can turn out to be an insufficiently strong power of security policy, which can go hand in hand with freedom policies, through neoliberal governmental techniques.

Keywords: neoliberalism, Foucault, sovereignty, biopolitics, international organizations, NGOs, Agamben, Hardt&Negri, Zizek, security, state power

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Authors: Zsuzsanna Fejes

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The aim of this paper is to provide an overview of the legal history of constitutionalism in Hungary, in focus of the democratic transitions in 1989-1990, describing the historical and political background of the changes and presenting the main and most important features of the new democracy, and institutional and legal orders. In Hungary the evolved political, economic and moral crisis prior to the constitutional years 2010-11 had been such a constitutional moment, which led to an opportune and unavoidable change at the same time. The Hungarian constitutional power intended to adopt a new constitution, which was competent to create a common constitutional identity and to express a national unity. The Hungarian Parliament on 18th April 2011 passed the New Fundamental Law. The new Fundamental Law rich in national values meant a new challenge for the academics, lawyers, and political scientists. Not only the classical political science, but also the constitutional law and theory have to struggle with the interpretation of the new declarations about national constitutional values in the Fundamental Law. The main features and structure of the new Fundamental Law will be analysed, and given a detailed interpretation of the Preamble as a declaration of constitutional values. During the examination of the Preamble shall be cleared up the components of Hungarian statehood and national unity, individual and common human rights, the practical and theoretical demand on national sovereignty, and the content and possibilities for the interpretation of the achievements of the historical Constitution. These scopes of problems will be presented during the examination of the text of National Avowal, as a preamble of the Fundamental Law. It is examined whether the Fundamental Law itself could be suitable and sufficient means to citizens of Hungary to express the ideas therein as their own, it will be analysed how could the national and European common traditions, values and principles stated in the Fundamental Law mean maintenance in Hungary’s participation in the European integration.

Keywords: common constitutional values, constitutionalism, national identity, national sovereignty, national unity, statehood

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Authors: King Kumire

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The Outer Space Treaty and the Moon Treaty have been the backbone of space law. However, scientists, engineers, and policymakers have been silent about how human settlement on celestial bodies would change the legal dimensions of space law. Indeed, these legal space regimes should have a prescription on how galactic courts should deal with the aspect of space property ownership. On this planet earth, one can vindicate his own assets. In extraterrestrial environments, this is not the case because space law is fatigued by terrestrial body sovereignty, which must be upheld. However, the recent commercialization of microgravity environments requires property ownership laws to be enacted. Space activities have mutated to the extent that it is almost possible to build communities in space. The discussions on the moon village concept will be mentioned as well to give clarity on the subject to the audience. It should be stated that launchers can now explore the cosmos with space tourists. The world is also busy doing feasibility studies on how to implement space mining projects. These activities indisputably show that the research is important because it will not only expose how the cosmic world is constrained by existing legal frameworks, but it will provide a remedy for how the inevitable dilemma of property rights can be resolved through the formulation of multilateral and all-inclusive policies. The discussion will model various aspects of terrestrial property rights and the associated remedies against what can be applicable and customized for use in extraterrestrial environments. Transfer of ownership in space is also another area of interest as the researcher shall try to distinguish between envisaged personal and real rights in the new frontier vis-a-vis mainland transfer transactions. The writer imagines the extent to which the concepts of servitudes, accession, prescription and commixes, and other property templates can act as a starting point when cosmic probers move forward with the revision of orbital law. The article seeks to reconcile these ownership constraints by working towards the development of a living space common law which is elastic and embroidered by sustainable recommendations. A balance between transplanting terrestrial laws to the galactic arena and the need to enact new ones which will complement the existing space treaties will be meticulously pivoted.

Keywords: rights, commercialisation, ownership, sovereignty

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Authors: Donato Vese

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According to the common interpretation, in a legal system, public powers are established by law. Exceptions are admitted in an emergency or particular relationship with public power. However, we currently agree that law allows public administration a margin of decision, even in the case of non-discretionary acts. Hence, the administrative decision not exclusively established by law becomes the rule in the ordinary state of things, non-only in state of exception. This paper aims to analyze and discuss different ideas on discretionary power on the Rule of Law and Rechtsstaat. Observing the legal literature in Europe and Nord and South America, discretionary power can be described as follow: it could be considered a margin that law accords to the executive power for political decisions or a choice between different interpretations of vague legal previsions. In essence, this explanation admits for the executive a decision not established by law or anyhow not exclusively established by law. This means that the discretionary power of public administration integrates the law. However, integrating law does not mean to decide according to the law, but it means to integrate law with a decision involving public power. Consequently, discretionary power is essentially free will. In this perspective, also the Rule of Law and the Rechtsstaat are notions explained differently. Recently, we can observe how the European notion of Rechtsstaat is founded on the formal validity of the law; therefore, for this notion, public authority’s decisions not regulated by law represent a problem. Thus, different systems of law integration have been proposed in legal literature, such as values, democracy, reasonableness, and so on. This paper aims to verify how, looking at those integration clauses from a logical viewpoint, integration based on the recourse to the legal system itself does not resolve the problem. The aforementioned integration clauses are legal rules that require hard work to explain the correct meaning of the law; in particular, they introduce dangerous criteria in favor of the political majority. A different notion of public power can be proposed. This notion includes two main features: (a) sovereignty belongs to persons and not the state, and (b) fundamental rights are not grounded but recognized by Constitutions. Hence, public power is a system based on fundamental rights. According to this approach, it can also be defined as the notion of public interest as concrete maximization of fundamental rights enjoyments. Like this, integration of the law, vague or subject to several interpretations, must be done by referring to the system of fundamental individual rights. We can think, for instance, to fundamental rights that are right in an objective view but not legal because not established by law.

Keywords: administrative discretion, free will, fundamental rights, public power, sovereignty

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Authors: Nura Suleiman

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The foreign policy of any country or nation is intended to promote and protect the country’s national interest. To achieve this interest, a country has to be guided by certain principles and influence of domestic and international conditions. The history of Nigerian foreign policy is directed to defend its sovereignty, independence, and territorial integrity, to promote and sustain the economic well-being of Nigerians, and promotion of Africa and world peace with justice. With the change of time and leadership, coupled with corruption, despite all the foreign policy determinants endowed with Nigeria as a country, sacrificed its foreign interest for the benefit of the western powers, by this it lost the opportunity to formulate policies according to its own need and desires.

Keywords: foreign policy, Nigeria, Western power

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Authors: Xinchao Liu

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Regulating environmental and human rights damages caused by transnational corporations in host States is a core issue in the business and human rights discourse. In current regulatory practices, host States, which are territorially based and should bear primary regulation responsibility, face dual challenges at both domestic and international levels, leading to their continued marginalization. Specifically, host States as TNC damage regulators are constrained domestically by territorial jurisdiction limitations and internationally by the neoliberal international economic order exemplified by investment protection mechanisms. Taking China as a sample, it currently lacks a comprehensive regulation system to address TNC damages; while domestic constraints manifest as the marginalization of judicial regulation, the absence of corporate duty of care, and inadequate extraterritorial regulation effectiveness, international constraints are reflected in the absence of foreign investor obligations in investment agreements and the asymmetry of dispute resolution clauses, challenging regulatory sovereignty. As China continues to advance its policy of high-quality opening up, the risks of negative externalities from transnational capital will continue to increase, necessitating a focus on building and perfecting a regulation mechanism for TNC damages within the framework of international law. To address domestic constraints, it is essential to clarify the division of regulation responsibilities between judicial and administrative bodies, promote the normalization of judicial regulation, and enhance judicial oversight of governmental settlements. Improving the choice of law rules for cross-border torts and the standards for parent company liability for omissions, and enhancing extraterritorial judicial effectiveness through transnational judicial dialogue and cooperation mechanisms are also crucial. To counteract international constraints, specifying investor obligations in investment treaties and designing symmetrical dispute resolution clauses are indispensable to eliminate regulatory chill. Additionally, actively advancing the implementation of TNC obligations in business and human rights treaty negotiations will lay an international legal foundation for the regulation sovereignty of host States.

Keywords: transnational corporate damages, home state litigation, optimization limit, investor-state dispute settlement

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