Search results for: scalar politics

Authors: Neil M. Mame

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We consider only finite graphs without loops nor multiple edges. Let G be a graph with E(G) = {e1, e2, …., em}. The edge space of G, denoted by ε(G), is a vector space over the field Z2. The elements of ε(G) are all the subsets of E(G). Vector addition is defined as X+Y = X Δ Y, the symmetric difference of sets X and Y, for X, Y ∈ ε(G). Scalar multiplication is defined as 1.X =X and 0.X = Ø for X ∈ ε(G). The set S ⊆ ε(G) is called a generating set if every element ε(G) is a linear combination of the elements of S. For a non-empty set X ∈ ε(G), the smallest subgraph with edge set X is called edge-induced subgraph of G, denoted by G[X]. The set EH(G) = { A ∈ ε(G) : G[A] ≅ H } denotes the uniform set of H with respect to G and εH(G) denotes the subspace of ε(G) generated by EH(G). If εH(G) is generating set, then we call H a generator subgraph of G. This paper gives the characterization for the generator subgraphs of the wheel that contain cycles and gives the necessary conditions for the acyclic generator subgraphs of the wheel.

Keywords: edge space, edge-induced subgraph, generator subgraph, wheel

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Authors: Ali Aqa Mohammad Jawad

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Taking a relational approach, this paper analyzes the causal mechanisms associated with successful mobilization and rapid demobilization of the Enlightening Movement in post-2001 Afghanistan. The movement emerged after the state-owned Da Afghan Bereshna Sherkat (DABS) decided to divert the route for the Turkmenistan-Uzbekistan-Tajikistan-Afghanistan-Pakistan (TUTAP) electricity project. The grid was initially planned to go through the Hazara-inhabited province of Bamiyan, according to Afghanistan’s Power Sector Master Plan. The reroute served as an aide-mémoire of historical subordination to other ethno-religious groups for the Hazara community. It was also perceived as deprivation from post-2001 development projects, financed by international aid. This torched the accumulated grievances, which then gave birth to the Enlightening Movement. The movement had a successful mobilization. However, it demobilized after losing much of its mobilizing capabilities through an amalgamation of external and internal relational factors. The successful mobilization yet rapid demobilization constitutes the puzzle of this paper. From the theoretical perspective, this paper is significant as it establishes the applicability of contentious politics theory to protest mobilizations that occurred in Afghanistan, a context-specific, characterized by ethnic politics. Both primary and secondary data are utilized to address the puzzle. As for the primary resources, media coverage, interviews, reports, public media statements of the movement, involved in contentious performances, and data from Social Networking Services (SNS) are used. The covered period is from 2001-2018. As for the secondary resources, published academic articles and books are used to give a historical account of contentious politics. For data analysis, a qualitative comparative historical method is utilized to uncover the causal mechanisms associated with successful mobilization and rapid demobilization of the Movement. In this pursuit, both mobilization and demobilization are considered as larger political processes that could be decomposed to constituent mechanisms. Enlightening Movement’s framing and campaigns are first studied to uncover the associated mechanisms. Then, to avoid introducing some ad hoc mechanisms, the recurrence of mechanisms is checked against another case. Mechanisms qualify as robust if they are “recurrent” in different episodes of contention. Checking the recurrence of causal mechanisms is vital as past contentious events tend to reinforce future events. The findings of this paper suggest that the public sphere in Afghanistan is drastically different from Western democracies known as the birthplace of social movements. In Western democracies, when institutional politics did not respond, movement organizers occupied the public sphere, undermining the legitimacy of the government. In Afghanistan, the public sphere is ethicized. Considering the inter- and intra-relational dynamics of ethnic groups in Afghanistan, the movement reduced to an erosive inter- and intra-ethnic conflict. This undermined the cohesiveness of the movement, which then kicked-off its demobilization process.

Keywords: enlightening movement, contentious politics, mobilization, demobilization

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Authors: Mete Ulaş Aksoy

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In contemporary politics, the state of emergency has become a permanent and salient feature of politics. This study aims to clarify the anthropological and ontological dimensions of the permanent state of emergency. It pays special attention to the structural relation between the exception and play. Focusing on the play in the context of emergency and exception enables the recognition of the difference and sometimes the discrepancy between the exception and emergency, which has passed into oblivion because of the frequency and normalization of emergency situations. This study coins the term “ludic exception” in order to highlight the difference between the exceptions in which exuberance and paroxysm rule over the socio-political life and the permanent emergency that protects the authority with a sort of extra-legality. The main thesis of the study is that the ludic elements such as risk, conspicuous consumption, sacrificial gestures, agonism, etc. circumscribe the exceptional moments temporarily, preventing them from being routine and normal. The study also emphasizes the decline of ludic elements in modernity as the main factor in the transformation of the exceptions into permanent emergency situations. In the introduction, the relationship between play and exception is taken into consideration. In the second part, the study elucidates the concept of ludic exceptions and dwells on the anthropological examples of the ludic exceptions. In the last part, the decline of ludic elements in modernity is addressed as the main factor for the permanent emergency.

Keywords: emergency, exception, ludic exception, play, sovereignty

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Authors: Oyku Yenen

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The notion of biopolitics, as studied by such intellectuals as Foucault, Agamben, and Negri, is an important guide for comprehending the current understanding of politics. While Foucault evaluates biopolitics as a survival policy, Giorgio Agamben, German legist, identifies the theory with death. Agamben claims the fact we can all considered to be homo sacer who are abandoned by the law, left in the field of exception, and whose killing does not require punishment. Agamben defines the person who is tried by the public for committing a crime but is not allowed to be sacrificed and whose killing is not considered a crime, as 'homo sacer'. This study analyzes how the concept of 'homo sacer' is made visible in TV series such as Çemberimde Gül Oya (Cagan Irmak, 2005-2005), Hatırla Sevgili (Ummu Burhan, 2006-2008), Bu Kalp Seni Unutur Mu? (Aydin Bulut, 2009-1010) all of which portray the period Turkey's 1980 military coup, within the framework of Agamben's thoughts and notions about biopolitics. When the main plots of these abovementioned TV series, which constitute the universe of this study, are scrutinized closely, they lay out the understanding of politics that has existed throughout history and prevails today. Although there is a large number of TV series on the coup of 1980, these three series are the only main productions that specifically focused on the event itself. Our final analysis will reveal that the concepts of homo sacer, bare life, exception, camp have been embodied in different ways in these three series. In these three series, which all deal with similar subjects using differing perspectives, the dominant understanding of politics is clearly conveyed to the audience. In all three series, the reigning power always decides on the exceptions, those who will live, those who will die, and those who will be ignored by law. Such characters as Mehmet, Sinan, Yıldız, Deniz, Defne, all of which we come across in these series, are on trial as a criminals of thought and are subjected to various forms of torture while isolated in an area where they are virtually deprived of law. Their citizenship rights are revoked. All of them are left alone with their bare lives (zoe).

Keywords: bare life, biopolitics, homo sacer, sovereign power, state of exception

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Authors: Adekeye Joshua Temitope

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“Transgender” presents a complexion of ambiguity in the African context and it remains a contested topography in the discourse of sexual identity. The casts and stigmatisations towards transgender unveils vital facts and intricacies often ignored in the academic communities; the problems and oppressions of given sex/gender system, the constrain of monogamy and ignorance of fluidity of human sexuality thereby generating dual discords of “enforced heterosexual” and “unavoidable homosexual.” The African culture voids transgender movements and perceive same-sex sexual behavior as “taboo or bad habits” and this provide reasonable explanations for the failure of asserting for the sexual rights in GLBT movement in most discourse on sexuality in the African context. However, we could not deny the real existence of active flowing and fluidity of human sexuality even though its variants could be latent. The incessant consciousness of the existence of transgender practices in Africa either in form of bisexual desire or bisexual behavior with or without sexual identity, including people who identify themselves as bisexual opens up the vision for us to reconsider and reexamine what constitutes such ambiguity and controversy of transgender identity at present time. The notion of identity politics in gay, lesbian, and transgender community has its complexity and debates in its historical development. This paper analyses the representation of the historical trajectory of transgender practices by presenting the dynamic transition of how people cognize transgender practices under different historical conditions since the understanding of historical transition of bisexual practices would be very crucial and meaningful for gender/sexuality liberation movement at present time and in the future. The paper did a juxtaposition of the trajectories of bisexual practices between Anglo-American world and Africa, as it has certain similarities and differences within diverse historical complexities. The similar condition is the emergence of gay identity under the influence of capitalism but within different cultural context. Therefore, the political economy of each cultural context plays very important role in understanding the formation of sexual identities historically and its development and influence for the GLBT movement afterwards and in the future. By reexamining Kinsey’s categorization and applying Klein’s argument on individual’s sexual orientation this paper is poised to break the given and fixed connection among sexual behavior/sexual orientation/sexual identity, on the other hand to present the potential fluidity of human sexuality by reconsidering and reexamining the present given sex/gender system in our world. The paper concludes that it is obligatory for the essentialist and exclusionary trend at this historical moment since gay and lesbian communities in Africa need to clearly demonstrate and voice for themselves under the nuances of gender/sexuality liberation.

Keywords: heterosexual, homosexual, identity politics, queer politics, transgender

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Authors: Girma Y. Iyassu Menelik

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The international community has gone through indescribable atrocities resulting from acts of war. These atrocities turned Europe and Africa into a wilderness of bloodshed and crime. In the period 1960- 1970s Africa witnessed unprecedented and well-documented assaults on life and property. This necessitated the adoption, signing and ratification of the International Criminal Court, establishment of the International Court of Justice which is a great achievement for the protection and fulfilling of human rights in the context of international political instability. The ICC came as an important opportunity to advance justice for serious crimes committed in violation of international law. Thus the Rome statute has become a formidable contribution to peace and security. There are concerns that the ICC is targeting African states. However, the ICC cannot preside over cases that are not parties to the Rome statute unless the UN Security council refers the situation or the relevant state asks the court to become involved. The instable international political situation thus deals with criminal prosecutions where amnesty is not permissible or is strongly repudiated. The court has become important justice instruments for states that are unable or unwilling to fulfill their obligation to address legacies of massive human rights violations. The ICJ as a court has a twofold role; to settle legal disputes submitted to it by states, and to give advisory opinions on legal questions referred to it by duly authorized United Nations organs and specialized agencies. All members of the UN are ipso facto parties to the statute of the ICJ. The court gives advisory opinion on any legal question. These courts are the most appropriate fora to pronounce on international crimes and are in a better position to know and apply international law. Cases that have been brought to the courts include Rwanda’s genocide, Liberia’s Charles Taylor etc. The receptiveness and cooperation of the local populations are important to the courts and if the ICC and ICJ can provide appropriate protections for the physical and economic safety of victims then peace and human rights observance can be attained. This paper will look into the effectiveness and impediments of these courts in handling criminal and injustices in international politics as while as what needs to be done to strengthen the capacity of these courts.

Keywords: ICC, international politics, justice, UN security council, violence, protection, fulfilling

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Authors: Essa Njie

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One of the challenges that Africa needs to overcome for the sustenance of its democratic gains is to separate the state from the ruling party to avoid the latter’s attempt in monopolizing the former’s resources and institutions for political supremacy. But this separation must go along with the process of depoliticizing the civil services (separation from partisan politics) which have been politicized by incumbents to register electoral successes. While researches conducted on the Gambia’s democratic reality tend to have looked at a wide range of challenges confronting the country’s democratic progress, this paper focuses on state power monopolization and its impediment to democratic governance in the country. The paper explores the involvement of civil/public servants in partisan politics in the Gambia. It looks at the intertwined nature of the state and the ruling party as state resources could not be separated from that of the ruling party (lack of separation between political and non-political resources) in both Dawda Jawara and Yahya Jammeh eras, and how such affected the country’s democratic credential. The paper in particular addresses the need for the current government to depoliticize the country’s civil service and concomitantly separate the state from the ruling party by not monopolizing the former’s resources and institutions to galvanize political support.

Keywords: civil service, democratic consolidation, monopolisation, multi-party elections, public institutions, ruling party, state resources

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Authors: Damian Winczewski

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Carl von Clausewitz’s political theory of war was criticized in the 20th century in several ways. It was also the source of many disagreements over readings of its most popular theses. Among them, the reflections of thinkers categorized as part of the broader postmodern current stand out, such as Michael Foucault and his successors, who presented a nuanced and critical approach to strategy theory. Foucault viewed it as part of a broader political–legal discourse of sovereignty rooted in the Middle Ages, which underlies modern biopower. Clausewitz’s theory of strategy underpinned a new humanist discourse rationalizing the phenomenon of war while, in a methodological sense, becoming an epistemic model of how Foucault conceived power strategy. Foucault’s contemporary commentators try to develop his position by arguing the analogy between the discourse prevailing in Clausewitz’s time and the contemporary neoliberal discourse and technological revolution on the battlefield, which create a new order of power. Meanwhile, they recognize that the modern development of strategy was to make Clausewitz’s understanding of war obsolete. However, postmodernists focusing on showy stylistics in their assessments rely on a mythologized narrative about Clausewitz, reducing his theories to a discourse of war as a way for nation-states to conduct foreign policy. In this article, Clausewitz shows that his theory goes much deeper and provides a critical perspective on the relationship between war and politics. The dialectical structure makes it possible to understand war as a historically variable but constantly policy-dependent phenomenon.

Keywords: Clausewitz, Foucault, Virilio, postmodernism, war and politics, power

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Authors: Birge Yildirim Okta

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This paper aims to narrate the story of Atatürk Cultural Center in Taksim Square, which was demolished in 2018, and discuss its architectonic as a social place of memory and its existence and demolishment as the space of politics. Focusing on the timeline starting from early republican period till today, the paper uses narrative discourse analysis to research Atatürk Cultural Center as a place of memory and a space of politics in its existence. After the establishment of Turkish Republic, one of most important implementation in Taksim Square, reflecting the internationalist style, was the construction of Opera Building in Prost Plan. The first design of the opera building belonged to Aguste Perret, which could not be implemented due to economic hardship during World War II. Later the project was designed by architects Feridun Kip and Rüknettin Güney in 1946 but could not be completed due to 1960 military coup. Later the project was shifted to another architect Hayati Tabanlıoglu, with a change in its function as a cultural center. Eventually, the construction of the building was completed in 1969 in a completely different design. AKM became a symbol of republican modernism not only with its modern architectural style but also with it is function as the first opera building of the republic, reflecting the western, modern cultural heritage by professional groups, artists and the intelligentsia. In 2005, Istanbul’s council for the protection of cultural heritage decided to list AKM as a grade 1 cultural heritage, ending a period of controversy which saw calls for the demolition of the center as it was claimed it ended its useful lifespan. In 2008 the building was announced to be closed for repairs and restoration. Over the following years, the building was demolished piece by piece silently while Taksim mosque has been built just in front of Atatürk Cultural Center. Belonging to the early republican period, AKM was a representation of a cultural production of a modern society for the emergence and westward looking, secular public space in Turkey. Its erasure from Taksim scene under the rule of the conservative government, Justice and Development Party and the construction of Taksim mosque in front of AKM’s parcel is also representational. The question of governing the city through space has always been an important aspect for governments, those holding political power since cities are the chaotic environments that are seen as a threat for the governments, carrying the tensions of proletariat or the contradictory groups. The story of AKM as a dispositive or a regulatory apparatus demonstrates how space itself is becoming a political medium, to transform the socio-political condition. The article aims to discuss the existence and demolishment of Atatürk Cultural Center by discussing the constructed and demolished building as a place of memory and a space of politics.

Keywords: space of politics, place of memory, atatürk cultural center, taksim square

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Authors: Josie West

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This paper focuses on the conflicts and utility of Marxist Feminist frames for sex work research, drawing on findings uncovered through in-depth interviews with online sex workers, alongside critical discourse analysis of media and political commentary. It brings the critical perspective of women into digital workerism and gig economy dialogue who, despite their significant presence within online work, have been overlooked. The autonomist Marxist concept of class composition is adopted to unpack the social, technical and political composition of this often-invisible segment of the service sector. Autonomism makes visible the perspective of workers engaged in processes of mobilization and demobilizaiton. This allows researchers to find everyday forms of resistance which occur within and outside trade unions. On the other hand, Marxist feminist arguments about invisibility politics can generate unhelpful allegories about sex work as domestic labour within the reproductive sphere. Nick Srnicek’s development of Marx’s notion of infrastructure rents helps theorize experiences of unpaid labour within online sex work. Moreover, debates about anti-work politics can cause conflict among sex workers fighting for the labour movement and those rejecting the capitalist work ethic. This illuminates’ tensions caused by white privilege and differing experiences of sex work. The monopolistic and competitive nature of sex work platforms within platform capitalism, and the vulnerable position of marginalised workers within stigmatized/criminalised markets, complicates anti-work politics further. This paper is situated within the feminist sex wars and the intensely divisive question of whether sex workers are victims of the patriarchy or symbols of feminist resistance. Camgirls are shown to engage in radical tactics of resistance against their technical composition on popular sex work platforms. They also engage in creative acts of resistance through performance art, in an attempt to draw attention to stigma and anti-criminalization politics. This sector offers a fascinating window onto grassroots class-action, alongside education about ‘whorephobia.’ A case study of resistance against Only Fans, and a small workers co-operative which emerged during the pandemic, showcases how workers engage in socialist and political acts without the aid of unions. Workers are victims of neoliberalism and simultaneous adopters of neoliberal strategies of survival. The complex dynamics within unions are explored, including tensions with grass-roots resistance, financial pressures and intersecting complications of class, gender and race.

Keywords: autonomist marxism, digital labor, feminism, neoliberalism, sex work, platform capitalism

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Authors: Larry Lai, Evans Leung

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Falun gong is a self-proclaimed religious group that has been under crackdown by Beijing for more than two decades. Diaosi, on the other hand, is an emerging community with members loosely connected on the internet through different online social platforms, centering around the sharing of different hobbies and interests. Diaosi community has been transformed from a potential threat to the Chinese authority for different causes to a pro-government force. This paper seeks to explain the different strategies adopted by the People's Republic of China (PRC) regime in handling these two potential threatening communities. Both communities share some obvious similarities: (1) both have massive nation-wide participation; (2) both have attempted to challenge the PRC's authority through contentious means; (3) both have high level of mobility, online or offline; and (4) both have at first been unnoticed until the threat against the PRC have taken form. But the strategies the PRC endorsed against the communities were, in many ways, different. The question is: if the strategy against Falun Gong has been an effective one, why used other strategies against Diaosi? The authors argue that the main reason for using different strategies lies in the differences between the two communities in terms of (i) the nature of the groups, and (ii) the group dynamics. Lastly, based on this analysis, the authors attempt to explore the possible strategies that the PRC would adopt against the Hong Kong cyber-world political community in light of the latest national security law in Hong Kong.

Keywords: contentious politics, Diaosi, Falun Gong, Hong Kong, People's Republic of China

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Authors: Stephanie Watson, Fabrice Stephenson, Conrad Pilditch, Carolyn Lundquist

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Spatial data detailing both the distribution and density of functionally important marine species are needed to inform management decisions. Species distribution models (SDMs) have proven helpful in this regard; however, models often focus only on species occurrences derived from spatially expansive datasets and lack the resolution and detail required to inform regional management decisions. Boosted regression trees (BRT) were used to produce high-resolution SDMs (250 m) at two spatial scales predicting probability of occurrence, abundance (count per sample unit), density (count per km2) and uncertainty for seven coastal seafloor taxa that vary in habitat usage and distribution to examine prediction differences and implications for coastal management. We investigated if small scale regionally focussed models (82,000 km2) can provide improved predictions compared to data-rich national scale models (4.2 million km2). We explored the variability in predictions across model type (occurrence vs abundance) and model scale to determine if specific taxa models or model types are more robust to geographical variability. National scale occurrence models correlated well with broad-scale environmental predictors, resulting in higher AUC (Area under the receiver operating curve) and deviance explained scores; however, they tended to overpredict in the coastal environment and lacked spatially differentiated detail for some taxa. Regional models had lower overall performance, but for some taxa, spatial predictions were more differentiated at a localised ecological scale. National density models were often spatially refined and highlighted areas of ecological relevance producing more useful outputs than regional-scale models. The utility of a two-scale approach aids the selection of the most optimal combination of models to create a spatially informative density model, as results contrasted for specific taxa between model type and scale. However, it is vital that robust predictions of occurrence and abundance are generated as inputs for the combined density model as areas that do not spatially align between models can be discarded. This study demonstrates the variability in SDM outputs created over different geographical scales and highlights implications and opportunities for managers utilising these tools for regional conservation, particularly in data-limited environments.

Keywords: Benthic ecology, spatial modelling, multi-scalar modelling, marine conservation.

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Authors: Theodore Halnon, Martin Bojowald

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In relativity, time is relative between reference frames. However, quantum mechanics requires a specific time coordinate in order to write an evolution equation for wave functions. This difference between the two theories leads to the problem of time in quantum gravity. One method to study quantum relativity is to interpret the dynamics of a matter field as a clock. In order to test the relationship between different reference frames, an isotropic cosmological model with two matter ingredients is introduced. One is given by a scalar field and one by vacuum energy or a cosmological constant. There are two matter fields, and thus two different Hamiltonians are derived from the respective clock rates. Semi-classical solutions are found for these equations and a comparison is made of the physical predictions that they imply.

Keywords: cosmology, deparameterization, general relativity, quantum mechanics

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Authors: Z. Bouchama, N. Essounbouli, A. Hamzaoui, M. N. Harmas

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A new robust finite time synergetic controller is presented based on recently developed synergetic control methodology and a terminal attractor technique. A Fast Terminal Synergetic Control (FTSC) is proposed for controlling DC-DC buck converter. Unlike Synergetic Control (SC) and sliding mode control, the proposed control scheme has the characteristics of finite time convergence and chattering free phenomena. Simulation of stabilization and reference tracking for buck converter systems illustrates the approach effectiveness while stability is assured in the Lyapunov sense and converse Lyapunov results involving scalar differential inequalities are given for finite-time stability.

Keywords: dc-dc buck converter, synergetic control, finite time convergence, terminal synergetic control, fast terminal synergetic control, Lyapunov

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Authors: Paawani Tewari, Oishik Dasgupta

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Cinema and politics have often intertwined in India. Movies have become a mainstream method of communication with audiences and voters subliminally and directly. Indian film industry on average produces over a thousand films in a year, and during the election year of 2019, India witnessed the release of several highly political movies. Movies such as Uri: The Surgical Strike, Accidental Prime Minister, and PM Modi, et cetera, which are the sample of this study have tried to depict an ideal character of political stalwart leaders with the plausibility to inspire and aiming to change ideological orientations of viewers and the potent voters. This study tries to understand the major links between nationalism, its representation, and its manifestation in Indian cinema and how it is instrumental in shaping the character and orientations of its citizens towards nation, nationalism, and nationhood. Our work aims to highlight how nationalistic assumptions that are swaddled in the Hindi movies released during January 2019 – May 2019 affect the political mood of the nation and, in totality, the democratic system. The authors also try to throw light on how films being a powerful tool, are now being used to shape ideas, brainwashing and swaying opinions for political mileage. Hence it becomes essential for us to explore the dynamics between the quintessential definitions of what nationalism is for a common man in India versus of what has been represented in cinema, especially during the time of the elections.

Keywords: political governance and political analysis, political and public administration, election, public choice

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Authors: Kahil Amar, Boukais Said, Kezmane Ali, Hannachi Naceur Eddine, Hamizi Mohand

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The principle of the seismic performance evaluation methods is to provide a measure of capability for a building or set of buildings to be damaged by an earthquake. The common objective of many of these methods is to supply classification criteria. The purpose of this study is to present a method for assessing the seismic performance of structures, based on Pushover method, we are particularly interested in reinforced concrete frame structures, which represent a significant percentage of damaged structures after a seismic event. The work is based on the characterization of seismic movement of the various earthquake zones in terms of PGA and PGD that is obtained by means of SIMQK_GR and PRISM software and the correlation between the points of performance and the scalar characterizing the earthquakes will be developed.

Keywords: seismic performance, pushover method, characterization of seismic motion, harmfulness of the seismic

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Authors: Ana Luiza Casasanta Garcia, Maria Del Carmen Cortizo

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From the classic contractualist and early declarations of modern rights, discussions on policies for the protection and promotion of human rights were highlighted in an attempt to ensure the realization of human dignity and its values, which are (re) negotiated according to the needs evidenced in each historical and contextual moment. Aiming at guaranteeing human rights to Brazilian citizens, created in 2009 and updated in 2010, the Third National Human Rights Program (PNDH III) in force highlights guidelines and recommendations to guarantee human rights, among them, to guarantee the rights of women in Brazil. Based on this document, this article aims to locate historically and culturally the understanding of human rights related to the rights of women in Brazilian territory, from the analysis of the guiding axes of women's rights of the PNDH III. In methodological terms, the qualitative approach and documentary research were used to analyze the data according to the critical discourse analysis. As a result, it has been found that the process of building and maintaining the guarantee of women's human rights needs a reformulation that also shows a social revolution. This is justified by the fact that even with the provision in the PNDH III that, in order to guarantee the rights of women, it is necessary, for example, to adapt the Penal Code to the decriminalization of abortion and the professionalization of prostitution, these points are still very controversial and are not put into practice by the State. Finally, the importance of the critique of politics and the current system of production of understandings in favor of this social transformation is emphasized.

Keywords: human rights of women, social transformation, national human rights program III, public politics

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Authors: L. Parisi

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Kinematic data wisely correlate vector quantities in space to scalar parameters in time to assess the degree of symmetry between the intact limb and the amputated limb with respect to a normal model derived from the gait of control group participants. Furthermore, these particular data allow a doctor to preliminarily evaluate the usefulness of a certain rehabilitation therapy. Kinetic curves allow the analysis of ground reaction forces (GRFs) to assess the appropriateness of human motion. Electromyography (EMG) allows the analysis of the fundamental lower limb force contributions to quantify the level of gait asymmetry. However, the use of this technological tool is expensive and requires patient’s hospitalization. This research work suggests overcoming the above limitations by applying artificial neural networks.

Keywords: kinetics, kinematics, cyclograms, neural networks, transtibial amputation

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Authors: Jay Prakash Singh

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The aim of the present paper is to study properties of Quasi conformally flat LP-Sasakian manifolds with a coefficient α. In this paper, we prove that a Quasi conformally flat LP-Sasakian manifold M (n > 3) with a constant coefficient α is an η−Einstein and in a quasi conformally flat LP-Sasakian manifold M (n > 3) with a constant coefficient α if the scalar curvature tensor is constant then M is of constant curvature.

Keywords: LP-Sasakian manifolds, quasi-conformal curvature tensor, concircular vector field, torse forming vector field, Einstein manifold

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Authors: Sabrina Howard

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'Window Seat' uses public transportation as an entry point for understanding the relationship between public space, politics, and social identity construction. This project argues that by bringing people of different races, classes, and genders in 'contact' with one another, public transit operates as a site of exposure, as people consciously and unconsciously perform social identity within these spaces. These performances offer a form of freedom that we associate with being in urban spaces while simultaneously rendering certain racialized, gendered, and classed bodies vulnerable to violence. Furthermore, due to its exposing function, public transit operates as a site through which we, as urbanites and scholars, can read social injustice and reflect on the work that is necessary to become a truly democratic society. The major questions guiding this research are: How does using public transit as the entry point provide unique insights into the relationship between social identity, politics, and public space? What ideas do Americans hold about public space and how might these ideas reflect a liberal yearning for a more democratic society? To address these research questions, 'Window Seat' critically examines ethnographic data collected on public buses and trains in Los Angeles, California, and online news media. It analyzes these sources through literature in socio-cultural psychology, sociology, and political science. It investigates the 'everyday urban hero' narrative or popular news stories that feature an individual or group of people acting against discriminatory or 'Anti-American' behavior on public buses and trains. 'Window Seat' studies these narratives to assert that by circulating stories of civility in news media, United Statsians construct and maintain ideas of the 'liberal city,' which is characterized by ideals of freedom and democracy. Furthermore, for those involved, these moments create an opportunity to perform the role of the Good Samaritan, an identity that is wrapped up in liberal beliefs in diversity and inclusion. This research expands conversations in urban studies by making a case for the political significance of urban public space. It demonstrates how these sites serve as spaces through which liberal beliefs are circulated and upheld through identity performance.

Keywords: social identity, public space, public transportation, liberalism

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Authors: Giovanna X. De Moura, Fernando A. Starepravo

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In recent years, the discussion of women in sports has been part of the political agenda in several countries. However, in the Brazilian scope, it is possible to say that women's sport has not become a social problem recognized by political actors and, therefore, it has not entered the country's governmental agenda. Thus, this work aimed to analyze why sport for women is not on the Brazilian government's agenda. For this, it was interviewed six women considered to be stakeholders in sports, that is, women who influence or are influenced by sports. The interviews were based on a semi-structured script and carried out in the year 2022. Due to the difficulties of commuting and of the schedule of the interviewees, some interviews were carried out in person, others by video call or telephone and others by WhatsApp. The interviews were transcribed and analyzed using Bardin's Content Analysis. As a result, from the stakeholders' perception, it was ascertained that women's sport is not considered a political problem because both sport and politics are considered masculinized fields, making it difficult for women to be present in both spaces. Besides, not only the sport of women but sport in general, is seen as just a marketing tool and a way of getting financial return for companies, being neglected in government plans. Due to this fact, private institutions, corporative means, federations and confederations have been mobilized in the creation of policies that seek changes in the current scenario. Despite this, two PLs (PL 6263/2019 and PL 5297/2020) have been in the process since 2019 but have not been approved yet due to the failure to submit amendments within the established deadline. In order to change this reality, the ones surveyed suggested that there should be not only different types of women represented on the most varied fronts of sports but also more visibility of the issue of women in this field. Furthermore, they mentioned the importance of the creation of specific plans and policies that guarantee a safe place for women and that are consolidated as State policies. In addition, the need for more women in political decision-making positions was also mentioned. It was concluded that women's sport appears on the agenda at a secondary level since it is included on the legislative, and political agenda but not in the executive branch. In addition, there is not enough movement and mobilization in favor of women's sports for it to become a discussion in the field of politics. Regarding the Multiple Streams Model, women's sport is present only in the ideas stream, as there are solutions and ideas for improvements in this field. Finally, it was pointed that there is still a strong dependence on the State for the creation of policies that seek improvements in the participation of girls and women in sport, hence, being necessary the creation of multicentric policies, including non-governmental agents in the process of elaborating policies.

Keywords: agenda, politics, stakeholders, women’s sport

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Authors: Kazuma Mizukoshi

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Are electoral politics in contemporary Brazil still local in organization and focus? The importance of this question lies in its paradoxical trajectories. First, often coupled with institutional and sociological ‘barriers’ (e.g. the selection and election of candidates relatively loyal to the local party leadership, the predominance of territorialized electoral campaigns, and the resilience of political clientelism), the regionalization of electoral politics has been a viable and practical solution especially for pragmatic politicians in some Latin American countries. On the other hand, some leftist parties that once served as minor opposition forces at the time of foundational or initial elections have certainly expanded vote shares. Some were eventually capable of holding most (if not a majority) legislative seats since the 1990s. Though not yet rigorously demonstrated, theoretically implicit in the rise of leftist parties in legislative elections is the gradual (if not complete) nationalization of electoral support—meaning the growing equality of a party’s vote share across electoral districts and its change over time. This study will develop four hypotheses to explain the dynamics of party nationalization in contemporary Brazil: district magnitude, ethnic and class fractionalization of each district, voting intentions in federal and state executive elections, and finally the left-right stances of electorates. The study will demonstrate these hypotheses by closely working with the Brazilian Electoral Study (2002-2014).

Keywords: party nationalization, presidential coattails, Left, Brazil

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Authors: A. Hocine, A. Ghouaoula, S. M. Medjdoub, M. Cherifi

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The present paper proposed a meso–macro model describing the mechanical behaviour composite laminates of staking sequence [+θ/-θ]s under tensil loading. The behaviour of a layer is ex-pressed through elasticity coupled to damage. The elastic strain is due to the elasticity of the layer and can be modeled by using the classical laminate theory, and the laminate is considered as an orthotropic material. This means that no coupling effect between strain and curvature is considered. In the present work, the damage is associated to cracking of the matrix and parallel to the fibers and it being taken into account by the changes in the stiffness of the layers. The anisotropic damage is completely described by a single scalar variable and its evolution law is specified from the principle of maximum dissipation. The stress/strain relationship is investigated in plane stress loading.

Keywords: damage, behavior modeling, meso-macro model, composite laminate, membrane loading

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Authors: Shilpa Bagade Poharkar

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The basis for traditional notion of security was the use of force to preserve vital interest which based on either realism or power politics. The modern approach to security extends beyond the traditional notions of security which focus on issues as development and respect for human rights. In global politics, the issue of human security plays a vital role in most of the policy matter. In modern era, the protection of human rights is now recognized as one of the main functions of any legitimate modern state. The research paper will explore the relationship between human rights and security. United Nations is facing major challenges like rampant poverty, refugee outflows, human trafficking, displacement, conflicts, terrorism, intra-inter ethnic conflicts, proliferation of small arms, genocide, piracy, climate change, health issues and so on. The methodology is observed in this paper is doctrinaire which includes analytical and descriptive comparative method. The hypothesis of the paper is the relationship between human rights and a goal of United Nations to attain peace and security. Although previous research has been done in this field but this research paper will try to find out the challenges in the human security through human rights in the contemporary world and will provide measures for it. The study will focus on the following research questions: What are the issues and challenges United Nations facing while advancing human security through human rights? What measures the international community would take for ensuring the protection of human rights while protecting state security and contribute in the attainment of goals of United Nations?

Keywords: human rights, human security, peace, security, United Nations

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Authors: Kirsty Liddiard

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In this paper, we detail the politics and practicalities of co-produced disability research with disabled young people with life-limiting and life-threatening impairments in our ESRC funded project, Life, Death, Disability and the Human: Living Life to the Fullest. We centre our Co-Researcher Collective of disabled young people who, through virtual research methods and social technologies, are co-leading this innovative project exploring the lives, hopes, desires and ambitions of young disabled people living short(er) lives. Co-production is an established approach; however, our co-researchers have led us to develop inclusive and transformative research practices that engage with online social research methods in innovative ways. Through this discussion, we demarcate the Academy and ‘research process’ as potentially deeply ableist spaces that propogate the normative researcher as non-disabled; someone integrated into the Academy and insecure employment; and who enacts normative modes of leadership. We use our experiences of co-production in Living Life to the Fullest, then, to show that research – as a discipline, a set of politics, and scholarly practice – must be transformed in order to enable new inclusive research futures that support meaningful co-production with marginalised young people. In conclusion, as we detail our experiences, we aim to encourage disability studies researchers and others to adopt virtual environments and social technologies when researching with and for the lives of disabled people.

Keywords: co-production, illness, youth, technology

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Authors: Natalie M. Khazaal

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The effects of the civil war on Lebanese women have been challenging to conceptualize. For some, war is a liberating and empowering force for women, while for others it is one that subjugates women and disempowers them in new ways. Scholars have explored the impact on the Lebanese civil war (1975-1990) on women in the fields of labor history, political activism and literary production. In all these arenas, women’s role and visibility were contested and negotiated in diverse ways. But probably the most visible arena where this contestation took place was television. Dramatized entertainment series were crucial sites where fictional women battled out the gender question, and which reflected and participated in the negotiations of gender politics. Even more stunningly, actual television stations became part of this battle through the plots and portrayals of women that they created. The state-backed Tele-Liban (TL) peddled patriarchal articulations of gender that directly competed with the edgy vision of liberated, independent women on the pirate Lebanese Broadcasting Corporation (LBC). This presentation explores how LBC used gender to distinguish its brand against the retrograde TL programing. Television series are an important medium for creating, testing and reenacting gender politics. They are even more consequential in another way. They are the sites where a dramatic shift in the relationship between Arab television and Arab publics—from benign neglect of public concerns towards engagement with audiences—took place for the first time. As this shift is at the heart of why Arab media was seen as a participant in the Arab uprisings, it is important to explore the roots of the shift in the dramas and comedy series of the mid-1980s Lebanese television. This presentation argues that television battles over gender were consequential and need serious consideration as sites of unexpected meaning.

Keywords: gender, Lebanon, television, war, women

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Authors: Faruk Firat Çalim, Nurullah Karaca, Hakan Tacettin Türker

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In this study, out-of-plane free vibrations of a circular rods is investigated theoretically. The governing equations for naturally twisted and curved spatial rods are obtained using Timoshenko beam theory and rewritten for circular rods. Effects of the axial and shear deformations are considered in the formulations. Ordinary differential equations in scalar form are solved analytically by using transfer matrix method. The circular rods of the mass matrix are obtained by using straight rod of consistent mass matrix. Free vibrations frequencies obtained by solving eigenvalue problem. A computer program coded in MATHEMATICA language is prepared. Circular beams are analyzed through various examples for free vibrations analysis. Results are compared with ANSYS results based on finite element method and available in the literature.

Keywords: circular rod, out-of-plane free vibration analysis, transfer matrix method

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Authors: Irina Peterburgsky

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Let T be a unit circumference of a complex plane, E be a Banach space, E* and E** be its conjugate and second conjugate, respectively. In general, a Hardy space Hp(E), p ≥1, where functions act from the open unit disk to E, could contain a function for which even weak nontangential (angular) boundary value in the space E** does not exist at any point of the unit circumference T (C. Grossetete.) The situation is "better" when certain restrictions to the Banach space of values are applied (more or less resembling a classical case of scalar-valued functions depending on constrains, as shown by R. Ryan.) This paper shows that, nevertheless, in the case of a Banach space of a general type, the following positive statement is true: Proposition. For any function f(z) from Hp(E), p ≥ 1, there exists a function F(eiθ) on the unit circumference T to E** whose Poisson (in the Pettis sense) is integral regains the function f(z) on the open unit disk. Some characteristics of the function F(eiθ) are demonstrated.

Keywords: hardy spaces, Banach space-valued function, boundary values, Pettis integral

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Authors: Francesco Pisano

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Islam has been an important topic in Turkey’s institutional identity. Since the dawn of the Turkish Republic, at the end of the First World War, the new Turkish leadership was urged to deal with the religious heritage of the Sultanate. Mustafa Kemal Ataturk, Turkey’s first President, led the country in a process of internal change, substantially modifying not merely the democratic stance of it, but also the way politics was addressing the Muslim faith. Islam was banned from the public sector of the society and was drastically marginalized to the mere private sphere of citizens’ lives. Headscarves were banned from institutional buildings together with any other religious practice, while the country was proceeding down a path of secularism and Westernization. This issue is demonstrated by the fact that even a new elected Prime Minister, Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, was initially barred from taking the institutional position, because of allegations that he had read a religious text while campaigning. Over the years, thanks to this initial internal shift, Turkey has often been seen by Western partners as one of the few countries that had managed to find a perfect balance between a democratic stance and an Islamic inherent nature. In the early 2000s, this led many academics to believe that Ankara could eventually have become the next European capital. Since then, the internal and external landscape of Turkey has drastically changed. Today, religion has returned to be an important point of reference for Turkish politics, considering also the failure of the European negotiations and the always more unstable external environment of the country. This paper wants to address this issue, looking at the important role religion has covered in the Turkish society and the way it has been politicized since the early years of the Republic. It will evolve from a more theoretical debate on secularism and the path of political westernization of Turkey under Ataturk’s rule to a more practical analysis of today’s situation, passing through the failure of Ankara’s accession into the EU and the current tense political relation with its traditional NATO allies. The final objective of this research, therefore, is not to offer a meticulous opinion on Turkey’s current international stance. This issue will be left entirely to the personal consideration of the reader. Rather, it will supplement the existing literature with a comprehensive and more structured analysis on the role Islam has played on Turkish politics since the early 1920s up until the political domestic revolution of the early 2000s, after the first electoral win of the Justice and Development Party (AKP).

Keywords: democracy, Islam, Mustafa Kemal Atatürk, Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, Turkey

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Authors: Xinchen Zhu

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In the history of Chinese-language film, female stars’ acting is connected with issues of national ideology, consumerism, and sexual politics. In the 1980s, Taiwan entered a period of ‘soft authoritarianism’ in which the economy prospered politics became more democratic, and mass culture became more diverse. Film censorship was more flexible and sexual scenes were increasingly shown on screen. Female stars’ bodies were eroticized and commercialized through sexual and nude scenes and, by challenging conservative film censorship and social taboos, became the focus of mass media. This article will explore how discourses in mass media constructed the erotic images of female stars and, conversely, impacted film censorship, filmmakers and film actresses in 1980s’ Taiwan. This article will regard the eroticized female film stars’ acting as a ‘field’ of internal interaction and continuous reproduction, where the ideology of male dominance and voices of female film stars conflict with each other. Based on textual analysis of female stars’ sexual acting and the debate in mass media, the argument is that the eroticized female bodies were gazed upon on and off the screen. In the discourses of mass media, the artistry of actresses’ erotic acting was not only ignored, devalued and delegitimized, these stars were also labelled as ‘undressed star’ or ‘nude star’ and construed as victims of the film industry. However, the female stars were able to speak through mass media platforms, emphasizing their efforts in erotic acting and highlighting modern female subjectivity.

Keywords: sexual scenes, Taiwan female stars, erotic acting, discourses in mass media, female subjectivity

Procedia PDF Downloads 139