Search results for: political violence

Authors: Hafiz Awais Ahmad

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This paper aims to examine the root causes of gender-based violence (GBV) in Pakistan and proposes strategies to address this issue. Using a qualitative approach, this study analyzed data from various sources, including interviews with survivors of GBV and experts in the field. The findings revealed that GBV in Pakistan is deeply rooted in patriarchal attitudes and practices, economic insecurity, lack of education, and limited access to justice. The study recommends a multi-faceted approach to address GBV, including legislative reforms, awareness-raising campaigns, economic empowerment, and improved access to justice for survivors. Furthermore, the study highlights the importance of engaging men and boys in efforts to address GBV and promote gender equality. The findings of this study have important implications for policy-makers, practitioners, and researchers working towards ending GBV in Pakistan.

Keywords: gender-based violence, Pakistan, legislative reforms, advocacy

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Authors: Samitharathana R. Wadigala

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The peace will not be established until the self-consciousness would reveal in the human beings. In this nuclear age, the establishment of a lasting peace on the earth represents the primary condition for the preservation of human civilization and survival of human beings. Nothing perhaps is so important and indispensable as the achievement and maintenance of peace in the modern world today. Peace in today’s world implies much more than the mere absence of war and violence. In the interdependent world of today the United Nations needs to be representative of the modern world and democratic in its functioning because it came into existence to save the generations from the scourge of war and conflict. Buddhism is the religion of peaceful co-existence and philosophy of enlightenment. Violence and conflict from the perspective of the Buddhist theory of interdependent origination (Paṭiccasamuppāda) are same with everything else in the world a product of causes and conditions. Buddhism is totally compatible with the congenial and peaceful global order. The canonical literature, doctrines, and philosophy of Buddhism are the best suited for inter-faith dialogue, harmony, and universal peace. Even today Buddhism can resurrect the universal brotherhood, peaceful co-existence and harmonious surroundings in the comity of nations. With its increasing vitality in regions around the world, many people today turn to Buddhism for relief and guidance at the time when peace seems to be a deferred dream more than ever. From a Buddhist point of view the roots of all unwholesome actions (Conflict) i. e. greed, hatred and delusion are viewed as the root cause of all human conflicts. Conflict often emanates from attachment to material things: pleasures, property, territory, wealth, economic dominance or political superiority. Buddhism has some particularly rich resources for deployment in dissolving conflict. Buddhism addresses the Buddhist perspective on the causes of conflict and ways to resolve conflict to realize world peace. The world has enough to satisfy every body’s needs but not every body’s greed.

Keywords: Buddhism, conflict-violence, peace, self-consciousness

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Authors: S. Pison

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The objective of presenting this article is to analyze between Thai’s film and Thai society in political crisis, to study the development and trend of the film which reflects society in Thailand from political crisis of 14 October 1973 and the present day political crisis using a comparative study of the two era, both the similarities and differences in the film reflects the society in an era of change.

Keywords: film, political, neo-realism, social, Thailand

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Authors: V. U. Onyemauwa

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Conflicts have always been part of human societies. So long as there is interaction amongst individuals or societies, there are bound to be conflicts as a result of the fact that interests among individuals and societies vary. The issue of conflict has become one of the regular headlines in the daily news of the Nigerian and global media today. Nigerian polity has suffered from one conflict or another, ranging from religious, civil, political, cultural, regional and ethnic violence. It has been found out that, the most disturbing part of these acts of conflicts in Nigeria and around the globe is that most of them have traced their roots to religion. Even some perpetrators of these acts of conflicts most of the time justify their actions with religion, thereby wrongly making religion an object of conflict and violence. In this regard, the study seeks to project religion as a potent tool for conflict resolution because it has a way of permeating through the hearts of men. It has a special responsibility of identifying conflicts and proffer solutions. It also has to provide theological reasoning as to why and how these conflicts come about and how they can possibly be solved. Religious actors are known to contribute to the processes of structural reform necessary for the restoration of productive social relations and political stability after a period of conflict and human rights abuses. The study examines the modalities for projecting religious conflict management strategies in Nigeria using an analysis of relevant documents as well as Black’s Social Control Theory and Thomas-Kilmann’s Model of Conflict Management as its theoretical frameworks. It recommends for a religiously-based means of conflict resolution in Nigeria. Religious individuals and faith-based organisations, as carriers of religious ideas are implore to play active roles in conflict resolution and peace-building in Nigeria by creating conducive environment for peaceful talks, mediation and reconciliation. This will enhance social cohesion, provides solid foundation for peace, progress and development in the society.

Keywords: conflict, peace, religion, resolution

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Authors: Chanokporn Angsuviriya

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The objective of the study is to analyse linguistic devices reflecting the violence in the south border provinces; namely Pattani, Yala, Narathiwat and Songkla on 1,344 front pages of three local newspapers; namely ChaoTai, Focus PhakTai and Samila Time and of two national newspapers, including ThaiRath and Matichon, between 2004 and 2005, and 2011 and 2012. The study shows that there are two important linguistic devices: 1) lexical choices consisting of the use of verbs describing violence, the use of quantitative words and the use of words naming someone who committed violent acts, and 2) metaphors consisting of “a violent problem is heat”, “a victim is a leaf”, and “a terrorist is a dog”. Comparing linguistic devices between two types of newspapers, national newspapers choose to use words more violently than local newspapers do. Moreover, they create more negative images of the south of Thailand by using stative verbs. In addition, in term of metaphors “a terrorist is a fox.” is only found in national newspapers. As regards naming terrorists “southern insurgents”, this noun phrase which is collectively called by national newspapers has strongly negative meaning. Moreover, “southern insurgents” have been perceived by the Thais in the whole country while “insurgents” that are not modified have been only used by local newspapers.

Keywords: linguistic devices, local newspapers, national newspapers, violence

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Authors: Irfan Khan

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Both the analytical methods used to understand the phenomena of peacebuilding and the ensuing viewpoints on achieving and sustaining "sustainable peace" are broad and diverse. This new field of study draws from sociology, anthropology, political theory, and political economy, psychology, international relations, and more recently, the development sciences to examine the wide range of 'conflicts' it describes. This paper emphasizes the significance of investigating the causes of juvenile disputes. It explains how police corruption encourages youth crime and why it's so important to address this issue head-on. It also examines the historical foundations and external pressures that have increased religious extremism and sectarian strife in Pakistan. The primary argument is that peace is not only a desirable 'goal' in itself but also that it may be a means to achieve political stability and long-term prosperity. Strategies for constructing peace may take many shapes, each tailored to the specifics of a given conflict, its scope, and the individuals involved. By drawing on some existing literature and applying it to the situation in Pakistan, this article proposes a viewpoint that centers on the participation of young people in the peacebuilding process. Due to their enhanced susceptibility and penchant for demanding change, young people are more likely to get involved in a conflict when economic failure and unemployment are present. The piece also emphasizes the marginalization young people experience as a result of their absence from decision-making processes and the political system. The article claims that Pakistan's rapidly growing young population presents a significant chance for a long-term "demographic dividend" in the form of improvements in peacebuilding processes. This benefit will only materialize if serious steps are taken to increase young people's voice and agency in political decision-making.

Keywords: peacebuilding, youth-led initiatives, empowerment, conflict & violence, religious extremism, political involvement, decision-making

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Authors: Mabroka B. Al-Werfalli

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This paper looks at some aspects of Libya’s political culture relating to corruption and tries to map the links that bond political alienation to corruption. The subject was approached by surveying opinion. The study, of which culture of corruption was part, concerned the phenomena of political alienation in Libya. It was based on a survey conducted in winter 2001 and targeted a sample of 877 participants from the city of Benghazi. The questions were designed to determine the extent to which corruption is seen, by the Libyans, as a national problem. It also describes perceptions about levels, types and causes of corruption; trust in governmental institutions and senior officials of the State and assessments of anti-corruption regulations and actions taken by the regime.

Keywords: anti-corruption, corruption, culture of corruption, participating in corruption, political alienation, political culture

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Authors: Christian Bruss, Simona Gamba, Davide Azzolini, Federico Podestà

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In this paper, the authors assess the impact of different political and environmental shocks on the size and on the age and gender composition of asylum-related migration flows to Europe. With this paper, the authors contribute to the literature by looking at the impact of different political and environmental shocks on the gender and age composition of migration flows in addition to the size of these flows. Conflicting theories predict different outcomes concerning the relationship between political and environmental shocks and the migration flows composition. Analyzing the relationship between the causes of migration and the composition of migration flows could yield more insights into the mechanisms behind migration decisions. In addition, this research may contribute to better informing national authorities in charge of receiving these migrant, as women and children/the elderly require different assistance than young men. To be prepared to offer the correct services, the relevant institutions have to be aware of changes in composition based on the shock in question. The authors analyze the effect of different types of shocks on the number, the gender and age composition of first time asylum seekers originating from 154 sending countries. Among the political shocks, the authors consider: violence between combatants, violence against civilians, infringement of political rights and civil liberties, and state terror. Concerning environmental shocks, natural disasters (such as droughts, floods, epidemics, etc.) have been included. The data on asylum seekers applying to any of the 32 Schengen Area countries between 2008 and 2015 is on a monthly basis. Data on asylum applications come from Eurostat, data on shocks are retrieved from various sources: georeferenced conflict data come from the Uppsala Conflict Data Program (UCDP), data on natural disasters from the Centre for Research on the Epidemiology of Disasters (CRED), data on civil liberties and political rights from Freedom House, data on state terror from the Political Terror Scale (PTS), GDP and population data from the World Bank, and georeferenced population data from the Socioeconomic Data and Applications Center (SEDAC). The authors adopt a Difference-in-Differences identification strategy, exploiting the different timing of several kinds of shocks across countries. The highly skewed distribution of the dependent variable is taken into account by using count data models. In particular, a Zero Inflated Negative Binomial model is adopted. Preliminary results show that different shocks - such as armed conflict and epidemics - exert weak immediate effects on asylum-related migration flows and almost non-existent effects on the gender and age composition. However, this result is certainly affected by the fact that no time lags have been introduced so far. Finding the correct time lags depends on a great many variables not limited to distance alone. Therefore, finding the appropriate time lags is still a work in progress. Considering the ongoing refugee crisis, this topic is more important than ever. The authors hope that this research contributes to a less emotionally led debate.

Keywords: age, asylum, Europe, forced migration, gender

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Authors: Shabnam Dadparvar, Laijin Shen, Farzad Ravanbod

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Nowadays, the political phenomenon of terrorism is considered as an effective factor on political, social, and economic changes. It has replaced the recognized political phenomena such as revolutions, wars (total war among two or more political units with distinct identities in the form of national states), coups d’état, insurgencies and etc. and has challenged political life in all its levels (sub national, national, and international political groups). In this paper by using descriptive-analytical method, the authors try to explain the spread of this political phenomenon across the world, its definition and types, also analyze different approaches to understand it. The authors believe that the Logical-Rational approach is the best way to explain and understand this phenomenon.

Keywords: logical approach, psychological- social approach, religious approach, terrorism

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Authors: Srikanth Bade

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This paper discusses how the usage of social media has altered certain discourses and communicated with the political institutions for major actions in Indian scenario. The advent of new technology in the form of social media has engrossed the general public to discuss in the open forum. How they promulgated their ideas into action is captured in this study. Moreover, these discourses happening in the social media is analyzed from certain philosophical traditions by adopting a framework. Hence, this paper analyses the role of social media in political communication and change the political discourse. Also, this paper tries to address the issue that whether the deliberation made through social media had indeed communicated the issue of political matters to the decision making authorities.

Keywords: collective action and social capital, political communication, political discourse, social media

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Authors: Minjeoung Kim

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Since women obtained the right to vote in 1893 for the first time in New Zealand, they have tried to participate actively into politics but still the world has a few women in political leadership. The article asks which factors might influence the appearance of women leadership in politics. The article investigates two factors such as political context, personal factors. Countries where economic development is stable and political democracy is consolidated have a tendency of appearance of women political leadership but in less developed and politically unstable countries, women politicians can be in power with their own reasons. For the personal factor, their feminist propensity is studied but there is no relationship between the appearance of women leaders and their feminist propensity.

Keywords: women political leadership, political context, slow track, transitory countries, feminist propensity

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Authors: Marie E. Docken

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At some point in the lifecycle of a country, patterns of political and social unrest of varying degrees are observed. Events involving public disorder or civil disobedience may produce effects that range a wide spectrum of varying outcomes, depending on the level of unrest. Many previous studies, primarily theoretical in nature, have attempted to measure public disorder in answering why or how it occurs in society by examining causal factors or underlying issues in the social or political position of a population. The main objective in doing so is to understand how these activities evolve or seek some predictive capability for the events. In contrast, this research involves the fusion of analytics and social studies to provide more knowledge of the public disorder and civil disobedience intensity in populations. With a greater understanding of the magnitude of these events, it is believed that we may learn how they relate to extreme actions such as mass migration or violence. Upon establishing a model for measuring civil unrest based upon empirical data, a case study on various Latin American countries is performed. Interpretations of historical events are combined with analytical results to provide insights regarding the magnitude and effect of social and political activism.

Keywords: public disorder, civil disobedience, Latin America, metrics, data analysis

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Authors: Saba Nuzhat

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The present ethnographic study examines how domestic violence and authoritative knowledge affect the reproductive health of females; in terms of contraceptive behavior and induced abortion. This qualitative study has been conducted by collecting in depth informal interviews and case studies of 12 female respondents living in an urban slum of Keraniganj, located Dhaka city. The study depicts how multivariable factors are linked to a woman’s ability to contracept and make abortion decisions in a cultural context where being a wife infers to submission, limited mobility, sexual availability, and restricted autonomy on her own reproduction health. This study shows how violence is being normalized and socially acceptable, every time women do not adhere to go through expected gender roles. The study primarily explores the subjective experiences and perceptions of the females about contraceptive behavior as well as abortions from a medical anthropological perspective. A number of salient examples are highlighted into this paper where women who go through abortion or adopt various measures of contraceptives get highly influenced by authoritative knowledge or under the pressure of male dominance. The lack of female autonomy or prevalence of domestic violence challenges the gender equality of Bangladeshi society and female sovereignty in accessing sexual or reproductive rights. This paper remarks the significance of medical anthropological research that helps to understand the intricate interrelationship between authoritative knowledge and male dominance with female reproductive health in order to reduce women’s risk of experiencing domestic violence and to promote reproductive health autonomy for themselves for espousing contraceptive behaviors and abortion decisions.

Keywords: abortion, authoritative knowledge, contraception, domestic violence, reproductive health

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Authors: Ngwako Daniel Sebola

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Introductory Statement: Religions are necessary as they offer and teach something to their adherence. People in one religion may not have a complete understanding of the Supreme Being (Deity) in a certain religion other than their own. South Africa, like other countries in the world, consists of various religions, including Christianity. Almost 80% of South African population adheres to the Christian faith, though in different denominations and sects. Each church fulfils spiritual needs that perhaps others cannot fill. African Independent Churches is one of the denominations in the country. These churches arose as a protest to the Western forms and expressions of Christianity. Their major concern was to develop an indigenous expression of Christianity. The relevance of African Independent Churches includes addressing the needs of the people holistically. Controlling diseases was an important aspect of change in different historical periods. Through healing services, leaders of African churches are able to attract many followers. The healing power associated with the founders of many African Initiated Churches leads to people following and respecting them as true leaders within many African communities. Despite its strong points, African Independent Churches, like many others, face a variety of challenges, especially conflicts. Ironically, destructive conflicts resulted in violence.. Such violence demonstrates a lack of informed religious orientation among those concerned. This paper investigates and analyses the causes of conflict and violence in the African Independent Church. The researcher used the Shembe and International Pentecostal Holiness Churches, in South Africa, as a point of departure. As a solution to curb violence, the researcher suggests useful strategies in handling conflicts. Methodology: Comparative and qualitative approaches have been used as methods of collecting data in this research. The intention is to analyse the similarities and differences of violence among members of the Shembe and International Pentecostal Holiness Churches. Equally important, the researcher aims to obtain data through interviews, questionnaires, focus groups, among others. The researcher aims to interview fifteen individuals from both churches. Finding: Leadership squabbles and power struggle appear to be the main contributing factors of violence in many Independent Churches. Ironically, violence resulted in the loss of life and destruction of properties, like in the case of the Shembe and International Pentecostal Holiness Churches. Violence is an indication that congregations and some leaders have not been properly equipped to deal with conflict. Concluding Statement: Conflict is a common part of every human existence in any given community. The concern is when such conflict becomes contagious; it leads to violence. There is a need to understand consciously and objectively towards devising the appropriate measures to handle the conflict. Conflict management calls for emotional maturity, self-control, empathy, patience, tolerance and informed religious orientation.

Keywords: African, church, religion, violence

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Authors: Fatemeh Abdollahi, Munn-Sann Lye, Jamshid Yazdani Charati, Mehran Zarghami

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Background: In March 2020, the World Health Organization (WHO) declared the outbreak of a new coronavirus disease, COVID-19, as a public health concern and pandemic. This situation is generating psychological consequences such as stress, anxiety, depression, and intimate partner violence (IPV) throughout the population. This is a brief note on the magnitude of this threat and different ways for abused women to minimize the effects of it in their daily life. Methods: A literature review was conducted using the MEDLINE, PSYCHINFO, and SCIENCE DIRECT databases. The keywords used included intimate partner violence, abuse, victims, pandemic, quarantine, coronavirus, and COVID-19. A Google search was also conducted using these words to identify reports published in non-indexed health care and social science journals. The literature search was restricted to English language studies. Results: The prevalence of IPV and its consequences are rising during such a pandemic. Having sufficient support from healthcare workers and acquaintances is critical for women in such circumstances. Conclusion: Community members, healthcare providers, governments, and policymakers should be informed of the increased risk of IPV during such a pandemic. They should provide a supporting structure for abused women. Social networking is also a good approach that could help abusive women during this situation.

Keywords: covid-19, intimate partner violence, pandemic, women

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Authors: Peiran Ma

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This study explored the role of political polarization in an individual's decision of receiving the COVID-19 vaccine. A total of 15 participants participated in individual interviews and focus group discussions about the relationships among domestic political polarization, vaccine hesitancy, and behavioral responses to the COVID-19 pandemic. Political affiliation affected an individual’s decision on the COVID-19 vaccination, such that people who identified as Liberals and Democrats were more accepting of the vaccine. On the other hand, the level of influence declined over time (2020-2022) when the general conception of COVID-19 immunization shifted from political to personal. Results provided qualitative support to the previously identified positive relationship between divided political opinions and COVID-19 vaccine hesitancy and highlighted the decreasing trend in the power of political polarization in vaccination and the existence of other factors.

Keywords: COVID-19, vaccine hesitancy, political polarization, partisanship, ideology

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Authors: A. Saimen, E. Armstrong, C. Manitshana

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Intimate partner violence (IPV) has been recognised as a global human rights violation. It is universally under diagnosed and the institution of timeous multi-faceted interventions has been noted to benefit IPV victims. Currently, the concept of using a screening tool to detect IPV has not been widely explored in a primary healthcare setting in South Africa, and it was for this reason that this study has been undertaken. A systematic random sampling of 1 in 8 women over a period of 3 months was conducted prospectively at the OPD of a Level 1 Hospital. Participants were asked about their experience of IPV during the past 12 months. The WAST-short, a two-question tool, was used to screen patients for IPV. To verify the result of the screening, women were also asked the remaining questions from the WAST. Data was collected from 400 participants, with a response rate of 99.3%. The prevalence of IPV in the sample was 32%. The WAST-short was shown to have the following operating characteristics: sensitivity 45.2%, specificity 98%,positive predictive value 98%, negative predictive value 79%. The WAST-short lacks sufficient sensitivity and therefore is not an ideal screening tool for this setting. Improvement in the sensitivity of the WAST-short in this setting may be achieved by lowering the threshold for a positive result for IPV screening, and modification of the screening questions to better reflect IPV as understood by the local population.

Keywords: domestic violence, intimate partner violence, screening, screening tools

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Authors: Sergey Chirun

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Using of a combination of institutional analysis and network access has allowed the author to identify the characteristics of the informal institutions of regional political power and political regimes. According to the author, ‘field’ of activity of post-Soviet regimes, formed under the influence of informal institutions, often contradicts democratic institutional regional changes which are aimed at creating of a legal-rational type of political domination and balanced model of separation of powers. This leads to the gap between the formal structure of institutions and the real nature of power, predetermining the specific character of the existing political regimes.

Keywords: authoritarianism, institutions, political regime, social networks, transformation

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Authors: Iva Trako, Maris Micaela Sviatschi, Guadalupe Kavanaugh

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Domestic violence is a major concern in developing countries, with important social, economic and health consequences. However, institutions do not usually address the problems facing women or ethnic and religious minorities. For example, the police do very little to stop domestic violence in rural areas of developing countries. This paper exploits the introduction of women’s justice centers (WJCs) in Peru to provide causal estimates on the effects of improving access to justice for women and children. These centers offer a new integrated public service model for women by including medical, psychological and legal support in cases of violence against women. Our empirical approach uses a difference in difference estimation exploiting variation over time and space in the opening of WJC together with province-by-year fixed effects. Exploiting administrative data from health providers and district attorney offices, we find that after the opening of these centers, there are important improvements on women's welfare: a large reduction in femicides and female hospitalizations for assault. Moreover, using geo-coded household surveys we find evidence that the existence of these services reduces domestic violence, improves women's health, increases women's threat points and, therefore, lead to household decisions that are more aligned with their interests. Using administrative data on the universe of schools, we find large gains on human capital for their children: affected children are more likely to enroll, attend school and have better grades in national exams, instead of working for the family. In sum, the evidence in this paper shows that providing access to justice for women can be a powerful tool to reduce domestic violence and increase education of children, suggesting a positive inter-generational benefit.

Keywords: access to justice, domestic violence, education, household bargaining

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Authors: Mehar Pruthi, Manjula V.

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For the longest time, Indian households have been hosts to a variety of domestic evils such as intimate partner violence, physical abuse, sexual assaults, and more commonly gender-based violence. The prevalence of such heinous acts against women is often swept under the carpet of patriarchy and leaves women scarred. Many times, these wounds are caused by more insidious and subtle acts of violence. For this study, the choice of term for these acts is Emotional Abuse. The ill effects of emotional abuse on the victim’s sense of self and psychological health have been widely established. The current study takes a qualitative approach to explore women’s experiences at the brunt of emotional abuse. To this end, six participants (N=6) were identified using purposive and snowball sampling which was followed by a pre-screening form to assess for the presence of emotional abuse. A semi-structured interview guide was employed to investigate the victim’s perception of emotional abuse, the manifestation of emotional abuse in a patriarchal society, and the reasons women remain in abusive relationships. Each interview lasted about 50-60 mins and was accompanied by extensive note-making. A preliminary analysis of the interviews was done using the Interpretative Phenomenological Approach. Initial findings reveal the emergence of themes such as feelings of loneliness, intergenerational transmission of violence, denial, justifying the partner’s behavior, staying because of children, hoping things would change, and faith in God. The study is instrumental in conceptualizing the patterns of emotional abuse keeping in mind the patriarchal context of the Indian society. It has implications for professionals in the mental health field who work with this population so they can better understand their plight. Future research could focus on rebuilding relationships for those partners who decide to sustain such relationships and focus on various coping mechanisms with special emphasis on religious beliefs.

Keywords: emotional abuse, gender-based violence, intimate partner violence, marriage, patriarchy

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Authors: Christian Nounkeu Tatchou

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The concept of mediatization of politics describes changes with regards to media and politics, as the political sphere is increasingly shaped by the media and conforms to its logic. The mediatization of politics in established democracies of the West has been the object of several researches. However, there is an overwhelming paucity of literature on this reconfiguration of the political life around the media in the emerging democracies of the Sub-Saharan Africa. A majority of Sub-Saharan countries have been progressively experiencing the modernization of their societies and significant developments with respect to political communication since the early 1990s. This has been facilitated by factors such as the adoption of democratic reforms, the development of mass media, the advent of social media and the rapid spread of new information and communication technologies. Thus, this paper investigates the extent to which political communication in Sub-Saharan Africa is mediatized, especially with regards to the social media. Through in-depths interviews with twenty political leaders and political observers in Cameroon and Ghana, this article argues that the social media has become the main arena of voters’ mobilization and political participation in Sub-Saharan Africa. However, a greater extent of freedom for political activism on social media is observed in the new democracy of Ghana, unlike in the enduring authoritarian political system of Cameroon where the government attempts to control the use and content of political discourse on social media.

Keywords: mediatization, political communication, social media, sub-saharan africa

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Authors: Niina Meriläinen

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Digital platforms are arenas for dialogue, various kinds of political debates, information and news gathering, policymaking, and social change processes. Human rights serve as examples of social and political issues that are universally noted as principles and yet often violated on digital platforms as well as in the analog world. Digital platforms in this study are different Internet sites, blogs, discussion platforms, social media apps, and gaming. Various actors, from human rights activists and non-governmental organizations to individual people, governments, and corporations, use digital platforms along with analog arenas to discuss and defend human rights, while violators can find new victims and continue violating rights on the same platforms. Digital platforms create opportunities for various women and minorities to empower themselves and others and to be active in various arenas of society and policymaking. At the same time, digital platforms pose threats to human rights globally, especially to women, girls, and minorities. The results of this meta-study of n=120 academic case studies indicate that more research is needed to determine the framework of human rights and human rights on digital platforms. A broad discussion must be had on what human rights require in the digital realm and how ICTs may enhance or threaten our ability to respect, protect, and fulfill a wide variety of human rights while various digital platforms pose multiple threats to human rights. This relates to the willingness of political decision-makers to act upon various crimes committed on and with online platforms. More research is needed to determine the framework of digital human rights and human rights on digital platforms in relation to political communication and decision-making. It is important to develop a framework in which these are defined. It must be discussed who participates in this process: those whose rights are violated, companies that profit by selling our personal data, activists, governments, and some unknown actors. In the end, the question comes back to who has the power to define what we talk about, when, and where. This use of power plays a big role. Digital platforms illustrate the darker side of technological progress, which, on the one hand, has given various people the possibility to engage in society, empower themselves, and take ownership of their rights globally. At the same time, the platforms enable others to use the same platforms to find victims, abuse them, and exploit them. Bullying, harassment, and violence are rampant on various digital platforms, where minorities and people with limited support are victims. There is indeed a need for a discussion of normative values in the era of fake news, the power of influencers, Trumpism, and institutionalized disregard for human rights, gender equality, and the elimination of gender-based violence online. Attention and obligations must be placed on politicians and internet architecture, such as corporations, and their roles in human rights and their violations online.

Keywords: human rights, digital platforms, violations, internet, social media

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Authors: Charlene Petersen, Herman Grobler, Karel Botha

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Restorative intervention with adolescents from a family violence context is a much needed resource given the limited access to mental health services in South Africa. In this research article the qualitative component which formed part of a mixed methods design of an overall research study, is discussed. A qualitative case study design was used. This article explores a psycho-education strategy, using a visual creative medium as a method for reconstructing identity in the context of family violence. The aim of this psycho-education strategy was to move away from interventions based on the biomedical model, but focused more on meaning-making about violent traumatic events adolescents have experienced, and to develop more positive, adaptive views about themselves in the present, and experience hope about the future. The research question that was asked was how the meaning, that adolescents from a specific community in South Africa give to family violence, contribute to defining their identity? Twelve participants were purposively selected for the study and included both male and female adolescents with ages ranging from 15 to 18 years from three secondary schools. The strategy was applied over five sessions with the intention to bring about awareness of different selves, identifying and naming the selves, and becoming aware of the configuration of identity that could lead to a redefined identity. The data were thematically and visually analyzed. Through the process of tailoring which forms the basis for reconstruction process, participants could identify the different selves, become aware of how they configure in the field. Through the process of tailoring the different self-parts, the sense of self became more self-cohesive and allowed the individual to become aware of the role of certain. Through identifying and naming the future self and resilient self the participants were able to accomplish some order and meaning in their lives. It provided them with a sense of predictability and an optimistic and hopefulness towards the future. The research findings indicated that this strategy can be used as a method for reconstructing identity in the context of family violence.

Keywords: identity, family violence, self-configuration, reconstructing identity, psycho-education strategy

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Authors: Simegn Alemayehu Ayele

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Abstract: On November 4, 2020, the Ethiopian government launched a military operation against the Tigray People's Liberation Front (TPLF) in Ethiopia's Tigray Province, sparking the beginning of the Tigray War. This study focuses on the most recent Tigray War as it explores the effects of the civil war on Ethiopia's import and export activity. This study examines the consequences of violence on Ethiopia's trade relations, including its trading partners, export volume, and import requirements, using a combination of qualitative and quantitative data. The research outcome showed that Ethiopia's trade activities have suffered significantly as a result of the Tigray conflict, with both imports and exports declining. Particularly, the violence has hampered logistics and transportation networks, which has reduced the number of products exported and imported. Furthermore, the conflict has weakened Ethiopia's trading relationships and reduced demand for Ethiopian commodities. The survey also reveals that some of Ethiopia's major trade routes have been closed as a result of the conflict, severely restricting trade activities. These findings underline the necessity for political stability and conflict resolution procedures to support the nation's import and export activity by indicating that civil war has substantial repercussions for Ethiopia's economic development and trade activities.

Keywords: import demands, logistic networks, trade partiners, trade relatinships

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Authors: Ayesha Ashfaq, Muhammad Ajmal Ashfaq

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It has been assumed that metaphorical and symbolic contests are waged with metaphors, captions, and signs in political cartoons that play a significant role in image construction of political actors, situations or events in the political arena. This paper is an effort to explore the metaphorical devices in political cartoons related to the political confrontation in Pakistan between the ruling party Pakistan Muslim League Nawaz (PMLN) and opposition parties especially after Panama leaks. For this purpose, political cartoons sketched by five renowned political cartoonists on the basis of their belongings to the most highly circulated mainstream English newspapers of Pakistan and their professional experiences in their genre, were selected. The cartoons were analyzed through the Barthes’s model of Semiotics under the umbrella of the first level of agenda setting theory ‘framing’. It was observed that metaphorical devices in political cartoons are one of the key weapons of cartoonists’ armory. These devices are used to attack the candidates and contribute to the image and character building. It was found that all the selected political cartoonists used different forms of metaphors including situational metaphors and embodying metaphors. Not only the physical stature but also the debates and their activities were depicted metaphorically in the cartoons that create the scenario of comparison between the cartoons and their real political confrontation. It was examined that both forms of metaphors shed light on cartoonist’s perception and newspaper’s policy about political candidates, political parties and particular events. In addition, it was found that zoomorphic metaphors and metaphors of diminishments were also predominantly used to depict the conflict between two said political actors.

Keywords: metaphor, Panama leaks, political cartoons, political communication

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Authors: Alexandra Serra, Nadia Torrão, Rui G. Serôdio, José A. Lima

Abstract:

The present study aimed to evaluate the incidence and the prevalence of domestic violence legitimatory beliefs, emotional regulation difficulties and, early maladaptive schemas regarding intimidate partner violence in a sample of 50 Portuguese inmates. As expected, results show high levels of legitimatory beliefs, significant difficulties of emotional regulation and a set of high levels of early maladaptive schemas that clearly compromise the inmates affective-cognitive functioning. The most prevalent set of maladaptive schemas are associated with depression, anxiety, hostility, reduced ability to empathize and, dependence on the approval of others, which, combined, may trigger aggressive responses towards the intimate’s partner. Being victimized in their childhood and having committing murder are not differentiating factors on the measures we analyzed, but alcohol consumption may be associated with an intensification of domestic violence legitimatory beliefs. In the discussion of our findings, we compare the pattern of the psychosocial measures we used with the equivalent results obtained with convicted individuals that attend a community compulsory program, specifically designed for domestic violence perpetrators. We also highlight the importance of implementing specialized interventions in prison settings focusing on an evidence-based-practice.

Keywords: affective-cognitive functioning, intimate partner offenders, psychological research with inmates

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Authors: Baljit Soroya

Abstract:

Transnational communities are as a consequence of greater mobility of people, globalization and digitization have had a major impact on international relations and diasporas in the context of external conflicts. To a significant extent conflicts are becoming deterritorialised and informed by both internal (state politics) and external (foreign policy) players such as in Iraq and Syria leading to forced migration of unprecedented levels within the last two decades. The situation of forced migrants has, it is suggested, worsened as a consequence of the neo-liberal policies and requirements of organizations such as the European Bank. A case example of this being that of Greece, and the exacerbation of insecurity for Greek nationals and the demonization of refugees seeking sanctuary. This has been as a consequence, in part, of the neoliberal dogma of the European Bank. The article analyses the complex intersection of the real and perceived threats of international terrorism and the manner in which UK migration policy and Practice is unfolding. The policy and practice developments are explored in the context of the shift in politics in both the UK and wider Europe to the far right and the drift of main stream political parties to the right. In many cases, the mainstream political groupings, have co-opted the fears as presented by far right organization for political their own political gains, such as in the UK and France In its analysis it will be argued that, whilst international terrorism is an issue of concern, however in the context of the UK it is not of the same scale as the effects of climate change or indeed domestic violence. Given that, the question has to be asked why the threat of international terrorism is having such an impact on UK migration policy and practice and, specifically refugees. Furthermore, it is argued that this policy and practice are being formulated within a narrative that portrays migrants as the problem both in relation to terrorism and the disenfranchisement of ‘ordinary white communities’. The intersectionality of social, economic inequalities, fear of international terrorism, increase in conflicts and the political climate have contributed to a lack of trust of political establishments that have in turn sought to impress the public with their anti-immigrant rhetoric and policy agendas. The article ends by suggesting that whilst politics and political affiliations have become fractured there are nevertheless spaces for collective action, particularly in relation to issues of refugees.

Keywords: international terrorism, migration policy, conflict, media, community, politics

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Authors: Djehich Mohamed Yousri

Abstract:

This research deals with an important issue in Islamic political thought, which is the relationship of ethics to the Islamic political system. This is done by following the legal politics books and analyzing their texts in order to reach the moral values on which the political system in Islam is based, starting from the concept of politics to the political principles and conditions of the ruler and the reasons for his removal and the conditions of those authorized to choose him, and ending with the ruler’s relationship with his people, and the relationship of the Islamic state with other countries. The research concluded that moral values are the basis of the political system in Islam, and the reason for this is due to the fact that Islam is a religion and a global and realistic human system that embraces morals and higher values in order to preserve its lofty message and calls for brotherhood, love, and justice and does not harm human morals. And if the reality of politics in the Islamic world today is not related to the moral values and the lofty message of Islam, this research tries to show the origins of political theory in Islam, and the purpose of the Islamic political system, towards the morality of politics.

Keywords: moral, politics, islam, political system, islamic political system

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Authors: Mingaile Jurkute, Vilnius University

Abstract:

The memory of the Lithuanian partisan war (1944-1953) underwent extremely dramatic transformations. During this war, the image of the resistance and a partisan was one of the key elements of Lithuanian identity. Its importance is evidenced by the extremely large legacy of songs about partisans, no other topic has collected so much folklore in Lithuania. In the Soviet years, this resistance was practically forced to be forgotten. Terror and Soviet laws have forced people to stop talking about the events, even in the family circle. In addition, the Soviets created their own propaganda story, reinterpreting the Lithuanian partisan war, presenting partisans as bandits who brutally tortured and murdered locals. But even in the Soviet years, the memory could neither be completely suppressed, nor completely transformed into wishful shape. The analysis of fiction and cinema shows that the traumatic memory of real events rushed to the surface, thus transforming the very propagandistic narrative. After the restoration of the Republic of Lithuania in 1990, the Lithuanian partisan war was gradually returned to the central place of Lithuanian history. After 2014 the nationalist heroic narrative about Lithuanian partisans became the central narrative of modern Lithuanian history. Nevertheless, interviews I conducted in Lithuanian villages reveal that the memory of local communities and families preserves quite different experiences that do not fit into neither the Soviet narrative nor the heroic one. Such experiences include, for example, partisan violence against local families. This paper is about the efforts of two political ideologies (the Soviet and the Lithuanian patriotic) to use the history of the Lithuanian partisans for their own needs, and the attempts of small communities (mostly families) to resist these efforts. The research reveals that family memory, even when opposed to aggressive state memory policies, can preserve counter-narratives by exploiting unexpected objects beyond the control of the state, such as nature and wildlife. Basically, the paper analyses the limits of the instrumentalization of memory, even by extremely aggressive political regimes.

Keywords: collective memory, post-memory, violence, military conflict, family memory

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Authors: Karin Schoenpflug, Christine M. Klapeer

Abstract:

In a large study for the Vienna City Council’s Antidiscrimination unit (WASt) an interdisciplinary team (in the fields of economics, sociology and political science) working with urban economics, critical citizenship studies, the sociology of work & inequality and urban political/human geography conducted an online survey asking LGBTIs (lesbians, gays, bisexuals, transgender and intersex people) in Vienna detailed questions on their quality-of-life, happiness and well-being. 3.161 persons responded and provided us with a rich data set concerning: 1) Labor market structures, discrimination, working conditions and employment practices (economic citizenship); 2) access to health care, welfare, education and safety in public spaces (social citizenship); 3) political participation as well as access to legal institutions (political citizenship). All those fields are important dimensions in regards to “full” citizenship and the well-being of the LGBTI population, but are also constitutive for the inclusion of sexual and gender minorities into the city population(s) of Vienna. Our data also allows us to map the sexual geography of Vienna as LGBTI communities are more likely to live in certain districts; some places are considered safe(r) and “friendlier”. In this way our work helps to fill a research gap connecting (urban) spaces and sexuality, and it produces new data and insights on the quality-of-life of this subpopulation. Our findings allow for urban (policy) planning and limiting violence and discrimination and improving the collective wellbeing and social cohesion.

Keywords: urban sexual geographies, LGBTI, socio-economic status, Vienna, sitizenship status

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