Search results for: political efficacy

Authors: Ali Bolat, Ali Bayat, Mustafa Gullu

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Maize can be cultivated both under main and second crop conditions in Turkey. Main pests of maize under second crop conditions are Sesamia nonagrioides Lefebvre (Lepidoptera: Noctuidae) and Ostrinia nubilalis Hübner (Lepidoptera: Crambidae). Aerial spraying applications to control these two main maize pests can be carried out until 2006 in Turkey before it was banned due to environmental concerns like drifting of sprayed pestisides and low biological efficiency. In this context, pulverizers which can spray tall maize plants ( > 175 cm) from the ground have begun to be used. However, the biological efficiency of these sprayers is unknown. Some methods have been tested to increase the success of ground spraying in field experiments conducted in second crop maize in 2008 and 2009. For this aim, 6 spraying methods (air assisted spraying with TX cone jet, domestic cone nozzles, twinjet nozzles, air induction nozzles, standard domestic cone nozzles and tail booms) were used at two application rates (150 and 300 l.ha-1) by a sprayer. In the study, biological efficacy evaluations of each methods were measured in each parcel. Biological efficacy evaluations included counts of number of insect damaged plants, number of holes in stems and live larvae and pupa in stems of selected plants. As a result, the highest biological efficacy value (close to 70%) was obtained from Air Assisted Spraying method at 300 l / ha application volume.

Keywords: air assisted sprayer, drift nozzles, biological efficiency, maize plant

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Authors: Umar Ubandawaki

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Political participation involves voluntary and deliberate efforts by the members of a political system to determine the kinds of political institution and individuals that will govern them and equally influence the mobilization and allocation of the available societal resources. Over the years, youths in Nigeria participated actively in political party rallies and voting to elect their leaders and representatives in governance. This paper examines categories and nature of participation in politics as well as factors that derived youths into politics in Sokoto State. Through the use of qualitative and quantitative data generated from focus group discussions, interviews and questionnaire, the paper find out that youth, in Sokoto State, have been induced in participatory activities that encourage political thuggery and manipulation of electoral outcomes. Moreover, they are neglected in the mobilization and allocation of the available resources of the society i.e they are denied dividends of good governance. The paper recommends that youths should be engaged into positive participatory activities for ensuring inclusiveness and promotion of good governance in Nigeria. It is hoped that this will enlighten youth and policy implementers on the constructive strategies in controlling youth’s participation in politics in Nigeria.

Keywords: democracy, governance, inclusivenes, participation and politic

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Authors: Mai Kaneda, Sarah Feeney

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This study examined the association between adult attachment security and career decision-making self-efficacy (CDMSE) among college students in the United States. Previous studies show that attachment security is associated with levels of CDMSE among college students. Given that a majority of studies examining career development variables have used parental attachment measures, this study adds to understanding of this phenomenon by utilizing a broader measure of attachment. The participants included 269 college students (76% female) between the ages of 19-29. An anonymous survey was distributed online via social media as well as in hard copy format in classrooms. Multiple regression analyses were conducted to determine the relationship between anxious and avoidant attachment and CDMSE. Results revealed anxious attachment was a significant predictor of CDMSE (B = -.13, p = .01), such that greater anxiety in attachment was associated with lower levels of CDMSE. When accounting for anxious attachment, avoidant attachment was no longer significant as a predictor of CDMSE (B = -.12, p = .10). The variance in college CDMSE explained by the model was 7%, F(2,267) = 9.51, p < .001. Results for anxious attachment are consistent with existing literature that finds insecure attachment to be related to lower levels of CDMSE, however the non-significant results for avoidant attachment as a predictor of CDMSE suggest not all types of attachment insecurity are equally related to CDMSE. Future research is needed to explore the nature of the relationship between different dimensions of attachment insecurity and CDMSE.

Keywords: attachment, career decision-making, college students, self-efficacy

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Authors: Mehdi Heydari Sanglaji

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The dramatic events of the 11 September, and their tragic repercussions, catapulted issues of the political violence in and from the ‘Muslim world’ onto the political discourse, be it in patriotic speeches of campaigning politicians or the TV and news punditry. Depending on what end of the political spectrum the politician/pundit pledges fealty to, the overall analyses of political violence in the West Asia and North Africa (WANA) tends towards two overarching categories: on the Right, the diagnosis has unanimously been, ‘they must hate our freedom.’ On the Left, however, there is the contention that the West has to be counted as the primary cause of such rage, for the years of plundering of lives and resources, through colonialism, the Cold War, coups, etc. All these analyses are premised on at least two presuppositions: the violence in and from the WANA region a) is always reactionary, in the sense that it happens only in response to something the West is or does; and b) must always already be condemned, as it is essentially immoral and wrong. It is the aim of this paper to challenge such viewpoints. Through a rigorous study of the historical discourses on political violence in the Leftist organizations active in Algeria and Lebanon, we claim there is a myriad of diverse reasons and justifications presented for advocating political violence in these countries that defy facile categorization. Inspecting such rhetoric for inciting political violence in Leftist discourses, and how some of these reasonings have percolated into other movements in the region (e.g., Islamist ones), will reveal a wealth of indigenous discourses on the subject that has been largely neglected by the Western Media punditry and even by the academia. The indigenous discourses on political violence, much of which overlaps with emancipatory projects in the region, partly follow grammar and logic, which may be different from those developed in the West, even by its more critical theories. Understanding so different epistemology of violence, and the diverse contexts in which political violence might be justifiable in the mind of ‘the other,’ necessitates a historical, materialist, and genealogical study of the discourse already in practice in the WANA region. In that regard, both critical terrorism studies and critical discourse analysis provide exemplary tools of analysis. Capitalizing on such tools, this project will focus on unearthing a history of thought that renders moot the reduction of all instances of violence in the region to an Islamic culture or imperialism/colonialism. The main argument in our research is that by studying the indigenous discourses on political violence, we will be far more equipped in understanding the reasons and the possible solutions for acts of terrorism in and from the region.

Keywords: political violence, terrorism, leftist organizations, West Asia/North Africa

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Authors: Marine Agogue, Beatrice Parguel, Emilie Canet

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Defined as receptive attention to and awareness of present events and experience, mindfulness has grown in popularity over the past 30 years to become a trendy buzzword in business media, which regularly reports on its organizational benefits. Mindfulness would enhance or impede creative thinking depending on the type of meditation. Specifically, focused-attention meditation (focusing attention on one object instead of being open to perceive and observe any sensation or thought) would not be or negatively correlated to creativity. This research explores whether mood, in its two dimensions (i.e., hedonic tone, activation level), could mediate this potentially negative effect. The rationale is that focused-attention meditation is likely to improve hedonic tone but, in the meantime, damage activation level, resulting in opposite effects on creativity through the mediation effect of creative self-efficacy, i.e., the belief that one can perform successfully in an ideation setting. To test this conceptual model, a survey was administered to 97 subjects (53% women, mean age: 25 years), randomly assigned to three conditions (a 10-minute focused-attention meditation session vs. a 10-minute psychometric tests session vs. a control condition) and asked to participate in the egg creative task. Creativity was measured in terms of fluency, expansivity, and originality, the other variables using existing scales: hedonic tone (e.g., joyful, happy), activation level (e.g., passive, sluggish), creative self-efficacy (e.g., ‘I felt confident in my ability to do the task effectively’) and self-perceived creativity (e.g., ‘I have lots of original ideas’). The chains of mediation were tested using PROCESS macro (model 6) and controlled for subjects’ gender, age, and self-perceived creativity. Comparing the mindfulness and the control conditions, no difference appeared in terms of creativity, nor any mediation chain by hedonic tone. However, subjects who participated in the meditation session felt less active than those in the control condition, which decreased their creative self-efficacy, and creativity (whatever the indicator considered). Comparing the mindfulness and the psychometric tests conditions, analyses showed that creativity was higher in the psychometric tests condition. As previously, no mediation chain appeared by hedonic tone. However, subjects who participated in the meditation session felt less active than those in the psychometric tests condition, which decreased their creative self-efficacy, and creativity. These findings confirm that focused-attention meditation does not enhance creativity. They demonstrate an emotional underlying mechanism based on activation level and suggest that both positive and active mood states have the potential to enhance creativity through creative self-efficacy. In the end, they should discourage organizations from trying to nudge creativity using mindfulness ad hoc devices.

Keywords: creativity, mindfulness, creative self-efficacy, experiment

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Authors: Eran Gusacov

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This article argues that, as a rule, having children and adolescents participate in adult public protests, in terms of educational thought, is ideological education, brainwashing or indoctrination, and not political education, as will be defined in the article. This is a modest argument in its scope: it does not declare categorically that from a perspective of educational thought, parents and teachers need to refrain from bringing children and teenagers to social protests. The perspective offered in this article neither automatically invalidates any indoctrination in educational activities nor does it oppose the legitimacy of protests initiated by adolescents. It does, however, argue that having children and teens participate in such protests is not political education – an argument that belongs to the educational field. Furthermore, the perspective offered here does not deal with the legal layer of the children’s rights to organize, to demonstrate and/or to protest or with issues of political thought. While the examples provided in the article mainly deal with the Israeli reality, it presents a general argument, which is relevant for wherever children participate in demonstrations.

Keywords: ideological education, indoctrination, political education, protest

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Authors: Idris M. Olatunde, Kareem B.

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In manufacturing systems, especially job shops, service performance is a key factor that determines customer satisfaction. Service performance depends not only on the quality of the output but on the delivery lead times as well. Besides product quality enhancement, delivery lead time must be minimized for optimal patronage. Quoting accurate due dates is sine quo non for job shop operational survival in a global competitive environment. Quoting accurate due dates in job shops has been a herculean task that nearly defiled solutions from many methods employed due to complex jobs routing nature of the system. This class of NP-hard problems possessed no rigid algorithms that can give an optimal solution. Jobshop operational problem is more complex in developing nations due to some peculiar factors. Operational complexity in job shops emanated from political instability, poor economy, technological know-how, and the non-promising socio-political environment. The mentioned exogenous factors were hardly considered in the previous studies on scheduling problem related to due date determination in job shops. This study has filled the gap created in the past studies by developing a dynamic model that incorporated the exogenous factors for accurate determination of due dates for varying jobs complexity. Real data from six job shops selected from the different part of Nigeria, were used to test the efficacy of the model, and the outcomes were analyzed statistically. The results of the analyzes showed that the model is more promising in determining accurate due dates than the traditional models deployed by many job shops in terms of patronage and lead times minimization.

Keywords: due dates prediction, improved performance, customer satisfaction, dynamic model, exogenous factors, job shops

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Authors: Sumeyra Yakar

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The idea of this research had its genesis from the writer's interest in Shi'i school and religio-political atmosphere in contemporary Iran. The research aims to identify how the past dynamics between political and legal figures and their relationship between each other affect contemporary relationship between political and religious authorities at the local and global level. It attempts to explore religio-politic Shi'i figures and their relationship with the official jurisprudence from the 15th century to the contemporary period. The mutual interaction between the opinion and acts of political figures and jurisprudential institutions enlightens the role of religious values to control the mass population. After the collapse of the Safawīd Dynasty, Shi'i believers lost their political guardian and legal independence, and the situation gave them the inspiration to create unique ideologies or political approaches to solve the governance crisis. The analysis of authoritative political figures and their scholastic contributions elucidate the connection between political powers and religious doctrines under the protection of sectarian oriented theocratic governments. Additionally, understanding the incremental influence of political (historical) Shi'i figures into religious doctrines shed lights on the chronological development of peculiar government style and authoritative hierarchy in contemporary Shi’i communities. The research as being interdisciplinary one offers to create an academic awareness between legal and political factors in Shi’i school of thought and encompasses political, religious, social, financial and cultural atmospheres of the countries in which the political figures lived. The Iranian regime enshrines the principle of vilāyāt-i faqīh (guardianship of the jurist) which enables jurists to solve the conflict between law as an ideal system, in theory, and law in practice. The paper aims to show how the religious, educational system works in harmony with the governmental authorities with the concept of vilāyāt-i faqīh in Iran and contributes to the creation of religious custom in the society. Contemporary relationship between the political figures and religious authorities in Iran will be explained by religio-legal dimensions. The methodology that will be applied by the study has been chosen in order to acquire information and deduce conclusions from the opinions of the scholars. Thus, the research method is mainly descriptive and qualitative. Three lines of description are pursued throughout the study; the explanation of political ideas belonging to the religio-political figures theoretically depending on written texts; the description of approaches adopted by contemporary Iranian and Saudi scholars relating to the legal systems (theoretically); and the explanation of the responses of governmental authorities.

Keywords: clergy (‘ulamā), guardianship of the jurist (vilāyāt-i faqīh), Iran, Shi’i figures

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Authors: Hussain Hameed Mayuuf

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The study is an attempt to investigate the conceptual metonymies is used in political discourse about COVID-19. Thus, this study tries to analyze and investigate how the conceptual metonymies in Johnson's speech about coronavirus are constructed. This study aims at: Identifying how are metonymies relevant to understand the messages in Boris Johnson speeches and to find out how can conceptual blending theory help people to understand the messages in the political speech about COVID-19. Lastly, it tries to Point out the kinds of integration networks are common in political speech. The study is based on the hypotheses that conceptual blending theory is a powerful tool for investigating the intended messages in Johnson's speech and there are different processes of blending networks and conceptual mapping that enable the listeners to identify the messages in political speech. This study presents a qualitative and quantitative analysis of four speeches about COVID-19; they are said by Boris Johnson. The selected data have been tackled from the cognitive-semantic perspective by adopting Conceptual Blending Theory as a model for the analysis. It concludes that CBT is applicable to the analysis of metonymies in political discourse. Its mechanisms enable listeners to analyze and understand these speeches. Also the listener can identify and understand the hidden messages in Biden and Johnson's discourse about COVID-19 by using different conceptual networks. Finally, it is concluded that the double scope networks are the most common types of blending of metonymies in the political speech.

Keywords: cognitive, semantics, conceptual, metonymical, Covid-19

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Authors: Narender Banwala

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The study critically evaluates that the politics of foreign aid and its effect on Afghanistan. The study argues that dynamics of foreign aid to Afghanistan are not driven solely by the Afghan political, social, and economic realities but much more by the ephemeral political goals of international donor countries. The objective of this paper is to find out the political reality of foreign aid given to Afghanistan in a post 9/11 era. The study analyses the gap between the donor countries' interests and the Afghan government's priorities in aid coordination and management. The aid given to Afghanistan has been accompanied by the political interests of the major powers and therefore violated the core principles of humanitarianism, i.e., humanity, impartiality, neutrality, and independence. This research attempts to explain the areas which are of high priority, extremely vulnerable, and have been a neglected part since 2001. The study focuses on how as a result of politicization, foreign aid could not yield the expected results even after prolong presence of international donors in Afghanistan. Methodologically, the study includes both qualitative and quantitative data, which are collected by interviews with government officials and other government documents.

Keywords: Afganistan, aid, politics, security

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Authors: Yasemin Gülşen Yılmaz, Süleyman Hakan Yılmaz, Muhammet Erbay

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Military interventions have an important place in the Turkish Political History. Military interventions are commonly called coup in the society. By coup we mean that the armed forces seize political power either by a group of officer in the army or by chain of command. Coups not only weaken but also suspend the democracy in a country. All periods of coup created its own victims. Two military coups which took place in May 27, 1960 and September 12, 1980 are the most important ones in terms of political and social effect in the Turkish Political History. Apart these, March 12, 1971, February 28, 1997 and April 27, 2007 e-memorandum are the periods when Army submitted a memorandum and intervened the political government indirectly. Beside the memorandums and coups there were also many coup attempts that have been experienced in the Turkish Political History. In this study, we examined the coup attempted by FETO’s military members in the evening of July 15, 2016 from the point of the Turkish Press. Cumhuriyet, Haber Türk, Hürriyet, Milliyet, Sabah, Star, Yeni Akit and Yeni Şafak Newspapers which have different publication policies were examined within the scope of the study. The first pages of the newspapers dated July 16, 2016 were examined using content analysis method. The headlines, news, news headlines and the visual materials used for news were examined and the collected data were analysed.

Keywords: July 15, news, military coup, press

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Authors: John Hardy

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The early twenty-first century national security environment has been characterized by political coercion. Despite an abundance of political commentary on the various forms of non-state coercion leveraged against the state, there is a lack of literature which distinguishes between the mechanisms and the mediums of coercion. Frequently non-state movements seeking to coerce the state are labelled by their tactics, not their strategies. Terrorists, insurgencies and social movements are largely defined by the ways in which they seek to influence the state, rather than by their political aims. This study examines the strategies of coercion used by non-state actors against states. This approach includes terrorist groups, insurgencies, and social movements who seek to coerce state politics. Not all non-state actors seek political coercion, so not all examples of different group types are considered. This approach also excludes political coercion by states, focusing on the non-state actor as the primary unit of analysis. The study applies a general theory of political coercion, which is defined as attempts to change the policies or action of a polity against its will, to the strategies employed by terrorist groups, insurgencies, and social movements. This distinguishes non-state actors’ strategic objectives from their actions and motives, which are variables that are often used to differentiate between types of non-state actors and the labels commonly used to describe them. It also allows for a comparative analysis of theoretical perspectives from the disciplines of terrorism, insurgency and counterinsurgency, and social movements. The study finds that there is a significant degree of overlap in the way that different disciplines conceptualize the mechanism of political coercion by non-state actors. Studies of terrorism and counterterrorism focus more on the notions of cost tolerance and collective punishment, while studies of insurgency focus on a contest of legitimacy between actors, and social movement theory tend to link political objectives, social capital, and a mechanism of influence to leverage against the state. Each discipline has a particular vernacular for the mechanism of coercion, which is often linked to the means of coercion, but they converge on three core theoretical components of compelling a polity to change its policies or actions: exceeding resistance to change, using political or violent punishments, and withholding legitimacy or consent from a government.

Keywords: counter terrorism, homeland security, insurgency, political coercion, social movement theory, terrorism

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Authors: Nino Gogatishvili, Davit Kvernadze, Giorgi Japharidze

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Background and aims: Landau Kleffner syndrome (LKS) is a rare disorder with epileptic seizures and acquired aphasia. It usually starts in initially healthy children. The first symptoms are language regression and behavioral disturbances, and the sleep EEG reveals abnormal epileptiform activity. The aim was to discuss the efficacy of Clobazam for Landau Kleffner syndrome. Case report: We report a case of an 11-year-old boy with an uneventful pregnancy and delivery. He began to walk at 11 months and speak with simple phrases at the age of 2,5 years. At the age of 18 months, he had febrile convulsions; at the age of 5 years, the parents noticed language regression, stuttering, and serious behavioral dysfunction, including hyperactivity, temper outbursts. The epileptic seizure was not noticed. MRI was without any abnormality. Neuropsychological testing revealed verbal auditory agnosia. Sleep EEG showed abundant left fronto-temporal spikes, reaching over 85% during non-rapid eye movement sleep (non-REM sleep). Treatment was started with Clobazam. After ten weeks, EEG was improved. Stuttering and behavior also improved. Results: Since the start of Clobazam treatment, stuttering and behavior improved. Now, he is 11 years old, without antiseizure medication. Sleep EEG shows fronto-temporal spikes on the left side, over 10-49 % of non-REM sleep, bioccipital spikes, and slow-wave discharges and spike-waves. Conclusions: This case provides further support for the efficacy of Clobazam in patients with LKS.

Keywords: Landau-Kleffner syndrome, antiseizure medication, stuttering, aphasia

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Authors: Ali Asghar Sotoudeh

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Since the US invasion of Iraq in 2003 and the subsequent regime change, internal conflicts between political and ethnic-religious groups have become a hallmark of Iraqi political dynamism. The most important manifestations of these conflicts are the Kurdish-central government conflicts, as well as fundamentalism since 2003. As a result, it seems not only US presence in Iraq under the pretext of fighting terrorism and expanding democracy has not had a positive effect on controlling fundamentalism and political stability in Iraq, but it has paved the way for the formation and continuation of geopolitical crises in the form of disputes over territory and sources of power. In this regard, given the importance of the study, the main purpose of this study is to examine the process of the impact of US regime-change policy on the formation and continuation of geopolitical crises in Iraq. The central question of this study is, what effect has the US regime change policy had on Iraq's domestic political processes? Findings show that regime change and subsequent imposed federalism have widened the gaps in Iraq's sectarian-ethnic system. As a result, the geopolitical crisis in the context of the dispute over geographical territory and sources of power between ethnic-religious groups has become the most important political dynamic in Iraq since the occupation. The research method in this article is descriptive-analytical, and the data collection method is library and internet resources.

Keywords: Iraq, united states, geopolitical crisis, ethno-religious conflict, political federalism

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Authors: Meenu Mehta, Munish Garg

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The use of oral anticancer drugs from AYUSH system of medicine is widely increased among the society due to their low cost, enhanced efficacy, increased patient preference, lack of inconveniences related to infusion and they provide an opportunity to develop chronic treatment regimens. However, oral delivery of these drugs usually laid down by the limited bioavailability of the drug, which is associated with a wide variation. As most of the cytotoxic agents have a narrow therapeutic window and are dosed at or near the maximum tolerated dose, a wide variability in the bioavailability can negatively affect treatment result. It is estimated that 40% of active substances are poorly soluble in water. The improvement of bio-availability of drugs with such properties presents one of the greatest challenges in drug formulations. There are several techniques reported in literature. Among all these Self Emulsifying Drug Delivery System (SEDDS) has gained more attention due to enhanced oral bio-availability enabling a reduction in dose. Thus, SEDDS anticancer drugs will have the increased bioavailability and efficacy. These dosage form will provide societal benefit in a cost-effective manner as compared to other oral dosage forms. Present study reflects on the formulation strategies as SEDDS for oral anticancer agents of AYUSH system for enhanced bioavailability with proven efficacy by cancer cell lines.

Keywords: anticancer agents, AYUSH system, bioavailability, SEDDS

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Authors: Tony See

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Although much has been devoted to Deleuze’s ethics of difference, relatively little has been focused on how his political perspective is informed by his appropriation of religious ideas and theological concepts. The bulk of the scholarly works have examined his political views with the assumption that they have little or nothing to do with his ideas of religions at all. This is in spite of the fact that Deleuze has drawn heavily from religious and theological thinkers such as Duns Scotus, Spinoza and Nietzsche. This dimension can also be traced in Deleuze’s later works, when he collaborated with Felix Guattari in creating an anti-Oedipal philosophy of difference after May 68. This paper seeks to reverse the tendency in contemporary scholarship ignore Deleuze’s ‘religious’ framework in his understanding of the ethical and the political. Towards this aim, we will refer to key texts in Deleuze’s corpus such as Expressionism in Philosophy, A Thousand Plateaus and others.

Keywords: difference, haeccities, identity, religion, theology

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Authors: Antonia Stanojević, Agnes Akkerman

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In contemporary society, economically active people typically spend most of their waking hours doing their job. Having that in mind, this research examines how socialization at the workplace shapes political preferences. Innovatively, it examines, in particular, the possible relationship between employees’ voice suppression by the employer and the formation of their political preferences. Since the employer is perceived as an authority figure, their behavior might induce spillovers to attitudes about political authorities and authoritarian governance. Therefore, a positive effect of suppression of voice by employers on employees' preference for authoritarian governance is expected. Furthermore, this relation is expected to be mediated by two mechanisms: system justification and power distance. Namely, it is expected that suppression of voice would create a power distance organizational climate and increase employees’ acceptance of unequal distribution of power, as well as evoke attempts of oppression rationalization through system justification. The hypotheses will be tested on the data gathered within the first wave of Work and Politics Dataset 2017 (N=6000), which allows for a wide range of demographic and psychological control variables. Although a cross-sectional analysis to be used at this point does not allow for causal inferences, the confirmation of expected relationships would encourage and justify further longitudinal research on the same panel dataset, in order to get a clearer image of the causal relationship between employers' suppression of voice and workers' political preferences.

Keywords: authoritarian values, political preferences, power distance, system justification, voice suppression

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Authors: Hamid Vahidkia

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This exposition investigates the connection between two viewpoints on the nature of human rights. Agreeing with the “political” or “practical” point of view, human rights are claims that people have against certain regulation structures in specific present-day states, in the ethicalness of interface they have in settings that incorporate them. Agreeing with the more conventional “humanist” or “naturalistic” viewpoint, human rights are pre-institutional claims that people have against all other people in the ethicalness of interface characteristic of their common humankind. This paper contends that once we recognize the two viewpoints in their best light, we are able to see that they are complementary, and, in reality, we require both to form a great standardizing sense of the modern home of human rights. It clarifies how humanist and political contemplations can and ought to work in couple to account for the concept, substance, and legitimization of human rights.

Keywords: politics, human rights, humanities, mankind, law

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Authors: S. M. P Manjula, Ishara Amarathunga, Aryan Nath Koura, Jaideepraj Rao

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Background: Laparoscopic D2 Gastrectomy for non metastatic advanced Gastric cancer (AGC) has become a controversial topic as there are confronting ideas from experts in the field. Lack of consensus are mainly due to non feasibility of the dissection and safety and efficacy. Method: Data from all D2 Gastrectomies performed (both Subtotal and Total Gastrectomies) in our unit from 2009 December to 2013 December were retrospectively analysed. Computor database was prospectively maintained. Pathological stage two A (iiA) and above considered advanced Gastric cancers, who underwent curative intent D2 Gastrectomy were included for analysis(n=46). Four patients excluded from the study as peritoneal fluid cytology came positive for cancer cells and one patient exempted as microscopic resection margin positive(R1) after curative resection. Thirty day morbidity and mortality, operative time, lymph nodes harvest and survival (disease free and overall) analyzed. Results: Complete curative resection achieved in 40 patients. Mean age of the study population was 62.2 (32-88) and male to female ratio was 23: 17. Thirty day mortality (1/40) and morbidity (6/40). Average operative time 203.7 minutes (185- 400) and average lymphnodes harvest was 40.5 (18-91). Disease free survival of the AGC in this study population was 16.75 months (1-49). Average hospital stay was 6.8 days (3-31). Conclusion: Laparoscopic dissection is effective feasible and safe in AGC.

Keywords: laparoscopy, advanced gastric cancer, safety, efficacy

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Authors: Kai-Fen Tu, Jenn-Wen Huang, Yao-Tung Lin

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Cucumber is a major economic crop in the world. The global production of cucumber in 2017 was more than 71 million tonnes. Nonetheless, downy mildew, caused by Pseudoperonospora cubensis, is a devastating and common disease on cucumber in around 80 countries and causes severe economic losses. The long-term usage of fungicide also leads to the occurrence of fungicide resistance and decreases host resistance. In this study, six types of oil (neem oil, moringa oil, soybean oil, cinnamon oil, clove oil, and camellia oil) were selected to synthesize micro/nano-sized emulsions, and the disease control efficacy of micro/nano-sized emulsions were evaluated. Moreover, oil concentrations (0.125% - 1%) and droplet size of emulsion were studied. Results showed cinnamon-type emulsion had the best efficacy among these oils. The disease control efficacy of these emulsions increased as the oil concentration increased. Both disease incidence and disease severity were measured by detached leaf and pot experiment, respectively. For the droplet size effect, results showed that the 114 nm of droplet size synthesized by 0.25% cinnamon oil emulsion had the lowest disease incidence (6.67%) and lowest disease severity (33.33%). The release of zoospore was inhibited (5.33%), and the sporangia germination was damaged. These results suggest that cinnamon oil emulsion will be a valuable and environmentally friendly alternative to control cucumber downy mildew. The economic loss caused by plant disease could also be reduced.

Keywords: downy mildew, emulsion, oil droplet size, plant protectant

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Authors: Abdul Nasir Zamir

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After the downfall of Ottoman Caliphate, it scattered into different small Muslim states. Muslim leaders, intellectuals, revivalists as well as modernists started trying to boost up their nation. Some Muslims are also trying to establish the caliphate. Every Muslim country has its own political system, i.e., kingship, dictatorship or democracy, etc. But these are not in their original forms as the historian or political science discussed in their studies. The laws and their practice are mixed, i.e., others with Islamic laws, e.g., Saudi Arabia (K.S.A) and the Islamic Republic of Pakistan, etc. There is great conflict among the revivalist Muslim parties (groups) and governments about political systems. The question is that the subject matter is Sharia or political system? Leaders of Modern Muslim states are alleged as disbelievers due to neglecting the revelation in their laws and decisions. There are two types of laws; Islamic laws and management laws. The conflict is that the non-Islamic laws are in practice in Muslim states. Non-Islamic laws can be gradually changed with Islamic laws with a legal and peaceful process according to the practice of former Muslim leaders and scholars. The bloodshed of Muslims is not allowed in any case. Weak Muslim state is a blessing than nothing. The political system after Muhammad and guided caliphs is considered as kingship. But during this period Muslims not only developed in science and technology but conquered many territories also. If the original aim is in practice, then the Modern Muslim states can be stabled with different political systems. Modern Muslim states are the hope of survival, stability, and development of Muslim Ummah. Islam does not allow arm clash with Muslim army or Muslim civilians. The caliphate is based on believing in one Allah Almighty and good deeds according to Quran and Sunnah. As faith became weak and good deeds became less from its standard level, caliphate automatically became weak and even ended. The last weak caliphate was Ottoman Caliphate which was a hope of all the Muslims of the world. There is no caliphate or caliph present in the world. But every Muslim country or state is like an Amarat (a part of caliphate or small and alternate form of the caliphate) of Muslims. It is the duty of all Muslims to stable these modern Muslim states with tolerance.

Keywords: caliphate, conflict resolution, modern Muslim state, political conflicts, political systems, tolerance

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Authors: Simon Tsipis

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In this study, we propose to analyze Russian foreign policy conduct by applying the theory of Political Realism and the qualitative comparative method of analysis. We find that the paradigm of Political Realism supplies us with significant insights into the sources of contemporary Russian foreign policy conduct since the power factor was and remains an integral element in Russian foreign policies, especially when we apply comparative analysis and compare it with the behavior of its Soviet predecessor. Through the lens of the Realist theory, a handful of Russian foreign policy-making becomes clearer and much more comprehensible.

Keywords: realism, Russia, cold war, Soviet Union, European security

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Authors: Fazeelat Duran, Darren Bishopp, Jessica Woodhams

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Negative emotions resulting from the breach of perceived obligations by an employer is called the psychological contract violation. Employees perceiving breach and feelings of negative emotions result in adverse outcomes for both the employee and employer. This paper aims to identify the relationships between contract breach, violation, stress and wellbeing and investigate whether fairness and self-efficacy mediate the relationships. A mixed method approach was used to analyze the online-surveys and semi-structured interviews with the police officers. It was identified that the psychological contract violation predicts stress and job-related well-being. Fairness and self-efficacy were identified as significant mediators to understand the underlying mechanisms of association. Whilst, in the interviews social support was identified as a popular mediator. Practical implications for employers are discussed.

Keywords: psychological contract violation and breach, stressors, depression, anxiety

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Authors: Syeda Sahra, Abdullah Jahangir, Rachelle Hamadi, Ahmad Jahangir, Allison Glaser

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Background: Antimicrobial resistance is on the rise. The use of redundant and inappropriate antibiotics is contributing to recurrent infections and resistance. Newer antibiotics with more robust coverage for gram-negative bacteria are in great demand for complicated urinary tract infections (cUTIs), complicated intra-abdominal infections (cIAIs), hospital-acquired bacterial pneumonia (H.A.B.P.), and ventilator-associated bacterial pneumonia (V.A.B.P.). Objective: We performed this meta-analysis to evaluate the efficacy and safety profile of a new antibiotic, Imipenem/cilastatin/relebactam, compared to other broad-spectrum antibiotics for complicated infections. Search Strategy: We conducted a systemic review search on PubMed, Embase, and Central Cochrane Registry. Selection Criteria: We included randomized clinical trials (R.C.T.s) with the standard of care as comparator arm with Imipenem/cilastatin/relebactam as intervention arm. Analysis: For continuous variables, the mean difference was used. For discrete variables, we used the odds ratio. For effect sizes, we used a confidence interval of 95%. A p-value of less than 0.05 was used for statistical significance. Analysis was done using a random-effects model irrespective of heterogeneity. Heterogeneity was evaluated using the I2 statistic. Results: The authors observed similar efficacy at clinical and microbiologic response levels on early follow-up and late follow-up compared to the established standard of care. The incidence of drug-related adverse events, serious adverse events, and drug discontinuation due to adverse events were comparable across both groups. Conclusion: Imipenem/cilastatin/relebactam has a non-inferior safety and efficacy profile compared to peer antibiotics to treat severe bacterial infections (cUTIs, cIAIs, H.A.B.P., V.A.B.P.).

Keywords: bacterial pneumonia, complicated intra-abdominal infections, complicated urinary tract infection, Imipenem, cilastatin, relebactam

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Authors: Luisa Peirano

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What began as a middle-class insurgent political movement whose slogan was 'Words divide us. Action unites us!' ultimately mutated into an underground terrorist group that staged a series of armed robberies, kidnappings and even executions in the 1960s and early 1970s. One of the most memorable was the kidnapping of the British ambassador, Sir Geoffrey Jackson, in January 1971, who was held captive for eight months. The episode, which triggered a massive government response and resulted in the capture of the Tupamaros leaders, continued to have political repercussions decades later when Tupamaros leaders emerged from prison to re-enter mainstream Uruguayan politics. The kidnapping and its aftermath attracted intense media coverage in Uruguay and Britain, coverage that affected public opinion profoundly. The treatment by the Uruguayan and British medias’ diverged, however. Uruguayan newspapers focused on political issues, mirrored the positions of various political parties, and showed the larger context of social, cultural and political forces that rocked Latin America in the 1960s and early 1970s. By contrast, the British press limited its attention mainly to the human drama. On the 30th anniversary of Sir Geoffrey Jackson's death, this study compares over one hundred major newspaper articles and suggests some reasons for the differences between Uruguayan and British media treatment in terms of the volume, content, and perspective as well in the effect on readers. The differences have persisted and continue to matter in present day coverage of terrorism and its victims.

Keywords: British Ambassador, Churchill Archives Centre, Sir Geoffrey Jackson, political kidnapping, Latin America in the 1960's, Tupamaro guerrillas, Uruguay

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Authors: Doua AlSaad, Ahmed Awaisu, Samah Elsalem, Palli Valapila Abdulrouf, Binny Thomas, Moza AlHail

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Background: It has been suggested that pyridoxine has an anti-lactogenic effect. Studies of the efficacy of pyridoxine in suppressing lactation have reported conflicting results. The aim of this review is to evaluate the effectiveness and safety of high-dose pyridoxine in postpartum lactation inhibition. Methods: This systematic review included published trials that compared the efficacy and/or safety of pyridoxine to placebo or to other pharmacological agents for the inhibition of postpartum lactation. We searched PubMed, Embase, ScienceDirect, CINAHL, AMED, the Cochrane library, and the clinical trials registry to identify relevant literature. No limit was imposed on the year of publication of the studies, and the review included studies published until 15 January 2016. Two reviewers independently extracted data and assessed the risk of bias. Results: Seven studies were included, with a total of 1155 women, of which 471 women received pyridoxine. Three studies were randomized controlled trials, while the remaining four studies were non-randomized controlled trials. All of the included studies were relatively small (n = 18 – 482). The studies compared pyridoxine with placebo, bromocriptine, and/or stilboestrol. Pyridoxine was given orally, with a total daily dose of 450 – 600 mg for 5 to 7 days. Two trials (n = 349 participants) indicated that pyridoxine was effective in inhibiting lactation in approximately 95% of the enrolled patients. All other studies failed to demonstrate pyridoxine efficacy through either clinical assessment or prolactin level measurements. Pyridoxine safety was assessed by two trials in which no serious untoward side-effects were reported. Overall, the risk of bias for most of the studies was low to moderate. Conclusion: Current evidence supporting the effectiveness of high dose pyridoxine in the inhibition of postpartum lactation is inconsistent and insufficient. Larger randomized trials are needed to confirm the efficacy of pyridoxine in postpartum lactation inhibition. Acknowledgment: This review received a grant from the Medical Research Center of Hamad Medical Corporation in Qatar (grant number: 15100/15).

Keywords: pyridoxine, safety, effectiveness, lactation inhibition

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Authors: Kyu Rae Lee

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The aim of the study is to investigate the clinical efficacy of combination therapeutic modalities using liraglutide (1.2mg/d) add on low-dose phentermine (7.5 mg/d)/topiramate (50mg/d) medication on the obese patient in the bariatric clinic. We assessed the retrospective cohort clinical analyses to the clinical efficacy of medication and combination in the patients who visited the bariatric clinic. We measured all participants’ body fat (bioelectric impedance analysis), weight, height, and the cross-sectional areas of adipose tissues (umbilicus level) after keep fasting for 8 hours at 0, 4, 12 weeks. The design of the study was opened, paired t-test and Wilcoxon test were performed using SPSS for windows (ver.18, IL, USA) for comparison of weight, body fat, and adipose tissues. The participants were one hundred twenty-eight subjects aged 44.67 (1.18) years, 28.95 (0.39) kg/m², and female (82.7%). Their body fat was 40.57 (2.23%), and waist to hip ratio was 0.96 (0.01). The mean cross-sectional area of visceral adipose tissue was 142.59 (7.06) mm², and that of subcutaneous adipose was 274.37 (9.18) mm². 73 of them (57.5%) took medication only, 54 of them took medication with liraglutide for 12 weeks. The subjects in the medication group lost 5.4165 kg, 6.8069%, and those of the combination group did 6.2481 kg, 3.564%. The mean cross-sectional areas of visceral, subcutaneous adipose tissue in the medication group significantly decreased (p=.043), even more in the combination group. (p=.028). Further controlled clinical trials should be considered in the future. We conclude that the low dose of phentermine/topiramate with liraglutide therapeutic modalities would be more effective than phentermine/topiramate medication only in obesity treatment for 12 weeks.

Keywords: low dose phentermine, topiramate, liraglutide, obesity, efficacy

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Authors: Mabrouka Al-Werfalli

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This paper aims to highlight reasons beyond the prevalence of “culture of corruption” amongst Libyans. One of the most prominent reason for the Libyan revolution in February 2011 was the pervasiveness of corruption. Corruption in Libya remained a significant problem despite harsh legislation and a robust anti-corruption discourse undertaken by the previous regime. The long-standing political corruption in Libya has offered ample opportunity for the evolution of a structure of negative values and morals. This has formed what is termed as a “culture of corruption”, which has induced people to accept and justify corrupt behaviour. The paper is a part of a study concerns the phenomenon of political alienation in Libya which was based on a survey conducted in 2001 in the city of Benghazi. The finding shows that abuse of power looms large within all activities. Embezzlement and misuse of public funds for personal enrichment is thought to be rife within public bodies, institutions, companies, factories, banks and enterprises owned entirely or partially by the state.

Keywords: corruption, culture of corruption, participation in corruption, abuse of power, embezzlement, political alienation, anti-corruption

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Authors: Woraya Som-Indra

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This article purposes to decode the notion of democracy embedded in the political speeches of Aung San Su Kyi by adopting critical discourse analysis approach, using Systemic Function Linguistics (SFL) and transitivity as a vital analytical tool. Two main objectives of the study are 1) to analyze linguistic strategies constituted the crucial characteristics of Su Kyi's political speeches by employing SFL and transitivity and 2) to examine ideology manifested the notion of democracy behind Su Kyi’s political speeches. The data consists of four speeches of Su Kyi delivering in different places within the year 2011 broadcasted through the website of US campaign for Burma. By employing linguistic tool and the concept of ideology as an analytical frame, the word choice selection found in the speeches assist explaining the manifestation of Su Kyi’s ideology toward democracy and power struggle. The finding revealed eight characters of word choice projected from Su Kyi’s political speeches, as follows; 1) support, hope and encouragement which render the recipients to uphold with the mutual aim to fight for democracy together and moving forwards for change and solution in the future, 2) aim and achievement evoke the recipients to attach with the purpose to fight for democracy, 3) challenge and change release energy to challenge the present political regime of Burma to change to the new political regime of democracy, 4) action, doing and taking signify the action and practical process to call for a new political regime, 5) struggle represents power struggle during the process of democracy requesting and it could refer to her long period of house arrest in Burma, 6) freedom implies what she has been long fighting for- to be released from house arrest, be able to access to the freedom of speech related to political ideology, and moreover, be able to speak out for the people of Burmese about their desirable political regime and political participation, 7) share and scarify call the recipients to have the spirit of shared value in the process of acquiring democracy, and 8) solution and achievement remind her recipients of what they have been long fighting for, and what could lead them to reach out the mutual achievement of a new political regime, i.e. democracy. Those word choice selections are plausible representation of democracy notion in Su Kyi’s terms. Due to her long journey of fighting for democracy in Burma, Suu Kyi’s political speeches always possess tremendously strong leadership characteristic, using words of wisdom and moreover, they are encoded with a wide range of words related to democracy ideology in order to push forward the future change into the Burma’s political regime.

Keywords: Aung San Su Kyi’s speeches, critical discourse analysis, democracy ideology, systemic function linguistics, transitivity

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Authors: Nazeema Ahmed

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Mental health in higher education has received increasing attention over the past few decades. The high academic demands of the engineering degree, coupled with students’ mental health challenges, have led to higher education institutions offering psychotherapeutic services to students. This paper discusses an evaluation of the psychotherapy service at the University of Cape Town. The aim was to determine (i) the efficacy of the service; and (ii) the impact of race, gender, and language of the therapist on the students’ therapeutic process. An online survey was sent to 109 students who attended psychotherapy. The majority expressed favorable experiences of psychotherapy, with reports of increased capacity to engage with their academic work. Most students did not experience the gender, race, or language of the psychologists to be barriers to their therapy. The findings point to a need for ongoing psychological support for students.

Keywords: psychotherapy, efficacy, engineering, education

Procedia PDF Downloads 98