Search results for: autocratic%20leaders

Authors: M. Moncef Khaddar

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This paper focuses mainly on a contextualized understanding of ‘autocratic authoritarianism’ in Tunisia without approaching its peculiarities in reference to the ideal type of capitalist-liberal democracy but rather analysing it as a Tunisian ‘civilian dictatorship’. This is reminiscent, to some extent, of the French ‘colonial authoritarianism’ in parallel with the legacy of the traditional formal monarchic absolutism. The Tunisian autocratic political system is here construed as a state manufactured nationalist-populist authoritarianism associated with a de facto presidential single party, two successive autocratic presidents and their subservient autocratic elites who ruled with an iron fist the de-colonialized ‘liberated nation’ that came to be subjected to a large scale oppression and domination under the new Tunisian Republic. The diachronic survey of Tunisia’s autocratic authoritarian system covers the early years of autocracy, under the first autocratic president Bourguiba, 1957-1987, as well as the different stages of its consolidation into a police-security state under the second autocratic president, Ben Ali, 1987-2011. Comparing the policies of authoritarian regimes, within what is identified synchronically as a bi-cephalous autocratic system, entails an in-depth study of the two autocrats, who ruled Tunisia for more than half a century, as modern adaptable autocrats. This is further supported by an exploration of the ruling authoritarian autocratic elites who played a decisive role in shaping the undemocratic state-society relations, under the 1st and 2nd President, and left an indelible mark, structurally and ideologically, on Tunisian polity. Emphasis is also put on the members of the governmental and state-party institutions and apparatuses that kept circulating and recycling from one authoritarian regime to another, and from the first ‘founding’ autocrat to his putschist successor who consolidated authoritarian stability, political continuity and autocratic governance. The reconfiguration of Tunisian political life, in the post-autocratic era, since 2011 will be analysed. This will be scrutinized, especially in light of the unexpected return of many high-profile figures and old guards of the autocratic authoritarian apparatchiks. How and why were, these public figures, from an autocratic era, able to return in a supposedly post-revolutionary moment? Finally, while some continue to celebrate the putative exceptional success of ‘democratic transition’ in Tunisia, within a context of ‘unfinished revolution’, others remain perplexed in the face of a creeping ‘oligarchic transition’ to a ‘hybrid regime’, characterized rather by elites’ reformist tradition than a bottom-up genuine democratic ‘change’. This latter is far from answering the 2010 ordinary people’s ‘uprisings’ and ‘aspirations, for ‘Dignity, Liberty and Social Justice’.

Keywords: authoritarianism, autocracy, democratization, democracy, populism, transition, Tunisia

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Authors: Meseret Mulugeta, Alemmebrat Kiflu, Belaynehchikle

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The purpose of the present study was to examine the preferred leadership style and motivation of premier league volleyball players. The sample encompassed 46 female premier league volleyball players whose ages ranged between 15 and 35 years. The data were collected using standardized questionnaires. The questionnaires were distributed to 46 female players from five volleyball clubs in the Premier League. To evaluate the motivational level of the players, the Sports Motivation Scale (SMS-6) was used. The leadership scale for sport was used to evaluate leadership. Descriptive statistics and the person correlation coefficient (P <0.05) were used to validate the relationship between leadership style and motivation. The result showed that there is a meaningful and significant relationship between leadership style and motivation. Concerning preferred coaching styles, the most preferred style was training and instruction, with a mean score of 4.10, and the least preferred style was autocratic, with a mean score of 3.37. The result of the Pearson correlation coefficient showed that the correlation between motivation types and leadership styles showed that motivation was significantly and positively correlated with all independent variables except autocratic leadership style, which is negatively correlated with motivation. This study’s nobility is to provide evidence for the most effective coaching to practice the training and instruction behaviour and social support behaviour leadership styles and refrain from using the autocratic leadership style.

Keywords: autocratic, training and instruction, motivation, leadership style

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Authors: Hatem Radwan Ibrahim Radwan

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Leadership is crucial for hotel survival and success. It enables hotels to develop and compete effectively. This research intends to explore the implementation of six leadership styles by frontline hotel managers in four star hotels in Cairo and assess its impact on employees’ creativity and organizational commitment. The leadership patterns considered in this study includes: democratic, autocratic, laissez-faire, transformational, transactional, and ethical leaderships. Questionnaire was used as a research method to gather data. A structured survey was established and distributed on employees in Cairo’s four star hotels. A total of 284 questionnaire forms were returned and usable for statistical analysis. The results of this study identified that transactional and autocratic leadership were the prevalent styles used in four star hotels in Cairo. Two leadership styles proved to have significant high correlation and impact on employees’ creativity and organizational commitment including: transformational and democratic leadership. Besides, laissez-faire leadership was found had a smaller effect on employees’ creativity and ethical leadership had a lesser influence on employees’ commitment. The autocratic leadership had strong negative correlation and significant impact on both dependent variables. This research concludes that frontline hotel managers should adopt transformational and/or democratic leadership style in managing their subordinates.

Keywords: creativity, hotels, leadership styles, organizational commitment

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Authors: Mahlet Nigussie Worku

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The main purpose of this study was to examine the effects of different leadership styles on employee engagement in Ethiopian Airlines headquarters located in Addis Ababa. Specific objectives of the study were stated to examine the effects of five leadership styles, namely transformational, transactional, democratic, lassies fair and autocratic leadership styles on employees’ engagement. The study was conducted on 288 sample sizes, and a simple random sampling technique was employed. The quantitative findings were presented and analyzed by table, ANOVA, bivariate correlation and regression model through SPSS software version 23. Out of 288 total distributed questionnaires, 280 were returned, and 8 of the returned were rejected due to missing data, while the remaining 280 responses were used for data analysis. Data was analyzed using the Statistical Package for Social Sciences (SPSS). The study employed both descriptive and explanatory research design. Correlation and regression were used to analyze the relationship and its effect between leadership Style and employee engagement. The regression results showed that transformational, transactional and democratic leadership Styles have significant contributions to employee engagement. Similarly, the transformational, transactional land democratic leadership style had a positive and strong correlation with employee engagement. However, lassies-fair and autocratic leadership styles showed a negative and insignificant effect on employee engagement. Finally, based on the findings, workable recommendations and implications for further studies were forwarded.

Keywords: leadership, autocratic leadership style, democratic leadership style, employee engagement

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Authors: Mahlet Nigussie Worku

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The main purpose of this study was to examine the effects of different leadership styles on employee engagement in Ethiopian Airlines head quarter located in Addis Ababa. Specific objectives of the study were stated to examine the effects of five leadership styles namely transformational, transactional, democratic, lassies fair and autocratic leadership styles on employees’ engagement. The study was conducted on 288 sample size and a simple random sampling technique was employed. The quantitative findings were presented and analyzed by table, ANOVA, bivariate correlation and regression model through SPSS software version 23. Out of 288 total distributed questionnaires 280 were returned and 8 of the returned were rejected due to missing data while the remaining 280 responses were used for data analysis. Data was analyzed using the Statistical Package for Social Sciences (SPSS). The study employed both descriptive and explanatory research design. Correlation and regression were used to analyze the relationship and its effect between leadership Style and employee’s engagement. The regression results showed that transformational, transactional and democratic leadership Styles have significant contribution for employee’s engagement. Similarly transformational, transactional land democratic leadership style had a positive and strong correlation with employee’s engagement. However lassies-fair and autocratic leadership style showed negative and insignificant effect on employee engagement. Finally, based on the findings, workable recommendations and implications for further studies were forwarded

Keywords: leadership, leadership style, employee engagement, autocratic leadership styles

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Authors: Ali Isa Danlami

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This study examined the coaching leadership behaviours preferred by athletes in individual and team sports in Nigeria that may lead to increased satisfaction and performance. Six leadership behaviours were identified; these are democratic, training and instruction, situational consideration, autocratic, social support and positive feedback. The six leadership behaviours relate to the preference of coaches by athletes that leads to increased performance were the focus of this study. The population of this study is comprised of male and female athletes of states sports councils in Nigeria. An ex-post facto research design was employed for this study. Stratified and purposive sampling techniques were used to select the sampled states according to the six geo-political zones of the country. Two states (North Central (FCT, Nasarawa), North East (Bauchi, Gombe), North West (Kaduna, Sokoto), South East (Anambra, Imo), South west (Ogun, Ondo), South South (Delta, and Rivers) were selected from each stratum. A modified questionnaire was used to collect data for this study, and the data collected were subjected to a reliability test using the Statistical Package for Social Science (SPSS) to analyse the data. A two sample Z-test procedure was used to test the significant differences because of the large number of subjects involved in the different groups. All hypotheses were tested at 0.05 alpha value. The findings of the study concluded that: Athletes in team and individual sports generally preferred coaches who were more disposed towards training and instructions, social support, positive feedback, situational consideration and democratic behaviours. It was also found that athletes in team sports have higher preference for coaches with democratic behaviour. The result revealed that athletes in team and individual sports did not have a preference for coaches disposed towards autocratic behaviour. Based on this, the following recommendations were made: Democratic behaviour by coaches should be encouraged in team and individual sports. Coaches should not be engaged in autocratic behaviours when coaching. These behaviours should be adopted by coaches to increase athletes’ satisfaction and enhancement in performance.

Keywords: leadership behaviour, preference, athletes, individual, team, coaches’

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Authors: Rameesha Javaid

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Balochistan, the largest landmass named after and dominated by the 55% Baloch population, which has had a difficult anti-center history like their brothers the Kurds of Middle East, reluctantly acceded to Pakistan in 1947. The region, which attained the status of a province after two decades of accession, has lagged behind in social development and economic growth as compared to the other three federating units. The province has seen the least financial autonomy and administrative decentralization both in autocratic and democratic dispensations under geostrategic and security considerations. Significant corrections have been recently made in the policy framework through changing the formula for intra-provincial National Finance Award, curtailing the number of subjects under federal control, and reactivating the Council of Common Interests. Yet policymaking remains overwhelmingly bureaucratic under a weak parliamentary oversight. The provincial coalition governments are unwieldy and directionless. The government machinery has much less than the optimal capability, character, integrity, will, and opportunity to perform. Decentralization further loses its semblance in the absence of local governments for long intervals and with the hold of hereditary tribal chiefs. Increased allocations failed to make an impact in the highest per capita cost environment due to long distances and scattered settlements. Decentralization, the basic ingredient of federalism has remained mortgaged to geo-strategic factors, internal security perceptions, autocratic and individualistic styles of governments, bureaucratic policymaking structures, bad governance, non-existent local governments, and feudalistic tribal lords. This suboptimal federalism speaks for the present underdevelopment in Balochistan and will earmark the milestones in the future.

Keywords: Balochistan, economic development, federalism, political economy

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Authors: Mustafa Hyder, Khalid Mahmood Iraqi, Sameen Mustafa

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They say if the leader limps, all the others will start limping too. Therefore, a very dynamic leadership at all levels within the IT Community is critical to the success of an organization. This paper is an attempt to study the relationship between Information Technology (IT) with leadership and assesses its relevancy in today's fast-paced hi-tech globalized environment. The paper strives to look into the essential qualities and knowledge as needed by today's IT leader, in contrast to essential characteristics common to all the leaders-past, present, and future.

Keywords: leadership, autocratic leaders, characteristics of IT leaders, skills of IT professionals, IT leadership

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Authors: Bellinda R. Chinowawa

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As part of a wider strategy to stifle civil society, Governments routinely resort to judicial harassment through the use of civil and criminal to impugn the integrity of human rights defenders and that of perceived political opponents. This phenomenon is rife in militarised or autocratic regimes where there is no tolerance for dissenting voices. Zimbabwe, ostensibly a presidential republic founded on the values of transparency, equality, freedom, is characterised by brutal suppression of perceived political opponents and those who assert their basic human rights. This is done through a wide range of tactics including unlawful arrests and detention, torture and other cruel, inhuman degrading treatment and enforced disappearances. Professionals including, journalists and doctors are similarly not spared from state attack. For human rights defenders, the most widely used tool of repression is that of judicial harassment where the judicial system is used to persecute them. This can include the levying of criminal charges, civil lawsuits and unnecessary administrative proceedings. Charges preferred against range from petty offences such as criminal nuisance to more serious charges of terrorism and subverting a constitutional government. Additionally, government sponsored individuals and organisations file strategic lawsuits with pecuniary implications order to intimidate and silence critics and engender self-censorship. Some HRDs are convicted and sentenced to prison terms, despite not being criminals in a true sense. While others are acquitted judicial harassment diverts energy and resources away from their human rights work. Through a consideration of statistical data reported by human rights organisations and face to face interviews with a cross section of human rights defenders, the article will map the incidence of judicial harassment in Zimbabwe. The article will consider the multi-level sociological and contextual factors which influence the Government of Zimbabwe to have easy recourse to criminal law and the debilitating effect of these actions on HRDs. These factors include the breakdown of the rule of law resulting in state capture of the judiciary, the proven efficacy of judicial harassment from colonial times to date, and the lack of an adequate redress mechanism at international level. By mapping the use of the judiciary as a tool of repression, from the inception of modern day Zimbabwe to date, it is hoped that HRDs will realise that they are part of a greater community of activists throughout the ages and should emboldened in the realisation that it is an age old tactic used by fallen regimes which should not deter them from calling for accountability.

Keywords: autocratic regime, colonial legacy, judicial harassment, human rights defenders

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Authors: Karrar Raoof Kareem Kamoona, Enas Fathi Taher AlHares, Zeynep Isik

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The various disciplines in the construction industry and the co-existence of the people in the various disciplines are what builds well-developed, closely-knit interpersonal skills at various hierarchical levels thus leading to a varied way of leadership. The varied decision making aspects during the lifecycle of a project include: autocratic, participatory and last but not least, free-rein. We can classify some of the decision makers in the construction industry in a hierarchical manner as follows: project executive, project manager, superintendent, office engineer and finally the field engineer. This survey looked at how decisions are made during the construction period by the key stakeholders in the project. From the paper it is evident that the three decision making aspects can be used at different times or at times together in order to bring out the best leadership decision. A blend of different leadership styles should be used to enhance the success rate during the project lifecycle.

Keywords: leadership style, construction, decision-making, built environment

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Authors: Ugur Karakaya, Hasan Bulent Kantarcı

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In this study, firstly democratic thoughts which directly or indirectly affect economic development and/or the interaction between authoritarian regimes and the economic development and the direction and channels of this interaction were studied and then the study tried to determine how democracy affects economic development. It was concluded that the positive contributions of democracy to economic development were more determinant than the effects that were either negative or restrictive in terms of development. When compared to autocracy, since democracy is more successful in managing social conflicts, ensuring political stability and preventing social disasters such as famine, it contributes more to economic development. Democracy also facilitates delegation of authority, provides a stable investment environment and accelerates mobilization of resources in accordance with economic growth/development. Democracy leads to an increase in human capital accumulation and increases the growth rate through reducing income inequality. It can be said that democratic regimes are the most appropriate ones in terms of increasing economic performance and supporting economic development through their strong institutional structures and the assurance they will ensure in property rights.

Keywords: democracy, economic growth, economic freedom, autocratic regime

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Authors: Oxana Vasilyeva

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This paper draws on research in progress focusing on independent art in the Russian Federation. I am using the concept of independent art to mean art free from state control and established restrictive narratives. The Russian state pursues its interests by supporting or forbidding certain forms of art, and art that promotes values in opposition to the official political course is often forbidden. Arguments presented below draw from fieldwork carried out in Russian cities of Moscow and Saint Petersburg in June – August 2019, which included in-depth interviews with artists. This research explores socially engaged artistic works and their effect on socio-political state of affairs. It argues that artistic works entering public places have a potential to challenge autocratic system and inspire civil society to be critically engaged and to be capable to resist state propaganda. I am focusing on those artists who have a critical stance towards the current Russian political regime and analyzing their works in terms of transgression. By using the framework of transgression I aim to demonstrate how artists step across existing norms with their art influencing political and social order. To show the connection between the factors mentioned above, I will turn to two examples of transgressive aesthetics; one is individual and another is collective. The first example is Konstantin Benkovich, an artist who makes his works out of steel rebar, which is considered to be a symbol of the lack of freedom, as it is usually encountered in prison settings. The second example is a collective art practice called Monstration. It combines techniques of a demonstration and a carnival atmosphere. In 2019 Monstration was held in 30 Russian cities, despite the dissatisfaction of the authorities.

Keywords: art, culture, resistance, Russia

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Authors: Syed Toqueer Akhter, Muhammad Muzaffar Abbas

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Conflicts in Pakistan are a result of a configuration of factors, which are directly related to the system of the state, the unstable regional setting, and the geo-strategic location of Pakistan at large. This paper examines the impact of regional conflict onto the socio-political sustainability of Pakistan. The magnitude of the spillover from a conflicted region is similar in size of the equivalent increase in domestic conflict. Pakistan has gone at war three times with India; the border with India is named as the tensest borderlines of the world. Disagreements with India and lack of dispute settlement mechanisms have negatively effected the peace in the region, influx of illegal weapons and refugees from Afghanistan as an outcome of 9/11 incidence, have exasperated the criticality of levels of internal conflict in Pakistan. Our empirical findings are based on the data collected on regional conflict levels, regional trade, global trade, comparative defence capabilities of the region in contrast to Pakistan and the government regime (Autocratic, Democratic) over 1972-2007. It has been proposed in this paper that the intent of domestic conflict is associated with the conflict in the region, regional trade, global trade and the government regime of Pakistan. The estimated model (OLS) implies that domestic conflict is effected positively and significantly with long term impact of conflict in the region. Also, if defence capabilities of the region are better than that of Pakistan it effects domestic conflict positively and significantly. Conflict in neighbouring countries are found as a source of domestic conflict in Pakistan, whereas the regional trade as well as type of government regimes in Pakistan lowered the intensity of domestic conflict significantly, while globalized trade imply risk of domestic conflict to be reduced but not significantly.

Keywords: conflict, regional trade, socio-politcal instability

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Authors: Sourina Bej

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Since the process of decolonization in 1940, several countries in South Asia have witnessed intra-state conflicts owing to ineffective political governance. The conflicts have remained protracted as the countries have failed to make a holistic transition to a democratic state. Nepal is one such South Asian country facing a turmultous journey from monarchy to republicanism. The paper aims to focus on the democratic transition in the context of Nepal’s political, legal and economic institutions. The presence of autocratic feudalistic and centralised state structure with entrenched socio-economic inequalities has resulted in mass uprising only to see the country slip back to the old order. Even a violent civil war led by the Maoists could not overhaul the political relations or stabilize the democratic space. The paper aims to analyse the multiple political, institutional and operational challenges in the implementation of the peace agreement with the Maoist. Looking at the historical background, the paper will examine the problematic nation-building that lies at the heart of fragile peace process in Nepal. Regional dynamics have played a big role in convoluting the peace-building. The new constitution aimed at conflict resolution brought to the open, deep seated hatred among different ethnic groups in Nepal. Apart from studying the challenges to the peace process and the role of external players like India and China in the political reconstruction, the paper will debate on a viable federal solution to the ethnic conflict in Nepal. If the current government fails to pass a constitution accepted by most ethnic groups, Nepal will remain on the brink of new conflict outbreaks.

Keywords: democratisation, ethnic conflict, Nepal, peace process

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Authors: Dishari Rakshit, Mitchell Gallagher

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The global landscape is witnessing a disconcerting surge in democratic backsliding, engendering concerns over the rise of autocratisation. This research demonstrates the intricate relationship between a nation's domestic propensity for autocratic governance and its trade relations with China. Giving prominence to Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) investments, this study adopts a rigorous neorealist framework to discern the complexities of nations' economic interests amidst an anarchic milieu and how these interests may transcend steadfast adherence to democratic principles. The burgeoning bipolarity in the international political setting serves as a backdrop to our inquiry. To operationalise our hypothesis, we conduct a large-scale 'N' study, encompassing a comprehensive global dataset comprising countries' democracy indicators, total trade volume with China, and cumulative Chinese BRI investments over a substantial temporal expanse. By meticulously examining BRI signatories’, we aim to ascertain the potential accentuation of democratic backsliding among these nations. To test our empirical underpinning, we will validate our findings through cogent case studies. Our analysis adds to the scholarship on multifaceted interactions between trade dynamics and democratic governance within the fabric of the international political landscape. In its culmination, the paper addresses the question- has the erstwhile grandeur of bipolarity resurfaced in the contemporary global panorama? Concurrently, we explore the nexus between the ascendant wave of autocratisation as a by-product of the Beijing Consensus? Pertinent to policymakers, our discoveries stand poised to furnish a comprehensive grasp of the manifold implications arising from the deepening entanglements with China under the auspices of the BRI.

Keywords: democracy, autocracy, china, belt road initiative, international political economy

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Authors: Jawaher Bakheet Almudarra

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An Educational Supervisor assists teachers to develop their competence and skills in teaching, solving educational problems, and to improve the teaching methods to suit the educational process. They evaluate their teachers and write reports based on their assessments. In 1957, the Saudi Ministry of Education instituted Educational Supervision to facilitate effective management of schools, however, there have been concerns that the Educational Supervision has not been effective in executing its mandate. Studies depicted that Educational supervision has not been effective because it has been marred by poor and autocratic leadership practices such as stringent inspection, commanding and judging. Therefore, there is need to consider some of the ways in which school outcomes can be enhanced through the improvement of Educational supervision practices. Emotional intelligence is a relatively new concept that can be integrated into the Saudi education system that is yet to be examined in-depth and embraced particularly in the realm of educational leadership. Its recognition and adoption may improve leadership practices among Educational supervisors. This study employed a qualitative interpretive approach that will focus on decoding, describing and interpreting the connection between emotional intelligence and leadership. The study also took into account the social constructions that include consciousness, language and shared meanings. The data collection took place in the Office of Educational Supervisors in Riyadh and involved 4 Educational supervisors and 20 teachers from both genders- male and female. The data collection process encompasses three methods namely; qualitative emotional intelligence self-assessment questionnaires, reflective semi-structured interviews, and open workshops. The questionnaires would explore whether the Educational supervisors understand the meaning of emotional intelligence and its significance in enhancing the quality of education system in Saudi Arabia. Subsequently, reflective semi-structured interviews were carried out with the Educational supervisors to explore the connection between their leadership styles and the way they conceptualise their emotionality. The open workshops will include discussions on emotional aspects of Educational supervisors’ practices and how Educational supervisors make use of the emotional intelligence discourse in their leadership and supervisory relationships.

Keywords: directors of educational supervision, emotional intelligence, educational leadership, education management

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Authors: Lei Ping

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The Western discourse of ‘modernity’ along with its objects, ideologies, and culture are brought to Imperial China by force of arms which confronted Chinese traditions. The struggle and conflicts between ‘Zhong’ (Chinese) and ‘Wai' (foreign), ‘Jiu’(Old) and ‘Xin’(New) are continuous during the turbulent times of 19th Century China. Since the foundation of the People’s Republic in 1949, China has gone through radical social, economic and cultural reform under the Communist Party’s highly centralised and autocratic political regime. The regime and Chairman Mao’s eagerness to identify the new China and establish a revolutionary mono-culture have increased political influence on the modernisation process. The ten years of Cultural Revolution (1966-76) have commonly been neglected and separated from China’s modern history due to its political, emotional and various other associations. Its cultural productions which dictated the Chinese stages during this period, namely the yangbanxi (Model Works), are largely viewed as political propaganda material with little or no artistic value in the nation’s cultural development. This paper argues that far from being anti modernisation of culture, the yangbanxi carry continuities that originate from before the cultural revolution and influence later cultural productions up till today. The focus of the paper is on Hongse Niangzijun (The Red Detachment of Women), a ballet yangbanxi (Model Works) which was performed to President Nixon during his visit to China in 1972. It depicts the female soldier Wu Qionghua’s life story: a transformation from a peasant girl to a mature communist soldier. The first part of the paper begins with an introduction to the cultural, social and political contexts under which the ballet was created and made a yangbanxi (Model work). The second part examines the application of musical devices (e.g. instrumentation, leitmotif), ranging from typical Western techniques to Chinese musical and theatrical traditions. By analysing, connecting and comparing these musical devices of various origins, the paper illustrates that the yangbanxi (Model Works) largely contributes to the ever-present, continuing and evolving modernisation of contemporary Chinese culture.

Keywords: cultural revolution, Hongse Niangzijun (Red Detachment of Women), modern China, music, Yangbanxi (model works)

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Authors: Tracey Jean Boisseau

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Recently, the rise of concerted right-wing and authoritarian movements has put feminists as well as women, queer, trans, and non-binary folk, immigrants, refugees, the global poor, and people of color in their crosshairs. The U.S. is seeing unprecedented attacks on liberal democratic institutions, escalating “culture wars,” and increased anti-intellectual vitriol specifically targeting feminist and anti-racist educators and scholars. Such vitriol has fueled new legislation curtailing or outright banning of “gender studies” for its ideological commitment to theorizing gender identity as a cultural construct and an inherently political project rather than a “natural” binary that can not be contested or interrogated. At the same time, across the globe—in Afghanistan, Argentina, Brazil, France, Haiti, Hungary, Kenya, Nicaragua, Nigeria, Pakistan, the Philippines, Poland, Russia, South Korea, Sweden, Turkey, Uganda, the United Kingdom, and elsewhere—emergent anti-feminist, nativist, and white-supremacist political parties, as well as established autocratic and authoritarian regimes, have instituted blatantly misogynistic, anti-queer, and anti-trans legislation, often accompanied by governmental and extra-governmental policies explicitly intended to marginalize, erase, suppress, or extinguish gender studies as a legitimate academic discipline, topic of research, and teaching field. This paper considers the origins and effects of such legislation -as well as the strategies exhibited by practitioners of gender studies to counter these effects and resist erasure- from a cross-cultural perspective. The research underpinning this paper’s conclusions includes a survey of nearly 2000 gender studies programs in the U.S. and interviews with dozens of gender studies scholars and administrative leaders of gender-studies programs located worldwide. The goal of this paper is to illuminate distinctions, continuities, and global connections between anti-gender studies legislation that emanates from within national borders but arises from rightwing movements that supercede those borders, and that, ultimately, require globalist responses.

Keywords: anti-feminist, anti-LGBTQ, legislation, criminalization, authoritarianism, globalization

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Authors: Victoria Lewis, L. Dumbell

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The British Equestrian Federation (BEF) aims to develop a holistic coach education and certification program, moving away from traditional autocratic instruction in line with the UK Coaching Framework. This framework is based on generic coaching science research where the coach is cited as a pivotal aspect in developing sporting success. Theoretic knowledge suggests that the role of the sports coach is to develop the physical, tactical, technical and psychological attributes of the athlete and is responsible for the planning, organization and delivery of the training plan and competition schedule. However, to the best of the author’s knowledge, there is no empirical evidence to suggest that is the role required in equestrian sport as the rider takes responsibility for many of these tasks. This research aimed to address the void in current knowledge by gaining an understanding of coaching in equestrian sport in order to improve coaching education system through awareness of the role of the coach. Objectives were to examine the relationship between coach and rider at elite level in equestrian sport providing empirical evidence to suggest that the rider is, in part, ‘self –coached’. To identify the elite equestrian coaches’ role in coaching these ‘self-coached riders. A qualitative method using semi-structured interviews was used. A sample of elite coaches (N=3) and elite riders (N=3) were interviewed. Analysis of the transcripts revealed a total of 534 meaning units that were further grouped into sub-themes and general themes from the coaches’ perspective and the riders’ perspective. This led to the development of a final thematic structure revealing major dimensions that characterized coaching in elite equestrian sport. It was found that the riders at the elite level coach themselves the majority of the time, therefore, can be considered as ‘self-coached’ athletes. However, they do use elite coaches in a mentoring and consultancy role, where they seek guidance from the coach on specific problems, to sound ideas off or to seek reassurance that what they are doing is correct. Findings from this research suggest that the rider-coach relationship at the elite level is a professional one, based on trust and respect, but not a close relationship as seen in other sports. The results show the imperative need for the BEF to educate coaches in coaching the self-coached rider at the elite level, particularly in terms of mentoring skills. As well as incorporating rider education aimed at developing the independent, self-coached riders.

Keywords: coaching, elite sport, equestrian, self coached

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Authors: Muhammad Irfan

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The rise of radicalization within Islam has spawned a new era of global terror. The battlefield Successes of ISIS and the Taliban are fuelled by an ideological war waged, largely and successfully, in the media arena. This research will examine how Islamic extremist groups are using media modalities and populist narratives to influence migrant Muslim populations in Europe towards extremism. In 2014, ISIS shocked the world in exporting horrifically graphic forms of violence on social media. Their Muslim support base was largely disgusted and reviled. In response, they reconfigured their narrative by introducing populist 'hooks', astutely portraying the Muslim populous as oppressed and exploited by unjust, corrupt autocratic regimes and Western power structures. Within this crucible of real and perceived oppression, hundreds of thousands of the most desperate, vulnerable and abused migrants left their homelands, risking their lives in the hope of finding peace, justice, and prosperity in Europe. Instead, many encountered social stigmatization, detention and/or discrimination for being illegal migrants, for lacking resources and for simply being Muslim. This research will examine how Islamic extremist groups are exploiting the disenfranchisement of these migrant populations and using populist messaging on social media to influence them towards violent extremism. ISIS, in particular, formulates specific encoded messages for newly-arriving Muslims in Europe, preying upon their vulnerability. Violence is posited, as a populist response, to the tyranny of European oppression. This research will analyze the factors and indicators which propel Muslim migrants along the spectrum from resilience to violence extremism. Expected outcomes are identification of factors which influence vulnerability towards violent extremism; an early-warning detection framework; predictive analysis models; and de-radicalization frameworks. This research will provide valuable tools (practical and policy level) for European governments, security stakeholders, communities, policy-makers, and educators; it is anticipated to contribute to a de-escalation of Islamic extremism globally.

Keywords: populism, radicalization, de-radicalization, social media, ISIS, Taliban, shariah, jihad, Islam, Europe, political communication, terrorism, migrants, refugees, extremism, global terror, predictive analysis, early warning detection, models, strategic communication, populist narratives, Islamic extremism

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Authors: Khalid Alshaikh

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In recent years, leadership, Corporate Governance (CG) and Corporate Social Responsibility (CSR) have been under scrutiny in the Libyan society. Scholars and institutions have commenced investigating the possible resolutions they can arrange to alleviate the economic, social and environmental problems the war has produced. Thus far, these constructs requisite an in-depth reinvestigation, reconceptualization, and analysis to clearly reconstruct their rules and regulations. With the demise of Qaddafi’s regime, levels, degrees, and efforts to apply CG regulations have varied in public and private commercial banks. CSR is a new organizational culture that still designs its route within these financial institutions. Detaching itself from any notion of dictatorship and autocratic traits, leadership counts on transformational and transactional styles. Therefore, this paper investigates the extent to which the Board of Directors and Chief Executive Officers (CEOs) redefine these concepts and how they entrench CSR within the framework of CG. The research methodology used both public and private banks as a case study and qualitative research to interview ten Board of Directors (BoDs) and eleven Chief executive managers to explore how leadership, CG, and CSR are defined and how leadership integrates CSR into CG structures. The findings suggest that the CG framework in Libya still requires great efforts to be developed. Full CG code implementation appears daunting. Also, the CSR is still influenced by the power of religion. Nevertheless, the Islamic perspective is more consistent with the social contract concept of the CSR. The Libyan commercial banks do not solely focus on the economic side of maximizing profits, but also concentrate on its morality. The issue is that CSR activities are not enough to achieve good charity publicly and needs strategies to address major social issues. Moreover, leadership is more transformational and transactional and endeavors to make economic, social and environmental changes, but these changes are curtailed by tradition and traditional values dominating the Libyan social life where religious and tribal practices establish the relationship between leaders and their subordinates. Finally, the findings reveal that transformational and transactional leadership styles encourage the incorporation of CSR into the CG regulations. The boardroom and executive management have such a particular role in flagging up how embedded corporate Social responsibility is in organizational culture across the commercial banks, yet it is still important that the BoDs and CEOs need to do much more to embed corporate social responsibility through their core functions. They need to boost their standing to be more influential and make sure that the right discussions about CSR happen with the right stakeholders involved.

Keywords: board of directors, chief executive officers, corporate governance, corporate social responsibility

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Authors: Louay Safi

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The notion of secular society that evolved over the last two centuries was initially intended to free the public sphere from religious imposition, before it assumed the form a comprehensive ideology whose aim is to prevent any overt religious expression from the public space. The negative view of religious expression, and the desire by political elites to purge the public space from all forms of religious expressions were first experienced in the Middle East in the last decades of the twentieth century in relation to Islam, before it manifests itself in the twentieth century Europe. Arab regimes were encouraged by European democracies to marginalize all forms of religious expressions in the public as part of the secularization process that was deemed necessary for modernization and progress. The prohibition of Islamic symbols and outlawing the headscarf was first undertaken to Middle Eastern republics, such as Turkey in 1930s and Syria in 1970s, before it is implemented recently in France. Secularization has been perceived by European powers as the central aspect of social and political liberalization, and was given priority over democratization and human rights, so much so that European elites were willing to entrust the task of nurturing liberal democracy to Arab autocrats and dictators. Not only did the strategy of empowering autocratic regimes to effect liberal democratic culture failed, but it contributed to the rise of Islamist extremism and produced failed states in Syria and Iraq that undermine both national and global peace and stability. The paper adopts the distinction made by John Rawls between political and comprehensive liberalism to argue that the modernization via secularization in Muslim societies is counterproductive and has subverted early successful efforts at democratization and reform in the Middle East. Using case studies that illustrate the role of the secularization strategy in Syria, Iran, and Egypt in undermining democratic and reformist movements in those countries, the paper calls for adopting a different approach rooted in liberal and democratic values rather than cultural practices and lifestyle. The paper shows that Islamic values as articulated by reform movements support a democratic and pluralist political order, and emphasizes the need to legitimize and support social forces that advocate democracy and human rights. Such an alternative strategy allows for internal competition among social groups for popular support, and therefore enhances the chances that those with inclusive and forward-looking political principles and policies would create a democratic and pluralist political order more conducive to meaningful national and global cooperation, and respectful of human dignity.

Keywords: democracy, Islamic values, political liberalism, secularization

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Authors: Nuray Ocakli

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19th century was the era of changes and transformations for the Ottoman Empire. The first sultan of this century, Mahmud II (1808-1839), was the architect of Ottoman modernization and fundamental changes. The most radical of these was abolishing the Janissary corps and the traditional Ottoman military band, Mehteran. Mahmud II introduced modernized military corps as well as western style royal and military music. Mahmut II invited the Italian composer Giuseppe Donizetti to establish a modern military band for the new army and to compose the Sultan’s royal anthem. In 1828, Donizetti composed the first western-style Ottoman anthem, Mahmudiyye anthem. During the 19th and early 20th century, four other western style Ottoman anthems (Aziziyye, Mecidiyye, Hamidiyye, and Resadiyye) were composed but the last anthem adopted in the reign of Mehmet VI (r. 1918-1922) was again Mahmudiyye anthem. This paper aims to analyze the Mahmudiyye anthem composed as royal anthem in 1828 but adopted as national anthem in 1918. Research questions of this paper are as follows: What were the characteristics of the Mahmudiyye anthem making it the best choice of the last sultan for the last national anthem? Are there specific reasons of the last sultan to adopt Mahmudiyye anthem or not to adopt any of the other four anthems? The musical characteristics of the anthem are analyzed based on the Cerulo’s empirical research. Cerulo examined the musical structures of 124 western style anthems from 150 countries in the 1580-1976 period. Cerulo’s research categorizes musical codes of the anthems as basic and embellished related with the level of sociopolitical control. Musical analysis of the anthem indicates that the basic musical code of the anthem implies a high level of socio-political control during the reign of both Mahmut II and Mehmet VI. Historical analysis of each sultans’ reign shows that both sultans were autocratic. Mahmut II designed authoritarian government policies to suppress possible reactions against his reforms. On the other hand, authoritarian policies of Mehmet VI are related with the domestic and international political conditions following the World War I. Historical analysis of the research questions show that compared to the other western style Ottoman anthems, Mahmudiyye anthem remained the only neutral anthem symbolizing modernization and westernization of the empire. Other anthems were all the symbols of failed ideologies such as Ottomanism, pan-Islamism, and pan-Turkism. In the early 20th century, there were a few common things remained among the diverse communities of the Ottoman Empire: The land they shared as homeland and the idea of modernization to save the homeland. For this reason, the last sultan Mehmet VI adopted Mahmudiyye anthem as the memory of a unified empire under the rule of a powerful and modernist sultan. The last sultan’s reign lasted just for four years, and the Ottoman Empire disintegrated in 1922, but his adaptation of the Mahmudiyye anthem indicates his unifying policies, his attitudes to save the empire and the caliphate.

Keywords: Mahmudiyye anthem, musical code, national anthem, Ottoman Empire, royal anthem

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Authors: Kevin Baxter, Ron Grove, James Pitney, John Harrison, Ozlem Gumus

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The purpose of this research is to determine the mediating effect of effectiveness of the training provided by Northwestern University’s School of Police Staff and Command (SPSC), on the ability of law enforcement mid-level managers to learn transformational and authentic leadership traits. This study will also evaluate the leadership styles, of course, graduates compared to non-attendees using a static group comparison design. The Louisiana State Police pay approximately $40,000 in salary, tuition, housing, and meals for each state police lieutenant attending the 10-week program of the SPSC. This school lists the development of transformational leaders as an increasing element. Additionally, the SPSC curriculum addresses all four components of authentic leadership - self-awareness, transparency, ethical/moral, and balanced processing. Upon return to law enforcement in roles of mid-level management, there are questions as to whether or not students revert to an “autocratic” leadership style. Insufficient evidence exists to support claims for the effectiveness of management training or leadership development. Though it is widely recognized that transformational styles are beneficial to law enforcement, there is little evidence that suggests police leadership styles are changing. Police organizations continue to hold to a more transactional style (i.e., most senior police leaders remain autocrats). Additionally, research in the application of transformational, transactional, and laissez-faire leadership related to police organizations is minimal. The population of the study is law enforcement mid-level managers from various states within the United States who completed leadership training presented by the SPSC. The sample will be composed of 66 active law enforcement mid-level managers (lieutenants and captains) who have graduated from SPSC and 65 active law enforcement mid-level managers (lieutenants and captains) who have not attended SPSC. Participants will answer demographics questions, Multifactor Leadership Questionnaire, Authentic Leadership Questionnaire, and the Kirkpatrick Hybrid Evaluation Survey. Analysis from descriptive statistics, group comparison, one-way MANCOVA, and the Kirkpatrick Evaluation Model survey will be used to determine training effectiveness in the four levels of reaction, learning, behavior, and results. Independent variables are SPSC graduates (two groups: upper and lower) and no-SPSC attendees, and dependent variables are transformational and authentic leadership scores. SPSC graduates are expected to have higher MLQ scores for transformational leadership traits and higher ALQ scores for authentic leadership traits than SPSC non-attendees. We also expect the graduates to rate the efficacy of SPSC leadership training as high. This study will validate (or invalidate) the benefits, costs, and resources required for leadership development from a nationally recognized police leadership program, and it will also help fill the gap in the literature that exists between law enforcement professional development and transformational and authentic leadership styles.

Keywords: training effectiveness, transformational leadership, authentic leadership, law enforcement mid-level manager

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Authors: Elina Vroblevska, Toms Ratfelders

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This paper examines the impact of international status-seeking aspirations on great power behavior within the international system. In particular, we seek to test the assumption advanced by the proponents of the Social Identity Theory (SIT) that the inability to achieve social mobilization through joining perceived higher-status social groups (of states) leads great powers to adopt the approach of social competition in which they aim to equal or outdo the dominant group in the area on which its claim to superior status rests. Since the dissolution of the Soviet Union, Russia has struggled to be accepted as a great power by the group of Western states that had created the dominant international system order, while the Soviet states were isolated. While the 1990s and the beginning of the 21st century can be characterized by striving to integrate into the existing order, the second decade has seen a rather sharp turn towards creating a new power center for Russia through the realization of ideas of multipolarity rivalry and uniqueness of the state itself. Increasingly, we have seen the Kremlin striving to collaborate and mobilize groups of states that fall outside of the categories of democracy, multiculturalism, and international order, the way that is perceived by the dominant group, which can be described as the West. Instead, Russia builds its own narrative where it creates an alternative understanding of these values, differentiating from the higher-status social group. The Global South, from a Russian perspective, is the group of states that can still be swayed to create an alternative power center in the international system - one where Russia can assert its status as a great power. This is based on a number of reasons, the most important being that the global north is already highly institutionalized in terms of economy (the EU) and defense (NATO), leaving no room for Russia but to integrate within the existing framework. Second, the difference in values and their interpretation - Russia has been adamant, for the last twenty years, on basing its moral code on traditional values like religion, the heterosexual family model, and moral superiority, which contradict the overall secularism of the Global North. And last, the striking difference in understanding of state governance models - with Russia becoming more autocratic over the course of the last 20 years, it has deliberately created distance between itself and democratic states, entering a “gray area” of alternative understanding of democracy which is more relatable to the global South countries. Using computational text analysis of the excerpts of Vladimir Putin’s speeches delivered from 2000-2022 regarding the areas that fall outside the immediate area of interest of Russia (the Global South), we identify 80 topics that relate to the particular component of the great power status - interest to use force globally. These topics are compared across four temporal frames that capture the periods of more and less permissible Western social boundaries. We find that there exists a negative association between such permissiveness and Putin’s emphasis on the “use of force” topics. This lends further support to the Social Identity Theory and contributes to broadening its applicability to explaining the questions related to great power assertiveness in areas outside of their primary focus regions.

Keywords: Russia, Global South, great power, identity

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