Search results for: the international covenant on civil and political rights

Authors: Diana Isabel Torres Silva

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Doris Salcedo is the most prominent sculptor from Colombia ever and currently, one of the most prestigious Latin-American artists in the world. Her artwork, intended as political art, has war as a background, in particular the Colombian civil conflict, and it addresses the way that its violence affects victims’ lives irreparably. While Salcedo is internationally recognized as a talented and a politically committed artist, some Colombian critics consider her artwork as the propagandist and influenced by the interest of multinational companies and the organizations that fund it. This paper, as part of a more extended research project, attempts to demonstrate that Doris Salcedo’s artwork makes visible the victims suffering and mourning and compels the viewers’ sympathy, although its approach is superficial. It does not achieve a complete or complex understanding of the social and historical causes underneath the war and maybe because of that has become a successful commodity for the international arts market. The paper considers, firstly, the influence that Colombian Nuevo Teatro, from the sixties, had on Salcedo’s early political perspective and, secondly, analyzes in detail the first series of her artwork (1992-1998) and how those works address grieving. The focus point of this analysis will be the domestic furniture sculptures, which are the main symbolic element of Salcedo’s oeuvre.

Keywords: Arts and politics, Doris Salcedo, Colombian art, Political Art

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Authors: Samantha Vargas-Alfonso

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The phenomenon of migration has been long-recorded since ancient history but never has mobility in huge numbers been so rapid and constant than that of the present. A significant portion of these migrants move for the promise of better economic subsistence by finding employment in foreign lands; while there are local and international instruments to protect these migrant workers, they still face human rights violations amongst other hurdles in integrating themselves into their host country. This research aims to look at the occurrence of Passport Confiscation for Filipino migrant workers (blue-collar workers) who are situated in Saudi Arabia. In addition to this, the study will look at the Kafala System which GCC countries practice regulating their foreign employees. The research attempts to prove that international conventions lack power in constraining the occurrence of passport confiscation and that while the kafala system exists, there is very little opportunity to address this issue.

Keywords: kafala, labor, migration, passport

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Authors: Ana Luiza Casasanta Garcia, Maria Del Carmen Cortizo

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From the classic contractualist and early declarations of modern rights, discussions on policies for the protection and promotion of human rights were highlighted in an attempt to ensure the realization of human dignity and its values, which are (re) negotiated according to the needs evidenced in each historical and contextual moment. Aiming at guaranteeing human rights to Brazilian citizens, created in 2009 and updated in 2010, the Third National Human Rights Program (PNDH III) in force highlights guidelines and recommendations to guarantee human rights, among them, to guarantee the rights of women in Brazil. Based on this document, this article aims to locate historically and culturally the understanding of human rights related to the rights of women in Brazilian territory, from the analysis of the guiding axes of women's rights of the PNDH III. In methodological terms, the qualitative approach and documentary research were used to analyze the data according to the critical discourse analysis. As a result, it has been found that the process of building and maintaining the guarantee of women's human rights needs a reformulation that also shows a social revolution. This is justified by the fact that even with the provision in the PNDH III that, in order to guarantee the rights of women, it is necessary, for example, to adapt the Penal Code to the decriminalization of abortion and the professionalization of prostitution, these points are still very controversial and are not put into practice by the State. Finally, the importance of the critique of politics and the current system of production of understandings in favor of this social transformation is emphasized.

Keywords: human rights of women, social transformation, national human rights program III, public politics

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Authors: Ana Caroline Ibrahim Lino, Denise Bomtempo Birche de Carvalho

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The background of this research is the international process of control and monitoring of illicit psychoactive substances that has commenced in the early 20th century. This process was intensified with the UN Single Convention on Narcotic Drugs of 1961 and had its culmination in the 1970s with the "War on drugs", a doctrine undertaken by the United States of America. Since then, the phenomenon of drug prohibition has been pushing debates around alternatives of public policies to confront their consequences at a global level and in the specific context of Latin America. Previous research has answered the following key questions: a) With what characteristics and models has the international illicit drug control system consolidated in Latin America with the creation of the Organization of American States (OAS) and the Inter-American Drug Abuse Control Commission (CICAD)? b) What drug policies and programs were determined as guidelines for the member states by the OAS and CICAD? The present paper mainly addresses the analysis of the drug strategies developed by the OAS/CICAD for the Americas from 2004 to 2016. The primary sources have been extracted from the OAS/CICAD documents and reports, listed on the Internet sites of these organizations. Secondary sources refer to bibliographic research on the subject with the following descriptors: illicit drugs, public policies, international organizations, OAS, CICAD, and reducing the demand and supply of illicit drugs. The "content analysis" technique was used to organize the collected material and to choose the axes of analysis. The results show that the policies, strategies, and action plans for Latin America had been focused on anti-drug actions since the creation of the Commission until 2010. The discourses and policies to reduce drug demand and supply were of great importance for solving the problem. However, the real focus was on eliminating the substances by controlling the production, marketing, and distribution of illicit drugs. Little attention was given to the users and their families. The research is of great relevance to the Social Work. The guidelines and parameters of the Social Worker's profession are in line with the need for social, ethical, and political strengthening of any dimension that guarantees the rights of users of psychoactive substances. In addition, it contributed to the understanding of the political, economic, social, and cultural factors that structure the prohibitionism, whose matrix anchors the deprivation of rights and violence.

Keywords: illicit drug policies, international organizations, latin America, prohibitionism, reduce the demand and supply of illicit drugs

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Authors: Bheki R. Mngomezulu

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The present paper cogently and systematically traces the history of Umkhonto Wesizwe (MK) and identifies its important role in shaping South Africa’s post-apartheid foreign policy and international relations under black leadership. It provides the political and historical contexts within which we can interpret and better understand South Africa’s controversial ‘Quiet Diplomacy’ approach to Zimbabwe’s endemic political and economic crises, which have dragged for too long. On 16 December 1961, the African National Congress (ANC) officially launched the MK as its military wing. The main aim was to train liberation fighters outside South Africa who would return into the country to topple the apartheid regime. Subsequently, the ANC established links with various countries across Africa and the globe in order to solicit arms, financial resources and military training for its recruits into the MK. Drawing from archival research and empirical data obtained through oral interviews that were conducted with some of the former MK cadres, this paper demonstrates how the ANC forged relations with a number of countries that were like-minded in order to ensure that its dream of removing the apartheid government became a reality. The findings reveal that South Africa’s foreign policy posture and international relations after the demise of apartheid in 1994 built on these relations. As such, even former and current socialist countries that were frowned upon by the Western world became post-apartheid South Africa’s international partners. These include countries such as Cuba and China, among others. Even countries that were not recognized by the Western world as independent states received good reception in post-apartheid South Africa’s foreign policy agenda. One of these countries is Palestine. Within Africa, countries with questionable human rights records such as Nigeria and Zimbabwe were accommodated in South Africa’s foreign policy agenda after 1994. Drawing from this history, the paper concludes that it would be difficult to fully understand and appreciate South Africa’s foreign policy direction and international relations after 1994 without bringing the history and the politics of the MK into the equation. Therefore, the paper proposes that the utilitarian role of history should never be undermined in the analysis of a country’s foreign policy direction and international relations. Umkhonto Wesizwe and South Africa are used as examples to demonstrate how such a link could be drawn through archival and empirical evidence.

Keywords: African National Congress, apartheid, foreign policy, international relations

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Authors: Aleburu Rufus Edeki

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The activities of Boko Haram terrorist group have become worrisome in Nigeria. Boko Haram killed innocent civilians, destroyed schools, churches, military barracks, police stations, and other government establishments. The federal government of Nigerian Military engaged in counter-insurgency to curtail the activities of Boko Haram militant. The engagement of the military led to mass killing across the Northeast region. The reported cases of mass-killing led to petition written to the International Criminal Court by the civil society organization as a result of denial by the military authorities of their involvement. The investigation carried out by the International Criminal Court awash by denial of military involvement in war crimes. As a result of this denial, the ICC called for further investigation of war crimes by the military. This study was carried out among fifty-eight participants. In-depth interviews were conducted among the following participants: civilians 41; human rights commission 5 and civil society 12. This study revealed that professional ethics is associated with denial of military involvement in mass killing in the region. This study also revealed that denial is associated with personality. It was also found that social attributes such as trauma, shame, ostracism, criticism, and punishment are found with denial. It is therefore concluded in this study that protection is needed for war actors, so that situation of denial is minimal in post-conflict truth findings.

Keywords: Boko Haram, crime, insurgence, war

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Authors: Leigha C. Crout

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This paper will investigate the categorical disregard of the People’s Republic of China (PRC) in establishing and maintaining a baseline standard of civil guarantees for economic migrant women and their dependents. In light of the relative forward strides in terms of policy facilitating the ascension of female workers in China, this oft-invisible subgroup of women remains neglected from the modern-day “iron rice bowl” of the self-identified communist state. This study is being undertaken to rectify the absence of data on this subject and provide a baseline for future studies on the matter, as the human rights of migrants has become an established facet of transnational dialogue and debate. The basic methodology of this research will consist of the evaluation of China’s compliance with its own national guidelines, and the eight international human rights law treaties it has ratified. Data will be extracted and cross-checked from a number of relevant sources to monitor the extent of compliance, including but by no means limited to the United Nations Human Rights Council (UNHRC) Universal Periodic Review (UPR) reports and responses, submissions and responses of international human rights treaty bodies, local and international nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) and their annual reports, and articles and commentaries authored by specialists on the modern state and implementation of Chinese law. Together, these data will illuminate the vast network of compliance that has forced many migrant women to work within situations of extreme economic precarity. The structure will proceed as follows: first, an outline of the current status of migrant workers and the enforcement of stipulated protections will be provided; next, the analysis of the oft-debated regulations directing and the outline of mandatory services guaranteed to external and internal migrants; and finally, a conclusion incorporating various recommendations to improve transparency and gradually decrease the amount of migrant work turned forced labor that typifies the economic migrant experience, especially in the case of women. The internal and international migrant workers in China are bound by different and uncomplimentary systems. The first, which governs Chinese citizens moving to different regions or provinces to find more sustainable employment (internal migrants), is called the hukou (or huji) residency system. This law enforces strict regulation of the movement of peoples, while ensuring that residents of urban areas receive preferential benefits to those received by their so-called “agricultural” resident counterparts. Given the overwhelming presence of the Communist Party of China throughout the vast state, the management of internal migrants and the disregard for foreign domestic workers is, at minimum, a surprising oversight. This paper endeavors to provide a much-needed foundation for future commentary and discussion on the treatment of female migrant workers and their families in the People’s Republic of China.

Keywords: female migrant worker’s rights, the People’s Republic of China, forced labor, Hukou residency system

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Authors: Katharina Crepaz

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Both minority rights and disability rights are relatively new fields for policy-making in a European context, and both are affected by the EU’s diversity mainstreaming approach, as well as by the non-discrimination legislation drafted at the European level. These processes correspond to the classic understanding of Europeanization, namely a “top-down” stream of influence from the European to the national and subnational levels. However, both minority and disability rights movements also show instances of “bottom-up” Europeanization, e.g. transnational advocacy networks and efforts to reach joint goals at the EU-level. This paper aims to provide a comparative perspective on Europeanization in both fields, pointing out similar dynamics and patterns, but also explaining in which sectors outcomes may be different and which domestic and other scope conditions may be responsible for these differences.

Keywords: europeanization, disability rights, minority rights, comparative perspective

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Authors: Azzaya Enkhjargal

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Context: The mining industry has a long history of human rights abuses, including forced labor, environmental pollution, and displacement of communities. In recent years, there has been growing international pressure to hold mining companies accountable for these abuses. Research Aim: This study explores the legal liabilities of mining companies for human rights abuses. The study specifically examines the case of Erdenet Mining Corporation (EMC), a large mining company in Mongolia that has been accused of human rights abuses. Methodology: The study used a mixed-methods approach, which included a review of legal literature, interviews with community members and NGOs, and a case study of EMC. Findings: The study found that mining companies can be held liable for human rights abuses under a variety of regulatory frameworks, including soft law and self-regulatory instruments in the mining industry, international law, national law, and corporate law. The study also found that there are a number of challenges to holding mining companies accountable for human rights abuses, including the lack of effective enforcement mechanisms and the difficulty of proving causation. Theoretical Importance: The study contributes to the growing body of literature on the legal liabilities of mining companies for human rights abuses. The study also provides insights into the challenges of holding mining companies accountable for human rights abuses. Data Collection: The data for the study was collected through a variety of methods, including a review of legal literature, interviews with community members and NGOs, and a case study of EMC. Analysis Procedures: The data was analyzed using a variety of methods, including content analysis, thematic analysis, and case study analysis. Conclusion: The study concludes that mining companies can be held liable for human rights abuses under a variety of legal and regulatory frameworks. There are positive developments in ensuring greater accountability and protection of affected communities and the environment in countries with a strong economy. Regrettably, access to avenues of redress is reasonably low in less developed countries, where the governments have not implemented a robust mechanism to enforce liability requirements in the mining industry. The study recommends that governments and mining companies take more ambitious steps to enhance corporate accountability.

Keywords: human rights, human rights abuses, ESG, litigation, Erdenet Mining Corporation, corporate social responsibility, soft law, self-regulation, mining industry, parent company liability, sustainability, environment, UN

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Authors: Szilvia Halmos

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Hungary was one of the first countries to sign and ratify the UN Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities (hereinafter: CRPD). Consequently, Hungary assumed an obligation under international law to review the national law in the light of the Article 12 of the CRPD requiring the States parties to guarantee the equality of persons with disabilities in terms of legal capacity, and to replace the regimes of substitute decision-making by the instruments of supported decision-making. This article is often characterized as one of the key norms of the CRPD, since the legal autonomy of the persons with disabilities is an essential precondition of their participation in the social life on an equal basis with others, envisaged by the social paradigm of disability. This paper examines the impact of the CRPD on the relevant Hungarian national legal norms, with special focus on the relevant rules of the recently codified Civil Code. The employed research methodologies include (1) the specification of the implementation requirements imposed by the Article 12 of the CRPD, (2) the determination of the indicators of the appropriate implementation, (3) the critical analysis of compliance of the relevant Hungarian legal regulation with the indicators, (4) with respect to the relevant case law of the Hungarian Constitutional Court and ordinary courts, the European Court of Human Rights and the Committee of Rights of Persons with Disabilities and (5) to the available empirical figures on the functioning of substitute and supported decision-making regimes. It will be established that the new Civil Code has made large steps toward the equality of persons with disabilities in terms of legal capacity and the support model of decision-making by the introduction of some specific instruments of supported decision-making and the restriction of the application of guardianship. Nevertheless, the regulation currently in effect fails to represent some crucial principles of the Article 12 of the CRPD, such as the non-discrimination of persons with psycho-social disabilities, the support of the articulation of the will and preferences of the individual instead of his/her best interest in the course of decision-making. The changes in the practice of the substitute and the support model brought about by the new legal norms can also be assessed as significant, however, so far unsatisfactory. The number of registered supporters is rather low, and the preconditions of the effective functioning of the support (e.g. the proper training of the supporters) are not ensured.

Keywords: Article 12 of the UN CRPD, Hungarian law on legal capacity, persons with intellectual and psycho-social disabilities, supported decision-making

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Authors: Anthony Mpiani

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Recent media and NGO reports suggest that human rights violations have been a salient characteristic of the government Joint Task Force (JTF) in the war on Boko Haram. However, there has been relatively scant scholarly engagement with the forms of abuses committed by the JTF against civilians and why such human rights violations occur. The focus of this paper is to analyse the various human rights violations committed by JTF in the war against Boko Haram. Employing a historical approach, it argues that the JTF's human rights violations is shaped by the philosophy of colonial policing in Nigeria. Consequently, the failure of successive post-colonial governments to ideologically transform policing is accountable for the human rights abuses being witnessed in Nigeria today. A philosophical transformation in Nigeria's security forces especially the police and military is a prerequisite for ending human rights abuses in the fight against Boko Haram.

Keywords: colonialism, policing, joint task force, counterinsurgency, Boko Haram, human rights violations

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Authors: Samuel Holder

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Mass incarceration in the United States is a human rights issue, not merely a civil rights problem. It is a human rights problem not only because the United States has a high rate of incarceration, but more importantly because of who is jailed, for what purpose they are jailed and, ultimately, the manner in which they are jailed. To sustain the scale of the criminal justice system, one of the darker policies involves a multi-tiered strategy of fee- and fine-collection, targeting, usually, the most vulnerable and poor, many of whom run into the law via small offenses that do not rise to the level of felonies. This paper advances the notion that this debt collection-to-incarceration pipeline is tantamount to a modern-day debtors’ prison system. This article seeks to confront the thorny issue of incarceration via criminal justice debt from a human rights and cause-lawyering position. It will argue that a two-pronged cause-lawyering strategy: the first focused on traditional litigation along constitutional grounds, and the second, an advocacy approach rooted in grassroots campaigns, designed to shift the normative operation and understanding of the rights of marginalized and racialized offenders. Ultimately, the argument suggests that this approach will be effective in combatting the (often highly privatized) criminal justice debt system and bring the roles of 'incapacitation, rehabilitation, deterrence, and retribution' back into the criminal justice legal conversation. Part I contextualizes and historicizes the role of fees, penalties, and fines in American criminal justice. Part II examines the emergence of private industry in the criminal justice system, and its role in the acceleration of profit-driven criminal justice debt collection and incarceration. Part III addresses the failures of the federal and state law and legislation in combatting predatory incarceration and debt collection in the criminal justice system, particularly as waged against the indigent and/or ethnically or racially marginalized. Part IV examines the potential for traditional cause-lawyering litigation along constitutional grounds, using case studies across contexts for illustration. Finally, Part V will review the radical cause-lawyer’s role in the normative struggle in redefining prisoners’ rights and the rights of the marginalized (and racialized) as they intersect at the crossroads of criminal justice debt. This paper will conclude with recommendations for litigation and advocacy, drawing on hypotheses advanced, and informed by case studies from a variety of both national and international jurisdictions.

Keywords: cause-lawyering, criminal justice debt, human rights, judicial fees

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Authors: Natalia Selezneva

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The level of crime depends on a number of factors, such as political and economic instability, social inequality and ineffective legislation. A special place in the overall level of crime takes juvenile delinquency. United Nations Standard Minimum developed rules for the administration of juvenile justice (The Beijing Rules), in order to ensure the rights of juvenile offenders under the various legal systems. Most countries support these recommendations, and Russia is no exception. Russia's criminal code establishes the minimum age of criminal liability; types of crimes for which the possible involvement of minors to justice; punishment; sentencing and execution of punishment for minors. However, these provisions cause heated debates in the scientific literature. The high level of juvenile crime indicates the ineffectiveness of legal regulation of criminal liability of minors. In order to ensure compliance with international standards require new and modern approaches to improve national legislation and practice of its application. Achieving this goal will be achieved through the following tasks: 1. Create sub-branches of law regulating the legal status of minors; 2. Improving the types of penalties; 3. The possibility of using alternative measures; 4. The introduction of the procedure of extrajudicial settlement of the conflict. The criminal law of each country depends on the historical, national and cultural characteristics. The development of the Russian legislation taking into account international experience is extremely essential and will be a new stage in the formation of a legal state, especially in the sphere of protection of the rights of juvenile offenders.

Keywords: criminal law, juvenile offender, punishment, the age of criminal responsibility

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Authors: Sitaram Dahal

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Among many strategic and practical needs in overcoming the threats and challenges being experienced in the global environment, constitutional provision for Rights to live in clean and healthy environment is one and so is the school curriculum incorporating information on such rights. Government of Nepal has also introduced information on rights to live in clean and healthy environment, as provisioned in its interim constitution of 2007, in the secondary level curriculum of formal education. As the predetermined specific objective of such curriculum is to prepare students who are conscious of citizens’ rights and responsibilities and are able to adopt functions, duties and rights of the rights holders and duty bearers; the study was designed to assess the effectiveness of such curriculum. The study was conducted in one private school and a community school to assess the effectiveness of such curriculum. The study shows that such curriculum has been able to make students responsible duty bearers as they were aware of their habits towards environment. Whereas only very few students are aware enough as being rights holders. Students of community schools were aware rights holders as they complain if they are not satisfied with the environment of the school itself. But private school is far behind in this case. It can be said that only curriculum with very few portion of information on such rights might not be capable enough to meet its objective.

Keywords: curriculum, environmental rights, constitution, effectiveness

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Authors: E. Prema Shyam

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The role of international organizations has contributed in various ways for the good governance in the world at large. Since the beginning of the 1990s international organizations, particularly those active in the areas of human rights, trade and economic etc., have embraced a 'good governance'. It is also pertinent to mention that the application of the concept of good governance to international organizations themselves and not exclusively to national or regional polities is a more recent phenomenon. Especially since the second half of the 1990s, a number of international organizations have carried out major governance reforms, assuming that their calls for governments to heed higher standards of good governance will be all the more credible provided that they develop a good governance standard for themselves. In addition to this number of organizations such as the United Nations (UN), Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD), European Union (EU), International Committee of the Red Cross and World Trade Organization (WTO). OECD has been specifically mobilized to fight corruption. The World Bank was the first international organization to address the issue of good governance when it attributed the African development crisis to a crisis of governance in a 1989 report. International organizations are often denounced for their lack of transparency and democracy. However, in the last few years, a number of them have pushed through impressive reforms aimed at enhancing good governance standards within their own organizations, especially in the light of their long-standing secrecy. This is a remnant of the traditional conception of international organizations, which renders them merely answerable to their Members. International organizations have already gone quite some way in the areas of good management and opening up to the public. However, as far as participatory governance is concerned, lot to be done for the larger interest of society. In this paper, an attempt has been made to focus the issues on international organisations with regard to good governance.

Keywords: good governance, World Trade Organisation, international organisation, governance reforms

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Authors: Elizabeth Carthy

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There is growing recognition that sexual exploitation and abuse (SEA) perpetrated by humanitarian workers is widespread, most recently affirmed by allegations of high-ranking Oxfam officials paying women for sex in post-earthquake Haiti. SEA covers a range of gendered abuses, including rape, sexual assault, and ‘transactional’ or ‘survival’ sex. Holding individuals legally accountable for such behaviors is difficult in all contexts even more so in fragile and conflict-affected settings. Transactional sex, for the purposes of this paper, refers to situations where humanitarian workers exchange aid or assistance for sexual services. This paper explores existing organizational accountability measures relating to transactional sex engaged in by international humanitarian workers through a descriptive and interpretive case study approach-examining the situation in Haiti. It comparatively analyses steps the United Nations has taken to combat this problem. Then it examines the possibility of domestic legal accountability for such conduct in Haiti. Finally, the paper argues that international human rights law can fill in potential gaps in domestic legal frameworks to ensure states hold humanitarian workers and potentially organizations accountable for engaging in and/or perpetuating this gendered abuse of power.

Keywords: gender-based violence, humanitarian action, international human rights law, sexual exploitation

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Authors: Marie E. Docken

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At some point in the lifecycle of a country, patterns of political and social unrest of varying degrees are observed. Events involving public disorder or civil disobedience may produce effects that range a wide spectrum of varying outcomes, depending on the level of unrest. Many previous studies, primarily theoretical in nature, have attempted to measure public disorder in answering why or how it occurs in society by examining causal factors or underlying issues in the social or political position of a population. The main objective in doing so is to understand how these activities evolve or seek some predictive capability for the events. In contrast, this research involves the fusion of analytics and social studies to provide more knowledge of the public disorder and civil disobedience intensity in populations. With a greater understanding of the magnitude of these events, it is believed that we may learn how they relate to extreme actions such as mass migration or violence. Upon establishing a model for measuring civil unrest based upon empirical data, a case study on various Latin American countries is performed. Interpretations of historical events are combined with analytical results to provide insights regarding the magnitude and effect of social and political activism.

Keywords: public disorder, civil disobedience, Latin America, metrics, data analysis

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Authors: Djehich Mohamed Yousri

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In recent years, the world has witnessed a phenomenon of displacement that is unprecedented in history. The number of refugees has reached record levels, due to wars, persecution, many conflicts and repression in a number of countries. The interest of United Nations bodies and international and regional organizations in the issue of refugees has increased, as they have defined a refugee and thus Determining who is entitled to this legal protection, and the 1951 Convention for the Protection of Refugees defines rights for refugee protection and sets obligations that they must perform. The institutional mechanisms for refugee protection are represented in the various agencies that take care of refugee affairs. At the forefront of these agencies is the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees, as well as the various efforts provided by the International Committee of the Red Cross and the United Nations Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees in the Middle East (UNRWA).

Keywords: protection, refugees, international, persecution, legal

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Authors: Abdulrahman Fahim M. Alsulami

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The current research seeks to explore the regulation of vaccine-related IP rights in light of the areas of divergence between the Trade-Related Aspects of Intellectual Property Rights (TRIPS) Agreement and investment treaties. The study is conducted in the context of the COVID-19 pandemic; therefore, it seems natural that a specific chapter is devoted to the examination of vaccine arrangements related to vaccine supplies. The chapter starts with the examination of a typical vaccine from the perspective of IP rights. It presents the distinctive features of vaccines as pharmaceutical products and investments, reviews the basics of their patent protection, reviews vaccines’ components, and discusses IPR protection of different components of vaccines. The subsection that focuses on vaccine development and licensing reviews vaccine development stages investigates differences between vaccine licensing in different countries and presents barriers to vaccine licensing. The third subsection, at the same time, introduces the existing arrangements related to COVID-19 vaccine supplies, including COVAX arrangements, international organizations’ assistance, and direct negotiations between governments and vaccine manufacturers.

Keywords: bilateral investment treaties, COVID-19 vaccine, IP rights, TRIPs agreement

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Authors: Narender Banwala

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The study critically evaluates that the politics of foreign aid and its effect on Afghanistan. The study argues that dynamics of foreign aid to Afghanistan are not driven solely by the Afghan political, social, and economic realities but much more by the ephemeral political goals of international donor countries. The objective of this paper is to find out the political reality of foreign aid given to Afghanistan in a post 9/11 era. The study analyses the gap between the donor countries' interests and the Afghan government's priorities in aid coordination and management. The aid given to Afghanistan has been accompanied by the political interests of the major powers and therefore violated the core principles of humanitarianism, i.e., humanity, impartiality, neutrality, and independence. This research attempts to explain the areas which are of high priority, extremely vulnerable, and have been a neglected part since 2001. The study focuses on how as a result of politicization, foreign aid could not yield the expected results even after prolong presence of international donors in Afghanistan. Methodologically, the study includes both qualitative and quantitative data, which are collected by interviews with government officials and other government documents.

Keywords: Afganistan, aid, politics, security

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Authors: Muthukuda Arachchige Dona Shiroma Jeeva Shirajanie Niriella

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The necessity of protection of the rights of victims of crime is a matter of concerns today. In the criminal justice system, child victims who are subjected to sexual abuse/violence are more vulnerable than the other crime victims. When they go to the police to lodge the complaint and until the end of the court proceedings, these victims are re-victimized in the criminal justice system. The rights of the suspects, accused and convicts are recognized and guaranteed by the constitution under fair trial norm, contemporary penal laws where crime is viewed as an offence against the State and existing criminal justice system in many jurisdictions including Sri Lanka. In this backdrop, a reasonable question arises as to whether the existing criminal justice system, especially which follow the adversarial mode of judicial trial protect the fair trial norm in the criminal justice process. Therefore, this paper intends to discuss the rights of the sexually abused child victims in the criminal justice system in order to restore imbalance between the rights of the wrongdoer and victim and suggest legal reforms to strengthen their rights in the criminal justice system which is essential to end secondary victimization. The paper considers Sri Lanka as a sample to discuss this issue. The paper looks at how the child victims are marginalized in the traditional adversarial model of the justice process, whether the contemporary penal laws adequately protect the right of these victims and whether the current laws set out the provisions to provide sufficient assistance and protection to them. The study further deals with the important principles adopted in international human rights law relating to the protection of the rights of the child victims in sexual offences cases. In this research paper, rights of the child victims in the investigation, trial and post-trial stages in the criminal justice process will be assessed. This research contains an extensive scrutiny of relevant international standards and local statutory provisions. Case law, books, journal articles, government publications such as commissions’ reports under this topic are rigorously reviewed as secondary resources. Further, randomly selected 25 child victims of sexual offences from the decided cases in last two years, police officers from 5 police divisions where the highest numbers of sexual offences were reported in last two years and the judicial officers both Magistrates and High Court Judges from the same judicial zones are interviewed. These data will be analyzed in order to find out the reasons for this specific sexual victimization, needs of these victims in various stages of the criminal justice system, relationship between victimization and offending and the difficulties and problems that these victims come across in criminal justice system. The author argues that the child victims are considerably neglected and their rights are not adequately protected in the adversarial model of the criminal justice process.

Keywords: child victims of sexual violence, criminal justice system, international standards, rights of child victims, Sri Lanka

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Authors: Christian Bruss, Simona Gamba, Davide Azzolini, Federico Podestà

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In this paper, the authors assess the impact of different political and environmental shocks on the size and on the age and gender composition of asylum-related migration flows to Europe. With this paper, the authors contribute to the literature by looking at the impact of different political and environmental shocks on the gender and age composition of migration flows in addition to the size of these flows. Conflicting theories predict different outcomes concerning the relationship between political and environmental shocks and the migration flows composition. Analyzing the relationship between the causes of migration and the composition of migration flows could yield more insights into the mechanisms behind migration decisions. In addition, this research may contribute to better informing national authorities in charge of receiving these migrant, as women and children/the elderly require different assistance than young men. To be prepared to offer the correct services, the relevant institutions have to be aware of changes in composition based on the shock in question. The authors analyze the effect of different types of shocks on the number, the gender and age composition of first time asylum seekers originating from 154 sending countries. Among the political shocks, the authors consider: violence between combatants, violence against civilians, infringement of political rights and civil liberties, and state terror. Concerning environmental shocks, natural disasters (such as droughts, floods, epidemics, etc.) have been included. The data on asylum seekers applying to any of the 32 Schengen Area countries between 2008 and 2015 is on a monthly basis. Data on asylum applications come from Eurostat, data on shocks are retrieved from various sources: georeferenced conflict data come from the Uppsala Conflict Data Program (UCDP), data on natural disasters from the Centre for Research on the Epidemiology of Disasters (CRED), data on civil liberties and political rights from Freedom House, data on state terror from the Political Terror Scale (PTS), GDP and population data from the World Bank, and georeferenced population data from the Socioeconomic Data and Applications Center (SEDAC). The authors adopt a Difference-in-Differences identification strategy, exploiting the different timing of several kinds of shocks across countries. The highly skewed distribution of the dependent variable is taken into account by using count data models. In particular, a Zero Inflated Negative Binomial model is adopted. Preliminary results show that different shocks - such as armed conflict and epidemics - exert weak immediate effects on asylum-related migration flows and almost non-existent effects on the gender and age composition. However, this result is certainly affected by the fact that no time lags have been introduced so far. Finding the correct time lags depends on a great many variables not limited to distance alone. Therefore, finding the appropriate time lags is still a work in progress. Considering the ongoing refugee crisis, this topic is more important than ever. The authors hope that this research contributes to a less emotionally led debate.

Keywords: age, asylum, Europe, forced migration, gender

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Authors: William Thomas Worster

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This paper will highlight the failure of international adjudication to prevent a state from evading an order of provisional measures by simply issuing a diplomatic assurance to the court. This practice changes the positions of the litigants as equals before a court, prevents the court from inquiring into the reliability of the political pledge as it would with assurances from a state to an individual, and diminishes the court’s ability to control its own proceedings in the face of concerns over sovereignty. Both the European Court of Human Rights (ECtHR) and International Court of Justice (ICJ) will entertain these kinds of unilateral pledges, but they consider them differently when the declaration is made between states or between a state and an individual, and when made directly to the court. In short, diplomatic assurances issued between states or to individuals are usually considered not to be legally binding and are essentially questions of fact, but unilateral assurances issued directly to an international court are questions of law, and usually legally binding. At the same time, orders for provisional measures are now understood also to be legally binding, yet international courts will sometimes permit a state to substitute an assurance in place of an order for provisional measures. This emerging practice has brought the nature of a state as a sovereign capable of creating legal obligations into the forum of adjudication where the parties should have equality of arms and permitted states to create legal obligations that escape inquiry into the reliability of the outcome. While most recent practice has occurred at the ICJ in state-to-state litigation, there is some practice potentially extending the practice to human rights courts. Especially where the litigants are factually unequal – a state and an individual – this practice is problematic since states could more easily overcome factual failings in their pledges and evade the control of the court. Consider, for example, the potential for evading non-refoulement obligations by extending the current diplomatic assurances practice from the state-to-state context to the state-to-court context. The dual nature of assurances, as both legal and factual instruments, should be considered as addressed to distinct questions, each with its own considerations, and that we need to be more demanding about their precise legal and factual effects.

Keywords: unilateral, diplomacy, assurances, undertakings, provisional measures, interim measures

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Authors: Ali Akbar

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The importance of advancing women’s rights is closely intertwined with the development of civil society and the institutionalization of democracy in Middle Eastern countries. There is indeed an intimate relationship between the process of democratization and promoting gender equality, since democracy necessitates equality between men and women. In order to advance the issue of gender equality, what is required is a solid theoretical framework which has its roots in the reexamination of pre-modern interpretation of certain Qurʾānic passages that seem to have given men more rights than it gives women. This paper suggests that those Muslim scholars who adopt a contextualist approach to the Qurʾānic text and its interpretation provide a solid theoretical background for improving women’s rights. Indeed, the aim of the paper is to discuss how the contextualist approach to the Qurʾānic text and its interpretation given by a number of prominent scholars is capable of promoting the issue of gender equality. The paper concludes that since (1) much of the gender inequality found in the primary sources of Islam as well as pre-modern Muslim writings is rooted in the natural cultural norms and standards of early Islamic societies and (2) since the context of today’s world is so different from that of the pre-modern era, the proposed models provide a solid theoretical framework for promoting women’s rights and gender equality.

Keywords: contextualism, gender equality, Islam, the rights of women

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Authors: Olha Oleshchuk

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Such companies as Apple, Coca-Cola, Microsoft, Samsung are well-known, but most people do not know about their economic and political influence on society at national and international levels. This ignorance is beneficial for transnational corporations because it reduces the risk of possible resistance of the society and creates favourable conditions for the formation of a new governmental political form. The aim of the research to analyse the opportunity of creating of a new governmental political form. The aim of the research is realized by implementation of such objectives: 1) to consider the possibility of the formation of new political forms of government; 2) to determine the influence of TNCs on the state, which is necessary for a mature, aware citizen; 3) to learn the roles of TNCs, which provide the awareness in the spheres of the world politics, economics, and everyday life. The relevance of the research is confirmed by the fact that new political forms of government are poorly studied.

Keywords: objective factors of losing leading position by state, transnational corporations, TNCs' economic influence, TNCs' political influence

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Authors: David Nchinda Keming

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The present study is focused on both the national and international collective fight against Boko Haram terrorism on Cameroon and the rule played by the Lake Chad Basin Countries (LCBCs) and the global community to suffocate the sect’s activities in the region. Although countries of the Lake Chad Basin include: Cameroon, Chad, Nigeria and Niger others like Benin also joined the course. The justification for the internationalisation of the fight against Boko Haram could be explained by the ecological and international climatic importance of the Lake Chad and the danger posed by the sect not only to the Lake Chad member countries but to global armed, civil servants and the international political economy. The study, therefore, kick start with Cameroon’s reaction to Boko Haram’s terrorist attacks on its territory. It further expounds on Cameroon’s request on bilateral diplomacy from members of the UN Security Council for an international collective support to staple the winds of the challenging sect. The study relies on the hypothesis that Boko Haram advanced terrorism on Cameroon was more challenging to the domestic military intelligence thus forcing the government to seek for bilateral and multilateral international collective support to secure its territory from the powerful sect. This premise is tested internationally via (multilateral cooperation, bilateral response, regional cooperation) and domestically through (solidarity parade, religious discourse, political manifestations, war efforts, the vigilantes and the way forward). To accomplish our study, we made used of the mixed research methodologies to interpret the primary, secondary and tertiary sources consulted. Our results reveal that the collective response was effectively positive justified by the drastic drop in the sect’s operations in Cameroon and the whole LCBCs. Although the sect was incapacitated, terrorism remains an international malaise and Cameroon hosts a fertile ground for terrorists’ activism. Boko Haram was just weakened and not completely defeated and could reappear someday even under a different appellation. Therefore, to absolutely eradicate terrorism in general and Boko Haram in particular, LCBCs must improve their military intelligence on terrorism and continue to collaborate with advanced experienced countries in fighting terrorism.

Keywords: Boko Haram, terrorism, domestic, international, response

Procedia PDF Downloads 133

Authors: Nipuli Gajanayake

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The Russian military role beyond its national frontier has become a debatable hot topic in the international political arena. It’s advanced, and strategic responses in combating regional and international security problems have always been a factor to debate and criticize. Under such critical circumstances, Russia is attentive to play its military role according to the provisions of the Military Doctrine of the Russian Federation. Most importantly, the legal basis of the doctrine has also consisted with the generally recognized principles and norms of international law. Therefore, Russian international military assistances are pledged to accomplish international peace and security. The expansion of Russian military participation in the United Nations Peacekeeping operations, and military- political, and technical cooperation have largely evident the great effort of Russia in maintaining and restoring international peace and security. Moreover, the conflict management diplomacy and the development of dialogue with nation states to confront military risks and threats can also identify as a part of preserving international peace and security. In addition, Russia strives to strengthen the system of collective security with regional and international organizations through the legal framework of the Collective Security Treaty Organization (CSTO). Maintaining cooperative ties with the Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS), the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE) and the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) have highlighted the Russian deliberation on maintaining regional peace and security. Nevertheless, the extension of cordial relations with nation states and providing of military assistances during tensions and conflicts on their territories can also underscore as Russians commitments on maintaining international peace and security. Observing and recognizing the disparity between the West portrayed terms like ‘illegal Russian interventions’ and the comprehensive reality behind the ‘Russian military assistances’ are important to understand. However, a lopsided vision or a perspective towards the Russian international military role would not present a clear understanding about its valued and also dedicated hard work on maintaining international peace and security.

Keywords: collective security, diplomacy, international military role of Russia, international peace and security

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Authors: Shivani Gupta, Shrishti Chaturvedi

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By using a miniscule of nuclear matter, the problem of immeasurable human needs for energy can be resolved. However since nuclear energy also has the inherent potential for catastrophic destruction, one should be extremely mindful of the consequences should a mischance occur. Civil Nuclear Liability has recently gained a lot of momentum after India entered into agreements with nations like United States of America, France and others. Also now India is a part of the Convention on Supplementary Compensation (CSC). With a history of Bhopal Gas Tragedy, India is now much more vigilant about the latest developments in this sector. Therefore, it has become imperative to analyses the liability regime in the background of international conventions such as Vienna Convention 1963, Paris Convention 1960, Convention on Supplementary Compensation, 1997 and others. Also the present Indian legal scenarios in this regard which are derived from Civil Liability for Nuclear Damages Act, 2010 and Civil Liability for Nuclear Damages Rules, 2011 have also been extensively discussed in the paper.

Keywords: nuclear liability, civil liability for nuclear damages act, 2010, civil liability for nuclear damages rules, India

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Authors: S. Zev Kalifon

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The question of polygamy for Moslem minorities in Western nations has often been raised in the political and social discourse. Can polygamy be tolerated as a religious or human right in the West. For example, before the 2015 election in Israel, changes were made in the electoral system, which encouraged three small Arab parties to merge into one list. This “Unity List” included the socially liberal Communist list and a socially conservative Islamist list. Two members of the Islamist list were polygamists. Some rival politicians called for the election board to disqualify these men (and even the whole list) from the election process. This request was denied by the courts, and the men were elected to the parliament. Their subsequent seating in the parliament was questioned by many on both the liberal and conservative sides of the political spectrum. Some political commentators went so far as to describe polygamy as a “mark of disgrace” (a term usually reserved for people convicted on corruption charges). There are also problems in other areas of society; these include the rights of these families for welfare and social services (public policy issues) and residence in Israel. Using qualitative methods (primarily historical and archival data), this paper will analyze at the historic and cultural processes which created the intense opposition to polygamy in Judaism (for Israel) and Christianity (for the Western world). It will look at the debate over the "religious right" of polygamy for Moslem citizens in Israel and other Western cultures. Finally, it will examine the political, cultural, and demographic pressures which encourage polygamy in these minorities. This paper will demonstrate that the debate over polygamy is more than a question of religious freedom or human rights or multi-culturalism. It is a central symbol of modernity and the Western worldview.

Keywords: human rights, Judaism, multi-culturalism, polygamy, western values

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Authors: Garineh Keshishyan Siraki

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Civil society is one of the most important concepts of the twentieth century and even so far. Modern and postmodern thinkers have provided different definitions of civil society. Of course, the concept of civil society has undergone many changes over time. The relationship between government and civil society is one of the relationships that attracted the attention of many contemporary thinkers. Hegel, the thinker we discussed in this article also explores the relationship between these concepts and emphasizing the dialectical method, he has drawn three lines between family, state, and civil society. In Hegel's view, the creation of civil society will lead to a reduction of social conflict and increased social cohesion. The importance of the issue is due to the study of social cohesion and the ways to increase it. The importance of the issue is due to the study of social cohesion and the ways to increase it. This paper, which uses a descriptive-analytic method to examine Hegel's dialectical theory of civil society, after examining the relationship between the family and the state and finding the concept of civil society as the interface and the interconnected circle of these two, investigates tripartite economic, legal, and pluralistic systems. In this article, after examining the concepts of the market, the right and duty, the individual interests and the development of the exchange economy, Hegel's view is to examine the concept of freedom and its relation with civil society. The results of this survey show that, in Hegel's thought, the separation between the political system and the social system is a natural and necessary thing. In Hegel's view, because of those who are in society, they have selfish features; the community is in tension and contradiction. Therefore, the social realms within which conflicts emerge must be identified and controlled by specific mechanisms. It can also be concluded that the government can act to reduce social conflicts by legislating, using force or forming trade unions. The bottom line is that Hegel wants to reconcile between the individual, the state and civil society and it is not possible to rely on ethics.

Keywords: civil society, cohesion system, economic system, family, the legal system, state

Procedia PDF Downloads 163