Search results for: US presidential elections

Authors: Ahmed Usman

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This paper attempts to examine the relevance of an Electoral Commission in the democratic process of governance in Nigeria. However, democratic system and governance present a clear indication of responsive and responsible governments. The idea of a government being responsive and responsible is based on the premise of conventional principles of democracy such as freedom of political, economic and social rights of and individual. More so, upholding of the Rule of Law based on the ground of constitutionalism is a clear manifestation of the democratic governance. The burdens of ascertaining theses democratic ethos rely solely on the constituted election management body known as Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) for the case of Nigeria. This body is however, saddled with the responsibility of organizing and conducting periodic regular credible election known as free and fair election. The body also, is expected to be neutral, and independent to ensure fair treatment to all. It is on the basis of this fair treatment that credible leaders emerged. To this end, the paper examines the powers, functions and features of Independent National Electoral Commission. More so, the concepts of election and democracy have been operationalized. It is obvious that electoral process in Nigeria is marred with series of problems of which the paper identified and solutions were proffered towards credible, free and fair elections for sustainable democratic governance. In order to succinctly discuss and analyze the issues at stake, Structural Functional Analysis theory is adopted as a theoretical frame work for the paper.

Keywords: election, electoral commission, democracy, governance

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Authors: X. Li, J. Sundquist, C. Sjöstedt, M. Winkleby, K. S. Kendler, K. Sundquist

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Aims: This study examines the association between the incidence of drug abuse (DA) and linking (communal) social capital, a theoretical concept describing the amount of trust between individuals and societal institutions. Methods: We present results from an 8-year population-based cohort study that followed all residents in Sweden, aged 15-44, from 2003 through 2010, for a total of 1,700,896 men and 1,642,798 women. Social capital was conceptualized as the proportion of people in a geographically defined neighborhood who voted in local government elections. Multilevel logistic regression was used to estimate odds ratios (ORs) and between-neighborhood variance. Results: We found robust associations between linking social capital (scored as a three level variable) and DA in men and women. For men, the OR for DA in the crude model was 2.11 [95% confidence interval (CI) 2.02-2.21] for those living in areas with the lowest vs. highest level of social capital. After accounting for neighborhood-level deprivation, the OR fell to 1.59 (1.51-1-68), indicating that neighborhood deprivation lies in the pathway between linking social capital and DA. The ORs remained significant after accounting for age, sex, family income, marital status, country of birth, education level, and region of residence, and after further accounting for comorbidities and family history of comorbidities and family history of DA. For women, the OR decreased from 2.15 (2.03-2.27) in the crude model to 1.31 (1.22-1.40) in the final model, adjusted for multiple neighborhood-level and individual-level variables. Conclusions: Our study suggests that low linking social capital may have important independent effects on DA.

Keywords: drug abuse, social linking capital, environment, family

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Authors: Astha Sinha, Anjali Kanagali

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India has been tackling with less than sophisticated legislations when it comes to recovery of debt and bankruptcy situations for a while now. There were multiple overlapping laws and adjudication forums dealing with financial failures and insolvency of companies/individuals in India without really aiding the timely recover of defaulted assets. It remained dicey for businesses to invest in India since there was a lack of legal and institutional machinery for dealing with debt defaults as per the global standards. After much deliberation, the Indian Draft Insolvency code received the presidential assent on May 28, 2016 bringing the Bankruptcy and Insolvency Code, 2016 into existence. The Code is expected to bring about great progress for the country and specifically has the two standout developments. The first is that it calls for resolution of corporate insolvency within a period of 180 days extendable by 90 days hence bringing about security in the minds of investors. Second is that it calls for the creation of a new class of insolvency professionals whose primary function shall be helping sick companies and banks with their takeovers, provides for setting up an Insolvency and Bankruptcy Board to regulate the same and provides for a two stage process of liquidation. The Code is estimated to help India move up its ranking on the World Bank’s ease of doing business index. It is currently ranked at the 130th position lower than some of the sub-saharan African countries. Besides this, however, there are various areas in which the Code falls short such as lack of provisions for aiding the issue of cross-border insolvency, impact on Medium and Small Enterprises in India etc. This paper aims to analyze the provisions of the new Bankruptcy and Insolvency Code, 2016 and its contribution in making India a more desirable location for doing business. It shall also emphasize on the cross-border insolvency issues, practices followed by other countries to resolve the same and the way forward for India to strengthen its Bankruptcy and Insolvency framework.

Keywords: bankruptcy and insolvency code 2016, cross-border insolvency provisions in the 2016 code, Ease of doing business and bankruptcy code, highlights of the new Indian bankruptcy code 2016

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Authors: Magdalena Musiał-Karg

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The expansion of telecommunication and progress of electronic media constitute important elements of our times. The recent worldwide convergence of information and communication technologies (ICT) and dynamic development of the mass media is leading to noticeable changes in the functioning of contemporary states and societies. Currently, modern technologies play more and more important roles and filter down to almost every field of contemporary human life. It results in the growth of online interactions that can be observed by the inconceivable increase in the number of people with home PCs and Internet access. The proof of it is undoubtedly the emergence and use of concepts such as e-society, e-banking, e-services, e-government, e-government, e-participation and e-democracy. The newly coined word e-democracy evidences that modern technologies have also been widely used in politics. Without any doubt in most countries all actors of political market (politicians, political parties, servants in political/public sector, media) use modern forms of communication with the society. Most of these modern technologies progress the processes of getting and sending information to the citizens, communication with the electorate, and also – which seems to be the biggest advantage – electoral procedures. Thanks to implementation of ICT the interaction between politicians and electorate are improved. The main goal of this text is to analyze electronic voting (e-voting) as one of the important forms of electronic democracy in terms of security aspects. The author of this paper aimed at answering the questions of security of electronic voting as an additional form of participation in elections and referenda.

Keywords: electronic democracy, electronic voting, security of e-voting, information and communication technology (ICT)

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Authors: Anton Andreev

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With the collapse of the Soviet Union and the collapse of a large part of the socialist regimes, left-wing parties all over the world entered the space of crisis, of problems with ideology, identity, with the definition of its goals and objectives. First of all, we can say that the communist parties actually lost their foundation. In 1992, despite the victory of left-wing forces, a Broad Front in which was the winner in the struggle against dictatorship plunged into a deep crisis, the nature of which is looking for a new platform, a new foundation, new goals. Thus, in the late 20th century, the party has revised theoretical beliefs and positions. Radical communist ideology was moderated to social reformism. Modern leftist movement in Uruguay is a movement of moderate reform. Left forces suggest going through successive changes. Changes in ideology and ideas have influenced to the understanding of foreign policy. After the collapse of the Soviet Union Broad Front has changed the direction of its diplomacy from the orientation to the Soviet state to support the USA policy. Government formed by Broad Front, supported the integration processes in the South America. Uruguay was developing the cooperation in the framework of MERCOSUR and began to create relationship with the new centers of power in world political space. Uruguay in the early 21st century is a country that starts to play important role in the international arena. Elections of 26 October 2014 should answer the question of support of internal policy of a Broad Front, as well as of the support of the diplomatic work of the "Left" governments of the country.

Keywords: Uruguay, broad front, Vazquez, international dimensions

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Authors: Enojo Kennie Enojo

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The paper focuses on the contradictions of economic growth and development in Nigeria with specific reference to the plethora issues and challenges associated with the sordid situation. The broad objective is to investigate the major causes of agitation for restructuring the entire political spectrum that promote and guarantee economic growth and development with empirical intellectual standpoint. The specific aim is to surgically examine the organic linkage between weaker institutions, lack of vibrant civil society, poor governance and the agitation for restructuring. The paper adopts the secondary source of data collection as its methodological strategy. Our findings reveals that most urban and rural dwellers where goods and services are either extracted, produced, or manufactured lack infrastructural facilities, preventing economic growth and development, which has been the consequence of poverty, inequality and unemployment. There is equally the issue of disconnection of the political class from the electorate, this is evident in lack of political power base not located in the society but rather with either the elites or godfathers this and many factors are responsible for flawed electoral system from 1999 to 2023 general elections. These egregious factors and others have resulted in the subscription of religion and ethnicity thereby the devaluation of national norms, identities and values. We adopt the combination of structural-functional approach, relative deprivation; rising expectation, frustration and aggression model to enable us critically interrogate these contradictions as subterfuge with both the centrifugal and centripetal forces constantly in fatality. We recommend among others that, there should be development across the federating units without prejudice.

Keywords: restructuring, infrastructure, economic development, governance

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Authors: Priyanka Sharma

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The women voter turnout in India is increasing. The rising female voter turnout is explained in part by men intimidating women in the household to vote. Women are more likely than men to be guided before voting. What is perhaps more significant is that the gender gap has shrunk significantly over the years. However, there are layers and categories of women voters in India. Some women are much more likely than the average woman to follow advice. Against this backdrop, this paper investigates the variation among women voters during the national elections of 2019 in India. The central question of this research paper is whether or not the development of greater political opinion among women would offset guided voting and allow them to emerge as more independent voters. So the independent variable of the study is Indian women’s opinion on politics, and the dependent variable is their voting behavior. The methodology used in this paper is both quantitative and qualitative. This study investigated and examined Lokniti’s election survey data. The sample size used in this survey is 11568. The analysis of this study has revealed that there is a considerable impact of women having a political opinion on their voting behavior. The Bivariate analysis of the variables states that 83% of Indian women who have opinions on political issues do not seek advice while going to vote. This proves the hypothesis of this paper that women with an opinion on politics are more likely to be independent voters. To check the statistical significance of the finding, a chi-square test was done and the p-value found is 0.009737, which shows it is statistically significant. Furthermore, a regression test has been done by controlling certain variables like age, educational qualification, caste, and financial position of the women to probe the influence on the dependent variable. The findings provide worthwhile insights into the relationship between these control variables and the women voting behavior in India.

Keywords: dependent voter, independent voter, political opinion, voting behavior, women voter

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Authors: Burak M. Gonultas

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Criminal investigation provides a practical contribution to this process while criminology provides a theoretical background in the apprehension of criminals arrest and clarification of crimes. However, studies on criminal investigation, which is a practical aspect of this process, are not sufficient. Every crime involves different dynamics in terms of investigation. But investigations of serious crimes are versatile and contains complex processes because of cases they are conducted. Therefore, professionals who conduct serious crime investigations differ in some aspects from others in the field. The most fundamental element of this differentiation is skills and abilities of these professionals. According to Eurostat data, Turkey is in an important position in terms of homicide rates. Therefore, in Turkey practice of serious crime investigation is specialized. The present study aims to research the skills and abilities expected from professionals in conducting an effective serious criminal investigation in Turkey and so aims to offer a number of suggestions. 25 emerged ability and skills collected from literature were asked to professionals (n=289) with semi-structured form according to 5 provinces with the highest and 2 provinces with the lowest number of serious crime cases. Three data categories were collected during experience: 1- Five most important skills and abilities, 2- The most important skills for knowledge and inquiry management and 3- Ability and skills that stand out for five stages of serious criminal investigation. The most rated skills and abilities are investigative skill (13%, n=134), planning/designing (9,2%, n=95) and interpersonal relations/communication (8,8%, n=91) in 1010 skills and abilities. While the 1st and 2nd suggest elections of these professionals, the 3rd also suggests how and what type of training will be given to these professionals. This practice differs from other studies in the area in terms of separately addressing the skills and abilities expected in stages of investigation and in terms of selected methodology.

Keywords: ability, criminal investigation, criminology, homicide, serious crimes, skill, Turkey

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Authors: Agnieszka Szczudlińska-Kanoś

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Nowadays the participation of citizens in public life increasingly effect on management at all levels of public authority. Today, however, democratic systems in many countries, also in Poland, based on the first - on the institutions of representative democracy, which is mainly on elections, party activity, on the other hand - on the basic instruments of direct democracy, which, in particular, we can include a referendum or initiative of citizenship - although these are often rather complementary. Other forms of participatory democracy, such as deliberative democracy, participatory budgeting, public consultation in practice in many countries are still rare. Appropriate use of the potential invested in participatory democracy can bring enormous and multilateral benefits. On the one hand, local and regional communities taking an active part in public life express their needs, point out problems and thus affect the decisions of public authorities. Authorities using knowledge acquired from the citizens also implement the policy tailored to their needs, thus obtaining support in the next election. The purpose of this study is to show how the Polish citizens affect to resolve issues of social policy pursued at different levels of government. This problem is very important because today the observed changes seen in virtually all fields of life create new social problems, which nowadays are no longer only the problems of the region, the country but they are international, global issues. From such this perspective we should talk about them, discuss, try to solve at all levels. Article will be useful not only theorists involved in the management of the public, local government, or social but also practitioners - local government acting as their functions at different levels of government. Conclusions drawn from the publication will also be useful to politicians and those directly affecting for: functioning social security systems, the scope and quality of public services and the overall shape of the contemporary social policy in different countries.

Keywords: social policy, local government, social participation, social services

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Authors: Tina Beyene

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In this paper examines the state of grassroots feminist activism in the backdrop of state feminism in Ethiopia. Specifically, I examine the impact of the Charities and Societies Proclamation (aka CSO law), a 2009 law that banned so-called foreign NGOs—i.e., those receiving more than 10% of its operating budget from non-local sources— from working in the areas of human rights, democracy, governance, and gender equality. Viewed as government retribution for the NGO opposition to the government in the 2005 elections, the law aimed to halt the work groups such as the Ethiopian Women Lawyers Association (EWLA), who were defined as a “foreign” NGO. Based on interviews with prominent Ethiopian women’s rights leaders in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia, I assess how grassroots feminist organizing adapts to state suppression on the one hand, and the aggressive entry of the state into women’s rights work on the other hand. While the 2009 law has slowed down the work of women’s rights activism, displaced feminists view feminist advocacy as cyclical and the state as neither fully adversarial nor an ally but rather as an instable entity that at times provides political openings to push ambitious feminist agendas. Grassroots activists are regrouping and developing new political responses strategies such as coding rights issues to fit state mandate; dissembling rights work in permissible social provision language; rechanneling political work into informal spaces and unregistered social clubs; innovating new funding partnerships, and reassembling as privately held research and advocacy companies. my study reveals how grassroots feminist politics operates in the shadow of a hostile state and within the confines of local politics.

Keywords: grassroots feminism, ethiopian feminism, civil society and gender, state feminism

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Authors: Felix O. Omosele

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Several studies have established that electronic voting machines are prone to multi-faceted challenges. One of which is their capacity to lose votes after the ballots might have been cast. Therefore, the international consensus appears to favour the use of electronic voting machines that are accompanied with verifiable audit paper audit trail (VVPAT). At present, there is no known study that has evaluated the impacts (or otherwise) of this verification and auditing on the authentication, admissibility and evidential weight of electronically-obtained electoral data. This legal inquiry is important as elections are sometimes won or lost in courts and on the basis of such data. This gap will be filled by the present research work. Using the United States of America as a case study, this paper employed a qualitative legal analysis of several of its appellate courts’ judicial opinions. This analysis equally unearths the necessary statutory rules and regulations that are important to the research problem. The objective of the research is to highlight the roles played by VVPAT on electoral evidence- as seen from the eyes of the court. The preliminary outcome of this qualitative analysis shows that the admissibility and weight attached to ‘Computer Evidence from e-voting machines (CEEM)’ are often treated with general standards applied to other computer-stored evidence. These standards sometimes fail to embrace the peculiar challenges faced by CEEM, particularly with respect to their tabulation and transmission. This paper, therefore, argues that CEEM should be accorded unique consideration by courts. It proposes the development of a legal standard which recognises verification and auditing as ‘weight enhancers’ for electronically-obtained electoral data.

Keywords: admissibility of computer evidence, electronic voting, qualitative legal analysis, voting machines in the USA

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Authors: Lorenzo Buti

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This paper investigates the nature of democratic action through a critical reading of Claude Lefort’s notion of the democratic ‘regime’. Lefort provides one of the most innovative accounts of the essential features of a democratic regime. According to him, democracy is a political regime that acknowledges the indeterminacy of a society and stages it as a contestation between competing political actors. As such, democracy provides the symbolic markers of society’s openness towards the future. However, despite their democratic features, the recent decades in late capitalist societies attest to a sense of the future becoming fixed and predetermined. This suggests that Lefort’s conception of democracy harbours a misunderstanding of the character and experience of democratic action. This paper examines this underlying tension in Lefort’s work. It claims that Lefort underestimates how a democratic regime, next to its symbolic function, also takes a materially constituted form with its particular dynamics of power relations. Lefort’s systematic dismissal of this material dimension for democratic action can lead to the contemporary paradoxical situation where democracy’s symbolic markers are upheld (free elections, public debate, dynamic between government and opposition in parliament,…) but the room for political decision-making is constrained due to a myriad of material constraints (e.g., market pressures, institutional inertias). The paper draws out the implications for the notion of democratic action. Contra Lefort, it argues that democratic action necessarily targets the material conditions that impede the capacity for decision-making on the basis of equality and liberty. This analysis shapes our understanding of democratic action in two ways. First, democratic action takes an asymmetrical, insurgent form, as a contestation of material power relations from below. Second, it reveals an ambivalent position vis-à-vis the political regime: democratic action is symbolically made possible by the democratic dispositive, but it contests the constituted form that the democratic regime takes.

Keywords: Claude Lefort, democratic action, material constitution, political regime

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Authors: David Martínez Rico, Juan Pablo Farid Cuéllar Martínez

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After more than half a century that the first treaty of European cooperation was created, the final result of a difficult and long historical process, which is the current European Union, is facing economical and social challenges. The barriers of policies differences and national sovereignties seem to be being defeated in the last and present decades. However, the last crisis of 2008 brought back problems as xenophobia and nationalism. In this ambit of identity, European Union has made many efforts to reinforce a European identity and leave behind the radical nationalisms which generated World Wars. Nevertheless, these social problems are increasing and becoming more present in the life of many Europeans. Even, in the last Euro Parliamentarian Elections of the present year, 2014, the extreme right parties, in favor of xenophobic and anti European ideals, got more seats and are increasing their presence in Euro Parliament. This essay approaches to this controversial topic of European identity. Taking as start point the nationalist divisions that are causing internal divergences in Europe, the authors of this research study the role and contributions of the Memorials of the fallen soldiers and heroes of World Wars, present in many cities as Amsterdam, Brussels and Paris, to the impossibility to reach an European identity, it means that Europeans feel first part of Europe in place to feel first part of a nation. The objective of this essay is to reaffirm the thesis that establishes that the European Union won´t reach the longed supranational identity with just with the current strategies, because yet there are many cultural elements in its member states societies which exalt the heroes and soldiers of the past wars, increasing nationalism feelings. Besides, in it are promoted some interesting ideas that could change the course in this quest of a European social identity.

Keywords: identity, memorials, European identity, nationalism, proposals

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Authors: Md Motibur Rahman

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The present paper attempts to study the electoral politics and voting behavior of 2011 assembly election of West Bengal state in India. Electoral geography is considered as the study of geographical aspects of the organization, conduct, and result of elections. It deals with the spatial voting patterns/behaviour or the study of the spatial distribution of political phenomena of voting. Voting behavior is a form of political psychology which played a great role in political decision-making process. The voting behavior of the electorates is largely influenced by their perception that existing during the time of election. The main focus of the study will be to analyze the electoral politics of the party organizations and political profile of the electorates. The principle objectives of the present work are i) to study the spatial patterns of voting behavior in 2011 assembly election in West Bengal, ii) to analysis the result and finding of 2011 assembly election. The whole study based on the secondary source of data. The electoral data have taken from Election Commission of India, New Delhi and Centre for the study of Developing Societies (CSDS) in New Delhi. In the battle of 2011 Assembly election in West Bengal, the two major parties were Left Front and Trinamool Congress. This election witnessed the remarkable successes of Trinamool Congress and decline of 34 years longest ruler party that is Left Front. Trinamool Congress won a majority of seats that 227 out of 294 but Left Front won only 62 seats out of 294 seats. The significance of the present study is that it helps in understanding the voting pattern, voting behaviour, trends of voting and also helps for further study of electoral geography in West Bengal. The study would be highly significant and helpful to the planners, politicians, and administrators who are involved in the formulation of development plans and programmes for the people of the state.

Keywords: assembly election, electoral geography, electoral politics, voting behaviour

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Authors: Dianne Lyneth Alavado

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At the turn of the millennium, development paradigms in the international scene revolved around one goal: elimination of global poverty without comprising human rights. One measure which achieved high endorsement and visibility in the world of work is the Decent Work Agenda (DWA) championed by the United Nation’s (UN) specialized agency for work, the International Labour Organization (ILO). The DWA has been thoroughly promoted and recommended as an ingredient of development planning and a poverty reduction strategy, particularly in developing countries such as the Philippines. The global imperative of economic growth is measurable not only in the numbers raked in by countries in terms of expanding economy but also by the development and realization of the full capacities of their people. Decent work (DW), as an outcome and not just a development approach, promises poverty eradication by means of providing both quantity and quality work that is accompanied by rights, representation, and protection. As a party to these international pacts, the Philippines is expected to heed the call towards a world free from poverty through well-endorsed measures such as the DWA with the aid of multilateral and donor organizations such as the ILO. This study aims to assess the capacity and readiness of the Philippines to achieve the goals of the DWA. This is a qualitative research using the sociological and juridical lens in the desk analysis of existing Philippine laws, policies, and programs vis-à-vis decent work indicators set forth by the ILO. Interview with experts on the Philippine labor situation is conducted for further validation. The paper identifies gaps within the Philippine legal system and its collection of laws, acts, presidential decrees, department orders and other policy instruments aimed towards achieving the goals of the DWA. Among the major findings of this paper are: the predisposition of Philippine labor laws towards the formal sector; the need for alternative solutions for the informal sector veering away from the usual dole-outs and livelihood projects; the needs for evaluation of policies and programs that are usually self-evaluated; the minimal reach of the labour inspectorate which ensures decent work; and the lack of substantial penalty for non-compliance with labor laws. The paper concludes with policy implications and recommendations towards addressing the potholes on the road to Decent Work.

Keywords: decent work agenda, labor laws, millennium development goals, poverty eradication, sustainable development goal

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Authors: Simont Toussi

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Cameroon and the Central African Republic arebound by the provisions of many regional and international charters, which condemn the manipulation of information, obstacles to access reliable information, or the limitation of freedoms of expression and opinion. These two countries also have constitutional guarantees for free speech and access to true and liable information. However, they are yet to define specific policies and regulations for access to information, disinformation, or misinformation. Yet, certain countries’ laws and regulations related to information and communication technologies, to criminal procedures, to terrorism, or intelligence services contain provisions that rather hider human rights by condemning false information. Like many other African countries, Cameroon and the Central African Republic face a profound democratic regression, and governments use multiple methods to stifle online discourse and digital rights. Despite the increased uptake of digital tools for political participation, there is a lack of interactivity and adoption of these tools. This enables a scarcity of information and creates room for the spreading of disinformation in the public space, hamperingdemocracy and the respect for human rights. This research aims to analyse the adequacy of stakeholders’ responses to disinformation in Cameroon and the Central African Republic in periods of political contestation, such as elections and anti-government protests, to highlight the nature, perpetrators, strategies, and channels of disinformation, as well as its effects on democratic actors, including civil society, bloggers, government critics, activists, and other human rights defenders. The study follows a qualitative method with literature review, content analysis, andkey informant’sinterviews with stakeholders’ representatives, emphasized crowdsourcing as a data and information collecting method in the two countries.

Keywords: disinformation, democracy, political manipulation, social media, media, fake news, central Africa, cameroon, misinformation, free speech

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Authors: Noraini Idris, Imelda Albert Gisip

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Women’s full and effective participation and equal opportunities for leadership at all level of decisionmaking process are essential in order to achieve sustainable development goals by 2030. This paper discusses how women in Malaysia generally still find themselves under-represented in political institutions. Leaders from various political parties in Malaysia were all on the same page in their commitment to achieve the target of fielding 30 percent women candidates in election which in turn will increase female representation in the country’s legislative bodies. However, despite their pledge on making equal opportunities to women in decision making process, the 30 percent target has yet to be achieved be it in the federal election nor respective state elections in thirteen states conducted throughout the country until now. Sabah’s political landscape with regards to women leaders’ representation in politic mirrors that at the federal level. During the 15th Parliamentary General Election which was conducted in November 2022, despite Sabah Women’s significant numbers as voters in the electoral rolls which recorded 49.36 percent (833,847 women voters); only 17.6 percent or 21 women candidates out of 119 candidates in Sabah were fielded by the political parties contesting in the election. Sabah has 25 parliamentary seats. Out of 31 women members of Parliament who won the 15th General Election, only 3 women members of Parliament are from Sabah. Even in the 2020 Sabah State Election only nine (9) percent of the candidates or 43 women out of the 447 total candidates were fielded. The current Sabah State legislative Assembly saw only eight (8) percent or 7 women Assemblymen out of 79 Assemblymen in the legislative body. The number of female leaders in the legislative body in Malaysia has never exceeded 15 percent with the highest being 14.86 percent in the Lower House (Dewan Rakyat), 14.42 percent in the Upper House (Dewan Senat) and merely 8 percent in the Sabah State legislative Assembly. Thus, this paper will further discuss the strategies to tackle women leaders underrepresentation in politics particularly in Sabah, Malaysia and to provide suggestions to overcome this issue.

Keywords: women, leaders, politic, Sabah, Malaysia

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Authors: Daniel Schwarz, Jan Fivaz, Alessia Neuroni

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Although digitization is a buzzword in almost every election campaign, the political parties leave voters largely in the dark about their specific positions on digital issues. In the run-up to the 2019 elections in Switzerland, the ‘Digitization Monitor’ project (DMP) was launched in order to change this situation. Within the framework of the DMP, all 4,736 candidates were surveyed about their digital policy positions and values. The DMP is designed as a digital policy supplement to the existing ‘smartvote’ voting advice application. This enabled a direct comparison of the digital policy attitudes according to the DMP with the topics of the ‘smartvote’ questionnaire which are comprehensive in content but mainly related to conventional policy areas. This paper’s main research goal is to analyze and visualize possible differences between conventional and digital policy areas in terms of response patterns between and within political parties. The analysis is based on dimensionality reduction methods (multidimensional scaling and principal component analysis) for the visualization of inter-party differences, and on standard deviation as a measure of variation for the evaluation of intra-party unity. The results reveal that digital issues show a lower degree of inter-party polarization compared to conventional policy areas. Thus, the parties have more common ground in issues on digitization than in conventional policy areas. In contrast, the study reveals a mixed picture regarding intra-party unity. Homogeneous parties show a lower degree of unity in digitization issues whereas parties with heterogeneous positions in conventional areas have more united positions in digital areas. All things considered, the findings are encouraging as less polarized conditions apply to the debate on digital development compared to conventional politics. For the future, it would be desirable if in further countries similar projects to the DMP could emerge to broaden the basis for conclusions.

Keywords: comparison of political issue dimensions, digital awareness of candidates, digital policy space, party positions on digital issues

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Authors: Daniela Lamaison Sepulveda

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Critical media literacy teaches people to think analytically about the information they receive through the media. It is heavily influenced by Paulo Freire’s critical pedagogy and the necessity of becoming conscious of one’s reality in order to transform it. This qualitative research examines the case of Bolivia, which experienced dramatic political change after the first indigenous president, Evo Morales, was elected in 2006. In 2010, the government passed an education reform — the Avelino Siñani Elizardo Pérez (ASEP) —that draws heavily on decolonial thought and the Freirean notion of critical consciousness. The extent to which these theories were implemented in practice is evaluated in context of a media literacy project, run by an NGO, that trains secondary school teachers from public schools across Bolivia through yearly workshops ranging from producing media to identifying fake news. This context is examined against the backdrop of the highly contested general elections in October 2019. While there is plenty of literature that outlines the benefits of teaching media literacy in the classroom and different ways to apply it, little research has been done analysing implementation at an institutional level and how to best enable teachers who are motivated to teach the subject. Through semi-structured interviews, document analysis and naturalistic observations, this study aims to identify the struggles faced by teachers who are dedicated to teaching critical media literacy in their classrooms and how they navigate educational spaces while being subject to a demanding national curriculum that supposedly also seeks to promote critical thinking. The interplay between the aspirations of teachers and NGOs in contrast to the top-down discourse and policy of governmental institutions provides for a very enlightening case. By exploring these institutional, cultural, sociopolitical and economic barriers the teachers face, this research attempts to contribute to the debate in media literacy theories concerned with implementing the practice in schools.

Keywords: media literacy, critical pedagogy, teacher agency, misinformation, education reform, Bolivia

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Authors: Ismahane Emma Karima Bessi

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Military sociology is largely avoided. Discussing the military as a societal phenomenon and the social dimensions of war and peace is now considered a disgraceful and neglected province of social science that has a major impact on global populations. The first official press war began with William Howard Russell in the mid-19th century. The media are crucial to war and peace. Even Gaius Julius Caesar, with his "commentarii bello gallico", was a media tool to influence his warfare. Napoleon Bonaparte also knew how important the press was for his actions. This shows how important history is for crisis and war journalism. The one-sided media coverage that every country is confronted with ultimately prevents people from having a certain interest in the truth and from gross knowledge gaps in order to get an accurate picture of reality. There is a need to examine the relationship between the military, war, and the media to look at the modality in which the media is involved in military conflicts, in this case, as an adjunct, i.e., war because of the media. These are promoted or initiated by the following factors: photos intended for the visual manipulation of the population, the pressure from politicians and parties who are urging and exerting their influence on the global media to share the same pattern of opinion, and, most importantly, the media profiting from the war by listening to popular reactions and passing them on promoting with new visuals. These influence political elections. The media occupies a huge and ubiquitous part of the population. These have the ability to make a country that is in constant crisis and war mode appear in a brilliant light of peace. An article or photograph taken by one journalist has a tremendous impact as it can control the minds of millions of people. Most wars currently have state-political reasons. The parties, therefore, want to have their (potential) voters on their side, who are inflated by the media. The military is loathed or loved. Thinking must be created that a well-trained military in the instances of natural sciences, history, and sociology can save or protect the lives of many people. Theoretical methods for this are defined and evaluated in more detail in this paper.

Keywords: war, history, military, science, journalism, crisis

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Authors: Layal Mansour

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The aim of this paper is to identify whether oil price volatility or geopolitical risks can predict future financial stress periods or economic recessions in Kuwait. We construct the first Financial Stress Index for Kuwait (FSIK) that includes informative vulnerable indicators of the main financial sectors: the banking sector, the equities market, and the foreign exchange market. The study covers the period from 2000 to 2020, so it includes the two recent most devastating world economic crises with oil price fluctuation: the Covid-19 pandemic crisis and Ukraine-Russia War. All data are taken by the central bank of Kuwait, the World Bank, IMF, DataStream, and from Federal Reserve System St Louis. The variables are computed as the percentage growth rate, then standardized and aggregated into one index using the variance equal weights method, the most frequently used in the literature. The graphical FSIK analysis provides detailed information (by dates) to policymakers on how internal financial stability depends on internal policy and events such as government elections or resignation. It also shows how monetary authorities or internal policymakers’ decisions to relieve personal loans or increase/decrease the public budget trigger internal financial instability. The empirical analysis under vector autoregression (VAR) models shows the dynamic causal relationship between the oil price fluctuation and the Kuwaiti economy, which relies heavily on the oil price. Similarly, using vector autoregression (VAR) models to assess the impact of the global geopolitical risks on Kuwaiti financial stability, results reveal whether Kuwait is confronted with or sheltered from geopolitical risks. The Financial Stress Index serves as a guide for macroprudential regulators in order to understand the weakness of the overall Kuwaiti financial market and economy regardless of the Kuwaiti dinar strength and exchange rate stability. It helps policymakers predict future stress periods and, thus, address alternative cushions to confront future possible financial threats.

Keywords: Kuwait, financial stress index, causality test, VAR, oil price, geopolitical risks

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Authors: Erni Agustin, Zendy Prameswari

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The Law Number 1 Year 1974 on Marriage was issued by Indonesian Government to replace the old marriage law stipulated in Burgerlijk Wetboek inherited from the Dutch colonial. The Law defines marriage as both physical and mental bond between a man and a woman as husband and wife with the purpose to form a harmonious family based on deity. Marriage shall be conducted when determined requirements are met based on the Law. Article 7 of the Law Number 1 Year 1974 stipulates the minimum age requirement to enter into marriage, which is 19 years for men and 16 years for women. This stipulation is made to make the marriage achieve the true goal to form a happy, eternal and prosperous family. It is expected at that age, each party has a mature soul and physic. However, it is possible for those who have not reached the age to enter into marriage if there is a dispensation granted by the courts or other official designated by the parents of each party in the marriage. As many other countries in the world, Indonesia has serious problems linked with the child or underage marriage. Indonesia is one of the countries with the highest absolute numbers of child marriage. In 2012, a judicial review was filed to the Constitutional Court against the provisions of the minimum age limit in the Law Number 1 Year 1974 on Marriage. The appeal was filed in order to raise the limit of minimum age for women from 16 years to be 18 years. However, the Constitutional Court considered that the provisions on the minimum age in the Law Number 1 Year 1974 on Marriage is constitutional. At the international level, Indonesia has participated in the formulation of variety of international human rights instrument which have an impact on children, and is a party to a number of them. Indonesia ratified the CRC through Presidential Decree of the Republic of Indonesia Number 36 Year 1990 on 5 September 1990. This paper attempts to analyze three main issues. Firstly, it will scrutinize the ratio legis of the stipulation on minimum age requirement to enter into marriage in the Law Number 1 Year 1974 on Marriage. Secondly, it will discuss the conformity of Indonesian marriage law to the principles and provisions on the CRC. Last, this paper will elaborate the legal measures shall be taken to strengthen the legal protection for children against child marriage. This paper is a doctrinal research using statute, conceptual and historical approaches. This study argues that The Law-making of Indonesian marriage law influenced by religious values that live in Indonesia. With regard to the conformity of Indonesian marriage law with the CRC, Indonesia is facing the issue of the compatibility of its respective national law with the CRC. Therefore, the legal measures that have to be taken are to review and amend the Indonesian Marriage Law to provide better protection for the children against underage marriage.

Keywords: child marriage, children’s rights, indonesian marriage law, underage marriage

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Authors: Håkon Riiber

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This paper explores the extent to which Russian ‘Active Measures’ play a role in contemporary Russian foreign policy and in what way the legacy of the Soviet Union is still apparent in these practices. The analysis draws on a set of case studies from the 21st century to examine these aspects, showing which ‘Active Measures’ features are old and which are new in the post-Cold War era. The paper highlights that the topic has gained significant academic and political interest in recent years, largely due to the aggressive posture of the Russian Federation on the world stage, exemplified through interventions in Estonia, Georgia, and Ukraine and interference in several democratic elections in the West. However, the paper argues that the long-term impact of these measures may have unintended implications for Russia. While Russia is unlikely to stop using Active Measures, increased awareness of the exploitation of weaknesses, institutions, or other targets may lead to greater security measures and an ability to identify and defend against these activities. The paper contends that Soviet-style ‘Active Measures’ from the Cold War era have been modernized and are now utilized to create an advantageous atmosphere for further exploitation to support contemporary Russian foreign policy. It offers three key points to support this argument: the reenergized legacy of the Cold War era, the use of ‘Active Measures’ in a number of cases in the 21st century, and the applicability of AM to the Russian approach to foreign policy. The analysis reveals that while this is not a new Russian phenomenon, it is still oversimplified and inaccurately understood by the West, which may result in a decreased ability to defend against these activities and limit the unwarranted escalation of the ongoing security situation between the West and Russia. The paper concludes that the legacy of Soviet-era Active Measures continues to influence Russian foreign policy, and modern technological advances have only made them more applicable to the current political climate. Overall, this paper sheds light on the important issue of Russian ‘Active Measures’ and the role they play in contemporary Russian foreign policy. It emphasizes the need for increased awareness, understanding, and security measures to defend against these activities and prevent further escalation of the security situation between the West and Russia.

Keywords: Russian espionage, active measures, disinformation, Russian intelligence

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Authors: Adeola Adenikinju, Olusanya E. Olubusoye, Lateef O. Akinpelu, Dilinna L. Nwobi

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Since the enactment of the Fiscal Responsibility Act (2007), the Federal Government of Nigeria (FGN) has made public its fiscal budget and the subsequent implementation report. A critical review of these documents shows significant variations in the five macroeconomic variables which are inputs in each Presidential budget; oil Production target (mbpd), oil price ($), Foreign exchange rate(N/$), and Gross Domestic Product growth rate (%) and inflation rate (%). This results in underperformance of the Federal budget expected output in terms of non-oil and oil revenue aggregates. This paper evaluates first the existing variance between budgeted and actuals, then the relationship and causality between the determinants of Federal fiscal budget assumptions, and finally the determinants of FGN’s Gross Oil Revenue. The paper employed the use of descriptive statistics, the Autoregressive distributed lag (ARDL) model, and a Profit oil probabilistic model to achieve these objectives. This model permits for both the static and dynamic effect(s) of the independent variable(s) on the dependent variable, unlike a static model that accounts for static or fixed effect(s) only. It offers a technique for checking the existence of a long-run relationship between variables, unlike other tests of cointegration, such as the Engle-Granger and Johansen tests, which consider only non-stationary series that are integrated of the same order. Finally, even with small sample size, the ARDL model is known to generate a valid result, for it is the dependent variable and is the explanatory variable. The results showed that there is a long-run relationship between oil revenue as a proxy for budget performance and its determinants; oil price, produced oil quantity, and foreign exchange rate. There is a short-run relationship between oil revenue and its determinants; oil price, produced oil quantity, and foreign exchange rate. There is a long-run relationship between non-oil revenue and its determinants; inflation rate, GDP growth rate, and foreign exchange rate. The grangers’ causality test results show that there is a mono-directional causality between oil revenue and its determinants. The Federal budget assumptions only explain 68% of oil revenue and 62% of non-oil revenue. There is a mono-directional causality between non-oil revenue and its determinants. The Profit oil Model describes production sharing contracts, joint ventures, and modified carrying arrangements as the greatest contributors to FGN’s gross oil revenue. This provides empirical justification for the selected macroeconomic variables used in the Federal budget design and performance evaluation. The research recommends other variables, debt and money supply, be included in the Federal budget design to explain the Federal budget revenue performance further.

Keywords: ARDL, budget performance, oil price, oil quantity, oil revenue

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Authors: Sikhumbuzo Zondi, Serges A. Kamga

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Human security and human rights are mutually reinforcing concepts given that human security addresses questions related to human conditions such as the safety of individuals and the protection of individual rights and civil liberties. It does this by suggesting that the proper referent for security should be the individual and not the nation-state, due to the individual’s vulnerability to threats such as malnutrition and poverty, conflicts, exploitation and marginalization, despotism and climate change. Due to the primacy of the individual, human security comfortably expand to the notion of social justice, given that for far too-long, many individuals around the world have been denied of their basic human rights through racial discrimination, unfair labour and segregation policies and as a result encountered widespread social, environmental and economic injustices which are evident in the current structural division of the world between the developed north and the underdeveloped or developing south. In light of this view, ensuring freedom from want and freedom from fear, for all individuals is arguably the sound route to addressing and remedying the global ills of our time and a way to promoting human rights for all. The promotion of human security provides an important part of human/societal progress because inclusive security facilitates development and human rights protection, while insecurity reduces people’s growth and investment prospects and prolongs historical injustices. Therefore, this paper seeks to show that human security and human rights complements one another and that this correlation provides the necessary mechanisms for addressing and remedying the historical injustices that still affect most of the world’s population. It will look at linkages between human security and the individual right to equality and freedom from discrimination, right to life, liberty, and personal security; development; own property; adequate living standard; education; desirable work and to join trade unions; participate in government and in free elections; social security and equality before the law. The paper considers these human rights and liberties as vital for securing the core values of human life while at the same addressing socio-economic injustices that still persist in the contemporary world. The paper will be a desktop study using qualitative research methods on two case studies in Africa namely Cameroun and South Africa.

Keywords: justice, human security, human rights, injustices

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Authors: Kamal Donko

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In the frontier zone of Benin Republic, land seems to be a fundamental political resource as it is used as a tool for socio-political mobilization, blackmail, inclusion and exclusion, conquest and political control. This paper seeks to examine the complex and intriguing interlinks between land, identity and politics in central Benin. It aims to investigate what roles territorialisation and land ownership are playing in the electioneering process in central Benin. It employs ethnographic multi-sited approach to data collections including observations, interviews and focused group discussions. Research findings reveal a complex and intriguing relationship between land ownership and politics in central Benin. Land is found to be playing a key role in the electioneering process in the region. The study has also discovered many emerging socio-spatial patterns of controlling and maintaining political power in the zone which are tied to land politics. These include identity reconstruction and integration mechanism through intermarriages, socio-political initiatives and construction of infrastructure of sovereignty. It was also found that ‘Diaspora organizations’ and identity issues; strategic creation of administrative units; alliance building strategy; gerrymandering local political field, etc. These emerging socio-spatial patterns of territorialisation for maintaining political power affect migrant and native communities’ relationships. It was also found that ‘Diaspora organizations’ and identity issues; strategic creation of administrative units; alliance building strategy; gerrymandering local political field, etc. are currently affecting migrant’s and natives’ relationships. The study argues that territorialisation is not only about national boundaries and the demarcation between different nation states, but more importantly, it serves as a powerful tool of domination and political control at the grass root level. Furthermore, this study seems to provide another perspective from which the political situation in Africa can be studied. Investigating how the dynamics of land ownership is influencing politics at the grass root or micro level, this study is fundamental to understanding spatial issues in the frontier zone.

Keywords: land, migration, politics, territorialisation

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Authors: M. Moncef Khaddar

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This paper focuses mainly on a contextualized understanding of ‘autocratic authoritarianism’ in Tunisia without approaching its peculiarities in reference to the ideal type of capitalist-liberal democracy but rather analysing it as a Tunisian ‘civilian dictatorship’. This is reminiscent, to some extent, of the French ‘colonial authoritarianism’ in parallel with the legacy of the traditional formal monarchic absolutism. The Tunisian autocratic political system is here construed as a state manufactured nationalist-populist authoritarianism associated with a de facto presidential single party, two successive autocratic presidents and their subservient autocratic elites who ruled with an iron fist the de-colonialized ‘liberated nation’ that came to be subjected to a large scale oppression and domination under the new Tunisian Republic. The diachronic survey of Tunisia’s autocratic authoritarian system covers the early years of autocracy, under the first autocratic president Bourguiba, 1957-1987, as well as the different stages of its consolidation into a police-security state under the second autocratic president, Ben Ali, 1987-2011. Comparing the policies of authoritarian regimes, within what is identified synchronically as a bi-cephalous autocratic system, entails an in-depth study of the two autocrats, who ruled Tunisia for more than half a century, as modern adaptable autocrats. This is further supported by an exploration of the ruling authoritarian autocratic elites who played a decisive role in shaping the undemocratic state-society relations, under the 1st and 2nd President, and left an indelible mark, structurally and ideologically, on Tunisian polity. Emphasis is also put on the members of the governmental and state-party institutions and apparatuses that kept circulating and recycling from one authoritarian regime to another, and from the first ‘founding’ autocrat to his putschist successor who consolidated authoritarian stability, political continuity and autocratic governance. The reconfiguration of Tunisian political life, in the post-autocratic era, since 2011 will be analysed. This will be scrutinized, especially in light of the unexpected return of many high-profile figures and old guards of the autocratic authoritarian apparatchiks. How and why were, these public figures, from an autocratic era, able to return in a supposedly post-revolutionary moment? Finally, while some continue to celebrate the putative exceptional success of ‘democratic transition’ in Tunisia, within a context of ‘unfinished revolution’, others remain perplexed in the face of a creeping ‘oligarchic transition’ to a ‘hybrid regime’, characterized rather by elites’ reformist tradition than a bottom-up genuine democratic ‘change’. This latter is far from answering the 2010 ordinary people’s ‘uprisings’ and ‘aspirations, for ‘Dignity, Liberty and Social Justice’.

Keywords: authoritarianism, autocracy, democratization, democracy, populism, transition, Tunisia

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Authors: Matt Fullmer, Carol Wilkinson, Keven Prusak, Dennis Eggett, Todd Pennington

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Obesity and chronic health issues are linked to physical inactivity. Physical education (PE) programs in school can play a major role in combating these health-related issues. This study focused on supporting competence through keeping a leisure-time physical activity (LTPA) record as part of PE. Keeping a daily LTPA record may be an effective intervention helping students feel more competent toward exercise, and thus, self-determined (within the context of self-determination theory) to exercise. Little is known about the relationship between daily LTPA records and perceived competence, motivational profiles, and LTPA levels of students enrolled in PE. This study examined the relationship between keeping a daily, online LTPA record and adolescent (a) motivational profiles toward LTPA, (b) perceived competence toward LTPA, and (c) LTPA behaviors. Secondary students (N = 124) in physical education classes completed a baseline questionnaire which consisted of the Behavioural Regulation in Exercise Questionnaire–2, the Perceived Competence Scale, and the Godin Leisure-Time Exercise Questionnaire. For three weeks, the students were assigned to keep the Presidential Active Lifestyle Award Challenge (PALAC) as their online LTPA record. They completed the questionnaire after each week. A 2 (gender) x 4 (trials) repeated measures ANCOVA examined the relationships between recording compliance and motivation, perceived competence, and physical activity. Results showed that recording compliance was not a significant predictor of perceived competence to participate in LTPA. Examining motivational factors, a significant interaction between recording compliance and introjected regulation was found. The more students recorded the less motivated they were by guilt or obligation to exercise in their leisure-time. Also, a significant interaction was found between recording compliance and intrinsic regulation, indicating that the more students recorded the more intrinsically motivated they were to exercise in their leisure-time. Lastly, there was a significant interaction between recording compliance and LTPA. As students kept the LTPA record, girls’ LTPA levels significantly decreased and boys’ LTPA levels significantly increased. The key findings are that, as implemented in this study: a) the lack of PALAC compliance suggests that daily LTPA records may NOT be the most effective intervention for this population, b) keeping a daily LTPA record did NOT help students feel more competent to exercise in their leisure-time, c) a daily LTPA record may help students move towards being more self-determined in their feelings towards LTPA, and d) the outcome of keeping a LTPA record on LTPA behavior is statistically significant, although actual differences may not be practically important.

Keywords: behavioural regulation in exercise questionnaire–2, Godin leisure–time exercise questionnaire, online physical activity log, perceived competence scale, self-determination theory

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Authors: Bellinda R. Chinowawa

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As part of a wider strategy to stifle civil society, Governments routinely resort to judicial harassment through the use of civil and criminal to impugn the integrity of human rights defenders and that of perceived political opponents. This phenomenon is rife in militarised or autocratic regimes where there is no tolerance for dissenting voices. Zimbabwe, ostensibly a presidential republic founded on the values of transparency, equality, freedom, is characterised by brutal suppression of perceived political opponents and those who assert their basic human rights. This is done through a wide range of tactics including unlawful arrests and detention, torture and other cruel, inhuman degrading treatment and enforced disappearances. Professionals including, journalists and doctors are similarly not spared from state attack. For human rights defenders, the most widely used tool of repression is that of judicial harassment where the judicial system is used to persecute them. This can include the levying of criminal charges, civil lawsuits and unnecessary administrative proceedings. Charges preferred against range from petty offences such as criminal nuisance to more serious charges of terrorism and subverting a constitutional government. Additionally, government sponsored individuals and organisations file strategic lawsuits with pecuniary implications order to intimidate and silence critics and engender self-censorship. Some HRDs are convicted and sentenced to prison terms, despite not being criminals in a true sense. While others are acquitted judicial harassment diverts energy and resources away from their human rights work. Through a consideration of statistical data reported by human rights organisations and face to face interviews with a cross section of human rights defenders, the article will map the incidence of judicial harassment in Zimbabwe. The article will consider the multi-level sociological and contextual factors which influence the Government of Zimbabwe to have easy recourse to criminal law and the debilitating effect of these actions on HRDs. These factors include the breakdown of the rule of law resulting in state capture of the judiciary, the proven efficacy of judicial harassment from colonial times to date, and the lack of an adequate redress mechanism at international level. By mapping the use of the judiciary as a tool of repression, from the inception of modern day Zimbabwe to date, it is hoped that HRDs will realise that they are part of a greater community of activists throughout the ages and should emboldened in the realisation that it is an age old tactic used by fallen regimes which should not deter them from calling for accountability.

Keywords: autocratic regime, colonial legacy, judicial harassment, human rights defenders

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Authors: Miyoko Taniguchi

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Conflict and violence have prevailed over the last four decades in conflict-affected areas in Muslim Mindanao, despite the signing of several peace agreements between the Philippine government and Islamic separatist insurgents (the Moro National Liberation Front (MNLF) and the Moro Islamic Liberation Front (MILF)), and peacebuilding activities on the ground. In the meantime, the peace talks had been facilitated and mediated by international actors such as the Organization of Islamic Cooperation (OIC) and its member countries such as Indonesia, and Malaysia, and Japan. In 2014, both the Government of the Philippines (GPH) and the MILF finally reached a Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CAB) in 2014 under the Aquino III administration, though a Bangsamoro Basic Law (BBL) based on the CAB was not enacted at the Catholic-majority of the Philippine Congress. After a long process of deliberations at the Congress, Republic Act 11054, known as the Bangsamoro Organic Law (BOL), was enacted in 2018 under the Duterate administration. In the beginning, President Duterte adopted an 'inclusive approach' that involves the MILF, all factions of the MNLF, non-Islamized indigenous peoples, and other influential clan leaders to align all peace processes under a single Bangsamoro peace process. A notable difference from past administrations, there is an explicit recognition of all agreements and legislations based on the rights of each stakeholder. This created a new identity as 'Bangsamoro', the residents of Muslim Mindanao, enhancing political legitimacy. Besides, it should be noted an important role of 'insider mediators' -a platform for the Bangsamoro from diverse sectors attempting to work within their respective organizations in Moro society. Give the above background, this paper aims at probing the effectiveness of insider mediation as one of the alternative approaches for mediation in the peace process. For the objectives, this research uses qualitative methods such as process-tracing and semi-structured interviews from diverse groups of stakeholders at from the state to the regional level, including the government officials involved in peace process under the Presidential Office, rebels (MILF and MNLF), civil society organizations involved in lobbying and facilitating peace process, especially in the legislative process. The key outcomes and findings are that the Insider Mediators Group, formed in 2016, had taken on a significant role in facilitating the achievement of a wider consensus among stakeholders on major Moro issues such as BBL’s passing during the last administration to call for unity among the Bangsamoro. Most of its members are well-educated professionals affiliated with the MILF, the MNLF, and influential clans. One of the group’s biggest achievements has been the lobbying and provision of legal advice to legislators who were not necessarily knowledgeable about the peace process during the deliberation of the bicameral conference of the BBL, which eventually led to its passage. It can be concluded that in the long run, strengthening vertical and horizontal relations between the Moro society and the State and among the Moro peoples that can be viewed as a means to sustainable peace.

Keywords: insider mediation, Mindanao, peace process, Moro Islamic liberation front

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