Search results for: liberal

Authors: Samuel Pimpong

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In most liberal and constitutional democracies, the media serves as a dominant power in the construction of the fundamental building blocks for the consolidation of democratic governance. However, the extent to which the media can enhance democratic consolidation in a country depends to a large extent on the independence of the media, the robustness of legislative frameworks and the safety of journalists in discharging their duties without fear or favor. This study sought to examine pertinent issues, practices and challenges facing the media in Ghana’s Fourth Republic and attempts to make recommendations regarding the way forward. The work adopted a qualitative study approach. A total of sixteen (16) participants were purposively selected for face-to-face interviews. The study hinges on the democratic participant media theory and the development media theory. Primary data was analyzed via thematic analysis procedure. The study revealed that although Ghana has repealed its criminal libel laws, nonetheless other statutory Acts, such as the Electronic Communications Act 2008 (ACT 775) and the Criminal and other offences Act 1960 (Act 29), among others continue to stifle freedom of expression. On the other hand, press freedom is being abused by the use of fake content publication. Further, the study revealed that the absence of a comprehensive regulatory structure impedes the activities carried out by the media. Consequently, the study recommends a regulatory structure to oversee media activities and content, as the National Media Commission (NMC) lacks the authority to do so. In this direction, the study recommends a limitation on the role of the National Communications Authority (NCA) to administer broadcasting signals and transfer its licensing and sanctioning powers to the NMC in order to create one sole and completely independent media regulatory authority that deals with all media related issues.

Keywords: media, constitutional democracy, democratic consolidation, fourth republic

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Authors: Kamil Jonski

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Last year vividly demonstrated, that populism and political instability can endanger democratic institutions in countries regarded as democratic transition champions (Poland) or cornerstones of liberal order (UK, US). So called ‘illiberal democracy’ is winning hearts and minds of voters, keen to believe that rule of strongman is a viable alternative to perceived decay of western values and institutions. These developments pose a serious threat to the democratic institutions (including rule of law), proven critical for both personal freedom and economic development. Although scholars proposed some structural explanations of the illiberal wave (notably focusing on inequality, stagnant incomes and drawbacks of globalization), they seem to have little predictive value. Indeed, events like Trump’s victory, Brexit or Polish shift towards populist nationalism always came as a surprise. Intriguingly, in the case of US election, simple rules like ‘Bread and Peace model’ gauged prospects of Trump’s victory better than pundits and pollsters. This paper attempts to compile set of indicators, in order to gauge various democracies’ vulnerability to populism, instability and pursuance of ‘illiberal’ projects. Among them, it identifies the gap between consensus assessment of institutional performance (as measured by WGI indicators) and citizens’ subjective assessment (survey based confidence in institutions). Plotting these variables against each other, reveals three clusters of countries – ‘predictable’ (good institutions and high confidence, poor institutions and low confidence), ‘blind’ (poor institutions, high confidence e.g. Uzbekistan or Azerbaijan) and ‘disillusioned’ (good institutions, low confidence e.g. Spain, Chile, Poland and US). It seems that this clustering – carried out separately for various institutions (like legislature, executive and courts) and blended with economic indicators like inequality and living standards (using PCA) – offers reasonably good watchlist of countries, that should ‘expect the unexpected’.

Keywords: illiberal democracy, populism, political instability, political risk measurement

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Authors: A. Kok

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The South African experience of the general upsurge in protest movements internationally is characterised by a tension between a neo-patrimonial state on the one hand, and a society with growing middle-class needs and interests on the other. This tension translates into local community service delivery protests – often violent in nature – that have been steadily increasing in number since 2008, student uprisings that have reached their height in October 2015, and various continuing local social #MustFall movements that are geared towards addressing government corruption and transforming neo-liberal structures. As a result, growing citizen (and non-citizen) revolt in South Africa has seen the (i) creeping securitization of the neo-patrimonial state and (ii) the 'top-down' misuse of a current 'bottom-up' people’s ideology, decoloniality, in an attempt by a faction in the ruling party (representing the neo-patrimonial state) to legitimize its actions and consolidate its power. The neo-patrimonial state’s creeping securitization and ideological positioning lead to a further mistrust of public institutions, people’s disengagement with traditional politics, and the creation of a 'parallel polis' by citizens and non-citizens that bypasses the official and oftentimes corrupt structures of the state. By applying the concept 'parallel polis' – originally developed by Václav Benda in connection with the movement Charter 77 in former Czechoslovakia – to a South African case study, it is illustrated that, even in the absence of overt oppression and the use of terror by a ruling elite, entrenched neo-patrimonialism can be potent enough to fuel the creation of various independent parallel public spheres (or, as a whole, understood as a 'parallel polis') to bypass dysfunctional state channels. A flourishing parallel polis offers possibilities for political, social and economic renewal. This is especially relevant in the consolidation of South Africa’s relatively young democracy.

Keywords: decoloniality, neo-patrimonialism, 'parallel polis', protest movements, South Africa, state securitization

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Authors: Jaydip De

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Urban parks are open places, green fields and riverside gardens usually maintained by public or private authorities, or eventually by both jointly; and utilized for a multidimensional purpose by the citizens. These parks are indeed the lung of urban centers. In urban socio-environmental setup, parks are the nucleus of social integration, community building, and physical development. In contemporary cities, these green places seem to perform as the panacea of congested, complex and stressful urban life. The alarmingly increasing urban population and the resultant congestion of high-rises are making life wearisome in neo-liberal cities. This has made the citizen always quest for open space and fresh air. In such a circumstance, the mere existence of parks is not capable of satisfying the growing aspirations. Therefore in this endeavour, a structured attempt is so made to empirically identify the utility, visitors’ satisfaction, and future needs through the cases of two urban parks of Kolkata Metropolitan Area, India. This study is principally based upon primary information collected through visitors’ perception survey conducted at the Chinsurah ground and Chandernagore strand. The correlation between different utility categories is identified and analyzed systematically. At the same time, indices like Weighted Satisfaction Score (WSS), Facility wise Satisfaction Index (FSI), Urban Park Satisfaction Index (UPSI) and Urban Park Necessity Index (UPNI) are advocated to quantify the visitors’ satisfaction and future necessities. It is explored that the most important utilities are passive in nature. Simultaneously, satisfaction levels of visitors are average, and their requirements are centred on the daily needs of the next generation, i.e., the children. Further, considering the visitors’ opinion planning measures are promulgated for holistic development of urban parks to revitalize sustainability of citified life.

Keywords: citified life, future needs, visitors’ satisfaction, urban parks, utility

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Authors: Dina Tawfic, Robert Hassan

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The current chapter addresses Al-Azhar's strategy to counter extremism in tandem with reflecting on the ideology of the Islamic establishment itself. The topic is motivated by the fact that some of the Western governments have been relying on Al-Azhar to counter the ideology of Islamist radicalism and violent extremism, in particular during the rise of the Islamic State in Syria and Iraq (known as ISIS/ ISIL/ Daesh) in 2014/2015. In his visit to Egypt in June 2016, Brett McGurk, the then U.S. envoy for the global coalition to counter ISIS, commended Al-Azhar’s “intellectual and reforming role” in refuting the ideology of extremism. On the other hand, Egyptian liberal intellectuals, such as Farag Fouda (1945- 1992) and Nasr Hamed Abu Zeid (1943-2010), had always questioned the ideological capability of Al-Azhar to counter extremism, citing the rigidity and resistance of the Islamic establishment to carry out genuine reformation. This chapter aims to discuss the following research questions: what is the strategy of Al-Azhar to counter extremism? Does Al-Azhar have a solid strategy to combat online propaganda produced by violent extremist groups? Is it applicable to identify Al-Azhar ideological identity? and is it capable of countering extremism? To answer these questions, I conducted intensive interviews with seven senior scholars and officials at Al-Azhar and the Endowments ministry from September to December 2020. Using a qualitative approach as a backdrop, this project uses semi-structured interviews to collect data. Participants were briefed on the purpose of the study and consented to be interviewed and to record their interviews. Some of the participants chose to conceal their names. All the interviews were conducted in Arabic via Zoom. The researcher then transcribed and translated the interviews into English. A purposive sample is used to select the seven interviewees, based on their prominence and experience in the field of counter-extremism and Al-Azhar affairs. The researcher uses a snowball sample to select the sample, in which a personal contact recommends other officials within the establishment.

Keywords: Al-Azhar, Egypt, Counter-Extremism, Political Islam, Ideology

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Authors: Anuradha Sajjanhar

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The rise of authoritarian populist regimes has been accompanied by hardened nationalism and heightened divisions between 'us' and 'them'. Political actors reinforce these sentiments through coercion, but also through inciting fear about imagined threats and by transforming public discourse about policy concerns. Extremist ideas can penetrate national policy, as newly appointed intellectuals and 'experts' in knowledge-producing institutions, such as government committees, universities, and think tanks, succeed in transforming public discourse. While attacking left and liberal academics, universities, and the press, the current Indian government is building new institutions to provide authority to its particularly rigid, nationalist discourse. This paper examines the building of a Hindu-nationalist intellectual ecosystem in India, interrogating the key role of hyper-nationalist think tanks. While some are explicit about their political and ideological leanings, others claim neutrality and pursue their agenda through coded technocratic language and resonant historical narratives. Their key is to change thinking by normalizing it. Six years before winning the election in 2014, India’s Hindu-nationalist party, the BJP, put together its own network of elite policy experts. In a national newspaper, the vice-president of the BJP described this as an intentional shift: from 'being action-oriented to solidifying its ideological underpinnings in a policy framework'. When the BJP came to power in 2014, 'experts' from these think tanks filled key positions in the central government. The BJP has since been circulating dominant ideas of Hindu supremacy through regional parties, grassroots political organisations, and civil society organisations. These think tanks have the authority to articulate and legitimate Hindu nationalism within a credible technocratic policy framework. This paper is based on ethnography and over 50 interviews in New Delhi, before and after the BJP’s staggering election victory in 2019. It outlines the party’s attempt to take over existing institutions while developing its own cadre of nationalist policy-making professionals.

Keywords: ideology, politics, South Asia, technocracy

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Authors: Kabiru Adamu

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The Nigerian electricity industry was deregulated and privatized in 2005 and 2014 in line with global trend and practice. International and multilateral lending institutions advised developing countries, Nigeria inclusive, to adopt deregulation and privatization as part of reforms in their electricity sectors. The ideological basis of these reforms are traceable to neoliberalism. Neoliberalism is an ideology that believes in the supremacy of free market and strong non-interventionist competition law as against government ownership of the electricity market. This ideology became a state practice and a blue print for the deregulation and privatization of the electricity markets in many parts of the world. The blue print was used as a template for the privatization of the Nigerian electricity industry. In this wise, this paper, using documentary analysis and review of academic literatures, examines neoliberalism as an ideology and model of economic governance for the electricity supply industry in Nigeria. The paper examines the origin of the ideology, it features and principles and how it was used as the blue print in designing policies for electricity reforms in both developed and developing countries. The paper found out that there is gap between the ideology in theory and in practice because although the theory is rational in thinking it is difficult to be implemented in practice. The paper argues that the ideology has a mismatched effect and this has made its application in the electricity industry in many developing countries problematic and unsuccessful. In the case of Nigeria, the article argues that the template is also not working. The article concludes that the electricity sectors in Nigeria have failed to develop into competitive market for the benefit of consumers in line with the assumptions and promises of the ideology. The paper therefore recommends the democratization of the electricity sectors in Nigeria through a new system of public ownership as the solution to the failure of the neoliberal policies; but this requires the design of a more democratic and participatory system of ownership with communities and state governments in charge of the administration, running and operation of the sector.

Keywords: electricity, energy governance, neo-liberalism, regulation

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Authors: Hatice Idil Gorgen

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Turkey has been investing in its national defence industrial base since the 1980s. State’s role in defence industry showed differences in Turkey. Parallel with this, ruling group’s attitude toward companies in defence sector varied. These changes in policies and behaviors of the state have occurred throughout such milestones as political and economic turmoil in domestic and international level. Hence, it is argued that state’s role, relations with private companies in defense sector and its policies towards the defense industry has shown differences due to the international system, political institutions, ideas and political coalitions in Turkey since the 1980s. Therefore, in order to see changes in the role of the state in defence sector, this paper aims to indicate first, history of state’s role in production and defence industry in the post-1980s era. Secondly, to comprehend the changes in the state’s role in defence industry, Stephan Haggard’s sources of policy change will be provided in the theoretical ground. Thirdly, state cooperated, and joint venture defence firms, state’s actions toward them will be observed. The remaining part will explore the underlying reasons for the changes in the role of the state in defence industry, and it implicitly or explicitly impacts on state business relations. Major findings illustrate that targeted idea of self-sufficient or autarky Turkey to attract domestic audience and to raise the prestige through defence system; ruling elites can regard defence industry and involved business groups as a mean for their ends. State dominant value, sensitive perception which has been ever since Ottoman Empire, prioritizes business groups in defence industry compared to others and push the ruling elites to pursue hard power in defence sectors. Through the globally structural transformation in defence industry, integration of Turkey to liberal bloc deepened and widened interdependence among states. Although it is a qualitative study, it involves the numerated data and descriptive statistics. Data will be collected by searching secondary sources from the literature, examining official documents of ministry of defence, and other appropriate ministries.

Keywords: defense industry, state and business relations, public private relations, arm industry

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Authors: Syed Muhammad Wajih ul Hassan

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This research looks at the perception of first-time voters in Pakistan on the political dynamics of the country. This paper shall review the researches that were conducted by Gallup Pakistan and compare it with our findings regarding the voter behavior and factors that affect the priorities of the voters. A country where democracy has just completed its 2 consecutive tenures for the first time, one would always want to know about the voting trends among youth where young population makes 60% of the population in the country. In that case, it is not only a big task to find out voter patterns and trends voters might adhere to while a general election is approaching. Also, the paper discovers the psychology of young Pakistani voters on the upcoming election of 2018 but also the factors that influence the voting decisions of a voter. This research tries to study the relations among voters and how they view each other in general. The paper also explores the views of voters on the factors that impact decision making of a voter while casting his/her vote in Pakistan. The paper thoroughly studies the expectations of the voters from the current system that prevails in the country. The reason this research was conducted is that this kind of positive approach towards finding out the voter perception is heavily untouched in Pakistani academia. This study can benefit a lot of institutions and professions in the future too. The constraints and obstacles that came while this research was being conducted are also identified in the paper. The mode of research is primary research as it was impossible to find out the perceptions of first-time voters without going on the field and carrying out the research. The research was conducted in one of the most reputable and liberal educational institutions of Pakistan. This research is based on a survey that was conducted through questionnaires where responses were collected through a mix process of random and convenient sampling. The major findings of the study show that young voters have a realistic perspective about the electoral process in the country. The research also articulates the factors that affect the priorities of young voters, and also how young voters view other voters that belong from other sections of the society. To conclude, we can say that this research will give us a perspective that can define and identify the voter priorities of the future in Pakistan.

Keywords: first time voters, general election 2018, Pakistan, young

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Authors: Çisem Gündüz Arabacı

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Deliberation has been seen one of the most important components of democratic ideals especially since liberal democratic attributions have been under fire. Deliberative democracy advocates that people should participate in collective decision-making processes by other mechanisms rather than conventional ones in order to reach legitimate decisions. Deliberative democratic theory makes emphasis on deliberative communication between people and encourages them not to merely express their political opinions (through surveys and referendum) but to form those opinions through public debates. This paper focuses on deliberative democratic visions of Gezi Park Public Forums by taking deliberative democracy as theoretical basis and examining Gezi Park Public Forums in the light of core elements of deliberative democracy. Gezi Movement started on 28 May 2013 in İstanbul as a reaction to local government's revision plans for Taksim Gezi Park, spread throughout the country and created new zones in public sphere which are called Public Park Forums. During the summer of 2013, especially in İstanbul but also in other cities, people gathered in public parks, discussed and took collective decisions concerning actions which they will take. It is worth to mention that since 3 and half years some Public Park Forums are still continuing their meetings regularly in city of İzmir. This paper analyzes four 'Public Park Forums' in İzmir which are called Bornova Public Forum; Karşıyaka Public Forum, Foça Public Forum and Güzelyalı Public Forum. These Forums are under investigation in terms of their understanding of democracy and the values that support that understanding. Participant observation and in-depth interview methods are being used as research methods. Core element of deliberative democracy are being collected under three main category: common interest versus private interest, membership, rational argument and these values are being questioning within one of each Forum in order to draw an overall picture and also make comparison between them. Discourse analysis is being used in order to examine empirical data and paper aims to reveal how participants of public forums perceive deliberative democratic values and whether they give weight to these values.

Keywords: deliberative democracy, Gezi Park movement, public forums, social movement

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Authors: Galit Truman Zinman

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The 'Islamic State' (IS) is one of the most successful jihadist groups in the modern history. The 'Islamic State' strives to realize the idea of erasing the borders between Muslim countries and establishing a wide Islamic caliphate. The 'Islamic State' is based on religious unity and opposition to existing political order. In this paper, the main argument is that the 'Islamic State' is characterized by two significant tendencies of state-building: preservation and change. The methodology of this study is based on the process tracing method and the analysis of primary sources: decisions, announcements and speeches of religious leaders of the Islamic State, slogans, rituals and symbols, audio and video clips produced by the Al-Hayat Media Center, films distributed on YouTube, as well as the content analysis of Dabiq`s articles (IS official Journal) and nasheeds (jihadi songs). The major findings of this study indicate that in practice the 'Islamic State' uses the same socio-political functions typical to the modern state (preservation), but introduces a different religious-ideological content (change). On the one hand, there is a preservation of the principles of existing modern state. Even with the rejection of secularization, globalization, and nationalism, there is an establishment of typical modern nation-state patterns. It is still a state entity, which has an ideological infrastructure, territory, population, governance and a monopoly on the use of violence, security services, justice system, tax collection, etc. All these functions characterize the modern state, and despite the desire of the 'Islamic State' to create a new kind of state, it reminds patterns of the typical modern nation-state. As for the religious-ideological content of the new state, here we can see a tendency of great change. The 'Islamic State' aims to create an Islamic caliphate which would allow the establishment of religious law and order, under a big commitment to return civilization to a seventh-century environment. The 'Islamic State' favors the fight against Western culture and its liberal ideology. It supports the struggle for global jihad against the unbelievers. Today, despite the territorial 'contraction' and the undermining of the organization's governance in Iraq and Syria, the 'Islamic State' continues to maintain its brand among jihadist activists around the world.

Keywords: Islamic State, Islamic caliphate, modern nation-state, religious law and order

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Authors: Ben Main Piotr Ozieranski

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State government spending on pharmaceuticals stands at 1 trillion USD globally, promoting criticism of the pharmaceutical industry's monetization of drug efficacy, product cost overvaluation, and health injustice. This paper elucidates the mechanisms behind a state-institutional response to this problem through the sociological lens of the strategic relational approach to state power. To do so, 30 expert interviews, legal and policy documents are drawn on to explain how state elites in New Zealand have successfully contested a 30-year “pharmaceutical spending containment policy”. Proceeding from Jessop's notion of strategic “selectivity”, encompassing analyses of the enabling features of state actors' ability to harness state structures, a theoretical explanation is advanced. First, a strategic context is described that consists of dynamics around pharmaceutical dealmaking between the state bureaucracy, pharmaceutical pricing strategies (and their effects), and the industry. Centrally, the pricing strategy of "bundling" -deals for packages of drugs that combine older and newer patented products- reflect how state managers have instigated an “incentivization game” that is played by state and industry actors, including HTA professionals, over pharmaceutical products (both current and in development). Second, a protective context is described that is comprised of successive legislative-judicial responses to the strategic context and characterized by the regulation and the societalisation of commercial law. Third, within the policy, the achievement of increased pharmaceutical coverage (pharmaceutical “mix”) alongside contained spending is conceptualized as a state defence of a "social profit". As such, in contrast to scholarly expectations that political and economic cultures of neo-liberalism drive pharmaceutical policy-making processes, New Zealand's state elites' approach is shown to be antipathetic to neo-liberals within an overall capitalist economy. The paper contributes an analysis of state pricing strategies and how they are embedded in state regulatory structures. Additionally, through an analysis of the interconnections of state power and pharmaceutical value Abrahams's neo-liberal corporate bias model for pharmaceutical policy analysis is problematised.

Keywords: pharmaceutical governance, pharmaceutical bureaucracy, pricing strategies, state power, value theory

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Authors: Park Eri, Sklad Marcin, Tsirogianni Stavroula

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In a world where there is increasing exchange and movement of populations groups, and interconnectedness, there are plenty of opportunities for mutual cultural enrichment. However, in everyday life, relations among different cultural groups do not go that smoothly often resulting in discrimination, inequalities and violence. The increasing differentiation of roles, values and worldviews raise a lot of tensions and dilemmas for the state and people -especially in western liberal societies- about issues of acceptance, fairness, justice, autonomy, plurality, freedom, equality and cohesion. Cultural diversity requires a deeper understanding of the roots, meaning and consequences of group differences. We argue, that a psychology from the standpoint of the subject needs to be developed further according to new societal needs. This means within a globalised society, issues regarding the construction of the other as another have become of utmost importance. In constructing the other human beings construct their ideal and possible worlds and meanings about their lives and their significance by drawing on a set of cultural norms, beliefs and values embedded in the different contexts whereby they find themselves in. In this article, we are describing a series of exercises developed in collaboration with University students in the Netherlands that have been piloted with undergraduate 2nd year University Psychology students. These exercises aimed at making tangible and obvious how students apply different moral principles and norms to regulate relationships, which are linked to hegemonic ideological forces. The exercises were in the form of thought experiments that included 8 moral dilemmas, inspired by the moral foundations theory, that touched on different moral principles. The moral dilemmas were built onto each other in incremental steps: from a very tangible/hands-on level to more challenging and demanding ones which require to step into pre-existing networks on knowledge and discourses. After the execution of every dilemma, a discussion followed, which is focused on building links between the ‘theme of the exercise’ and participants’ own lives experiences. In this paper, we provide an evaluation of the methodology used through a discursive analysis of the discussion between the students and the teacher.

Keywords: citizenship, moral dilemmas, social justice, education

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Authors: Baljit Soroya

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Transnational communities are as a consequence of greater mobility of people, globalization and digitization have had a major impact on international relations and diasporas in the context of external conflicts. To a significant extent conflicts are becoming deterritorialised and informed by both internal (state politics) and external (foreign policy) players such as in Iraq and Syria leading to forced migration of unprecedented levels within the last two decades. The situation of forced migrants has, it is suggested, worsened as a consequence of the neo-liberal policies and requirements of organizations such as the European Bank. A case example of this being that of Greece, and the exacerbation of insecurity for Greek nationals and the demonization of refugees seeking sanctuary. This has been as a consequence, in part, of the neoliberal dogma of the European Bank. The article analyses the complex intersection of the real and perceived threats of international terrorism and the manner in which UK migration policy and Practice is unfolding. The policy and practice developments are explored in the context of the shift in politics in both the UK and wider Europe to the far right and the drift of main stream political parties to the right. In many cases, the mainstream political groupings, have co-opted the fears as presented by far right organization for political their own political gains, such as in the UK and France In its analysis it will be argued that, whilst international terrorism is an issue of concern, however in the context of the UK it is not of the same scale as the effects of climate change or indeed domestic violence. Given that, the question has to be asked why the threat of international terrorism is having such an impact on UK migration policy and practice and, specifically refugees. Furthermore, it is argued that this policy and practice are being formulated within a narrative that portrays migrants as the problem both in relation to terrorism and the disenfranchisement of ‘ordinary white communities’. The intersectionality of social, economic inequalities, fear of international terrorism, increase in conflicts and the political climate have contributed to a lack of trust of political establishments that have in turn sought to impress the public with their anti-immigrant rhetoric and policy agendas. The article ends by suggesting that whilst politics and political affiliations have become fractured there are nevertheless spaces for collective action, particularly in relation to issues of refugees.

Keywords: international terrorism, migration policy, conflict, media, community, politics

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Authors: Akanksha Gupta, Vishal Dubey

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In the Neoliberal era, there has been a much-talked discourse about urban issues that arise from a narrow approach of the single rationality of market-driven planning in Indian cities. More to this, India's urban planning is already jeopardized by the captious shortage of infrastructure, a cluster of incoherent governing bodies and implementation mechanism, leading cities to lie in the plethora of urban challenges. In this context, Allahabad (now known as Prayagraj) a city in North India is not an exception. Once known as the most planned splendid Colonial city of the British regime in India collapsed phenomenally because of the incompetent approach of planning machinery, straightforward market-driven accession and lack of attention on urban equity and sustainability. Particularly Civil Lines a Colonial neighbourhood, reached to the zenith of the glorified legacy of the Colonial era, transformed into filthy and congested urban form. Contextually this study contemplates and assesses the chronological episodes of major changes in land management reforms and policies under the ad hoc approach of political economy and land use planning which radically degraded the living environment in the present context. This study would empirically showcase the selected sample area detailing some of the major consequences in terms of gradual change in urban morphology, land use, and function. Here the method of study is primarily a qualitative study implying oral history and other historical methods to exhibit the idiom of planning conundrum. This subsequently reflects the repercussions translated into major issues like unclear land titles, encroachment, and unauthorized development and mushrooming of informal and squatter settlements. In nutshell, the study seeks to distinct out the limitations of the land reform and land management policies, which impacted the general degradation to the beautiful setting of Colonial neighbourhood. The Colonial legacy of Civil Lines now exists in the traces of history- memories of people, who once took pride in its serenity have now witnessed the transformation bit by bit till neo-liberal market forces completely swallow it.

Keywords: civil lines, land reforms, policies, urban challenges

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Authors: Søren Birkvad

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This paper traces the development of sexual cinematic freedom in the wake of an epoch-making event in Danish cultural history. As the first in the world, the Danes abolished all censorship for adults in 1969, making the tiny nation of Denmark the world’s largest exporter of pornography for several years. Drawing on the insights of social and cultural history and the focus point of the National Cinema direction of Cinema Studies, this study focuses on Danish film pornography in the 1960s and 1970s in its own right (e.g., its peculiar mix of sex, popular comedy and certain ‘feminist’ agendas). More importantly, however, it covers a broader pattern, namely the culturally deep-rooted tradition of freedom of speech and sexual liberalism in Denmark. Thus, the key concept of frisind (“free mind”) in Danish cultural history took on an increasingly partisan application in the 1960s and 1970s. It became a designation for all-is-permitted hippie excess but was also embraced by dissenting movements on the left, such as feminism, which questioned whether a free mind necessarily meant free love. In all of this, Danish cinema from the 1960s and 1970s offers a remarkable source of historical insight, simultaneously reminding us of a number of acute issues of contemporary society. These issues include gendered ideas of sexuality and freedom then and now and the equivalent clash of cultures between a liberal commercial industry and the accelerating political demands of the “sexual revolution.” Finally, these issues include certain tensions between, on the one hand, a purely materialistic idea of sexual freedom – incarnated by anything from pornography to many of the taboo-breaking youth films and avant-garde films in the wake of the 1968-rebellion – and, on the other hand, growing opposition to this anti-spiritual perception of human sexuality (represented by for instance the ‘closet conservatism’ of Danish art film star Lars von Trier of nowadays). All in all, this presentation offers a reflection on ideas of sexuality and gender rooted in a unique historical moment in cinematic history.

Keywords: Danish film history, cultural history, film pornography, history of sexuality, national cinema, sexual liberalism

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Authors: Lucas Berrini

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Academic libraries have always struggled with engaging with students and faculty. Striking the balance between what the community needs and what the library can afford has also been a point of contention for libraries. As academia begins to return to a new normal after COVID, library staff are rethinking how remind patrons that the library is open and ready for business. NC Wesleyan, a small liberal arts school in eastern North Carolina, decided to be proactive and reach out to the academic community. After shutting down in 2020 for COVID, the campus library saw a marked decrease in in-person attendance. For a small school whose operational budget was tied directly to tuition payments, it was imperative for the library to remind faculty and staff that they were open for business. At the beginning of the Summer 2022 term and continuing into the fall, the reference team created a marketing plan using email, physical meetings, and virtual events targeted at students and faculty as well as community members who utilized the facilities prior to COVID. The email blasts were gentle reminders that the building was open and available for use The target audiences were the community at large. Several of the emails contained reminders of previous events in the library that were student centered. The next phase of the email campaign centers on reminding the community about the libraries physical and electronic resources, including the makerspace lab. Language will indicate that student voices are needed, and a QR code is included for students to leave feedback as to what they want to see in the library. The final phase of the email blasts were faculty focused and invited them to connect with library reference staff for an in-person consultation on their research needs. While this phase is ongoing, the response has been positive, and staff are compiling data in hopes of working with administration to implement some of the requested services and materials. These email blasts will be followed up by in-person meetings with faculty and students who responded to the QR codes. This research is ongoing. This type of targeted outreach is new for Wesleyan. It is the hope of the library that by the end of Fall 2022, there will be a plan in place to address the needs and concerns of the students and faculty. Furthermore, the staff hopes to create a new sense of community for the students and staff of the university.

Keywords: academic, education, libraries, outreach

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Authors: Tracey Jean Boisseau

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Recently, the rise of concerted right-wing and authoritarian movements has put feminists as well as women, queer, trans, and non-binary folk, immigrants, refugees, the global poor, and people of color in their crosshairs. The U.S. is seeing unprecedented attacks on liberal democratic institutions, escalating “culture wars,” and increased anti-intellectual vitriol specifically targeting feminist and anti-racist educators and scholars. Such vitriol has fueled new legislation curtailing or outright banning of “gender studies” for its ideological commitment to theorizing gender identity as a cultural construct and an inherently political project rather than a “natural” binary that can not be contested or interrogated. At the same time, across the globe—in Afghanistan, Argentina, Brazil, France, Haiti, Hungary, Kenya, Nicaragua, Nigeria, Pakistan, the Philippines, Poland, Russia, South Korea, Sweden, Turkey, Uganda, the United Kingdom, and elsewhere—emergent anti-feminist, nativist, and white-supremacist political parties, as well as established autocratic and authoritarian regimes, have instituted blatantly misogynistic, anti-queer, and anti-trans legislation, often accompanied by governmental and extra-governmental policies explicitly intended to marginalize, erase, suppress, or extinguish gender studies as a legitimate academic discipline, topic of research, and teaching field. This paper considers the origins and effects of such legislation -as well as the strategies exhibited by practitioners of gender studies to counter these effects and resist erasure- from a cross-cultural perspective. The research underpinning this paper’s conclusions includes a survey of nearly 2000 gender studies programs in the U.S. and interviews with dozens of gender studies scholars and administrative leaders of gender-studies programs located worldwide. The goal of this paper is to illuminate distinctions, continuities, and global connections between anti-gender studies legislation that emanates from within national borders but arises from rightwing movements that supercede those borders, and that, ultimately, require globalist responses.

Keywords: anti-feminist, anti-LGBTQ, legislation, criminalization, authoritarianism, globalization

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Authors: Chun-Lin Zhang, Min Wan

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With the upgrade development of the tourism industry from the simple sightseeing tour to the leisure and vacation, people's travel idea has undergone a fundamental change. More and more people begin to pursue liberal and personal tourism, so self-driving tourism has become the main form of current tourism activities. With the self-driving tourism representing the general trend, the importance of convenient tourism transportation and perfect road traffic signs have become more and more prominent. A clear urban road traffic signs can help visitors quickly identify the direction and distance to the tourism destination. The purpose of this article is analyzing the planning of urban road traffic signs which can bring positive impact on the participation in the recreation involved of self-driving tourists. The content of this article is divided into three parts. Based on the literature review and theoretical analysis, the first part constructs a structural variance model. The model is from three dimensions: the attention of the self-driving tourists to the urban traffic signs along the road, the perception of the self-driving tourists to the road traffic signs itself, the perceptions of the self-driving tourists to the tourism destination information on the traffic signs. Through this model, the paper aims to explore the influence of the urban road traffic signs to the leisure psychological involvement and leisure behavior involvement of the self-driving tourists. The second part aims to verify through the hypothesis model the questionnaire survey and come to preliminary conclusions. The preliminary conclusions are as follows: firstly, the color, shape, size, setting mode and occurrence frequency of urban road traffic sign have significant influence on the leisure psychological involvement and leisure behavior involvement of the self-driving tourists. Secondly, the influence on the leisure behavior involvement is obviously higher than the influence on the leisure psychological involvement. Thirdly, the information about the tourism destination marked on the urban road traffic signs has not obviously influence on the leisure psychological involvement, but it has distinct influence on the leisure behavior involvement of self-driving tourists. The third part puts forward that the planning of urban road traffic signs should focus on the angle of the impact of road traffic signs on people's psychology and behavior. On the basis of the above conclusions, the paper researches the color, shape, size, setting mode and information labeling of urban road traffic signs so that they can preferably satisfy the demand of the leisure involvement of self-driving tourists.

Keywords: leisure involvement, self-driving tourism, structural equation, urban road traffic signs

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Authors: Satabdi Das

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Background:The abortion debate has polarized women, pitting them against each other in the binary of pro-choice and pro-life. While the followers of pro-choice views the right to an abortion as inherent to a women's right to sovereignty, the latter believes that it is unethical to kill a unborn baby as it is in a way denying the foetus' right to life. So there are innumerable arguments and counter arguments without hyphenation and the dilemma remains that which one is more significant – the mother's right to terminate pregnancy or the foetus' right to life. This pro-life and pro-choice debate has an western root which is more about reproductive freedom. But the Western standard of looking at abortion debate is not fully relevant in the Indian context. The situation is entirely different here. Sex selective foeticide is a social ill in India which cannot be explained through the prism of abortion debate only. It must take into account the problems of forced female foeticide. Objectives: Against this backdrop the study sheds light on the following issues: -How the Reproductive debate has been evolved? -How it is relevant in the Indian Context where female foeticide is a harsh reality? -How one should address the dilemma between life and death in the context of pro life-pro choice debate? Methodology: The study employs historical analytical and descriptive analytical methods and uses primary documents like governmental documents and secondary sources like analytical articles in books, journals, and relevant websites. Findings: -Fertility control is not a modern day phenomenon. It has its roots throughout ancient, medieval and present epochs. However, there existed debates over the rights of the foetus and the question of ethics pertaining to the act of abortion. -Pre-natal sex determination for sex selective abortion is a common phenomenon in India because of the wish for male heirs. The cultural preferences for male child over female ones have resulted in the disappearance of girl children. -When does the life begin has not been recognized by any law. Considering Indian case, it can be said that the Pro life/ pro choice is not that relevant as it is in the US. Here the women are often denied the basic human rights. They are murdered at the womb in many places. Their right to lives are jeopardised in that way. In the liberal abortion regime of India, women's choice to end a pregnancy is limited among very few enlightened families. In many cases, it is the decision of the family to end a pregnancy for boy preference. For that pre natal sex determination plays a crucial role. Conclusion: In India, we can be pro life only when the right to life of the unborn can be secured irrespective of its sex. Similarly we belong to pro-choice group only when the choice to terminate a baby is entirely decided by the mother for her own reasons.

Keywords: female foeticide, India, prolife/pro choice, right to abortion

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Authors: Robin Turner

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In the context of the strengthening conservative movements such as “Brexit” and the election of US President Donald Trump, the global political stage was shaken up by the election of Emmanuel Macron to the French presidency, defeating the far-right candidate Marine Le Pen. The election itself was a first for the Fifth Republic in which neither final candidate was from the traditional two major political parties: the left Parti Socialiste (PS) and the right Les Républicains (LR). Macron, who served as the Minister of Finance under his predecessor, founded the centrist liberal political party En Marche! in April 2016 before resigning from his post in August to launch his bid for the presidency. Between the time of the party’s creation to the first round of elections a year later, Emmanuel Macron and En Marche! had garnered enough support to make it to the run-off election, finishing far ahead of many seasoned national political figures. Now months into his presidency, the youngest President of the Republic shows no sign of losing fuel anytime soon. His unprecedented success raises a lot of questions with respect to international relations, economics, and the evolving relationship between the French government and its citizens. The effectiveness of Macron’s campaign, of course, relies on many factors, one of which is his manner of communicating his platform to French voters. Using data from oral discourse and primary material from Macron and En Marche! in sources such as party publications and Twitter, the study categorizes linguistic instruments – address, lexicon, tone, register, and syntax – to identify prevailing patterns of speech and communication. The linguistic analysis in this project is two-fold. In addition to these findings’ stand-alone value, these discourse patterns are contextualized by comparable discourse of other 2017 presidential candidates with high emphasis on that of Marine Le Pen. Secondly, to provide an alternative approach, the study contextualizes Macron’s discourse using those of two immediate predecessors representing the traditional stronghold political parties, François Hollande (PS) and Nicolas Sarkozy (LR). These comparative methods produce an analysis that gives insight to not only a contributing factor to Macron’s successful 2017 campaign but also provides insight into how Macron’s platform presents itself differently to previous presidential platforms. Furthermore, this study extends analysis to supply data that contributes to a wider analysis of the defeat of “traditional” French political parties by the “start-up” movement En Marche!.

Keywords: Emmanuel Macron, French, discourse analysis, political discourse

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Authors: Ezra Kavana

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This article analyses the role those East African countries play in enforcing crude oil pipeline regulations. The paper finds that countries are more likely to have responsibility for enforcing these regulations if they have larger networks of gathering and transmission lines and if their citizens are more liberal and more pro-environment., Pipeline operations, transportation costs, new pipeline construction, and environmental effects are all heavily controlled. All facets of pipeline systems and the facilities connected to them are governed by statutory bodies. In order to support the project manager on such new pipeline projects, companies building and running these pipelines typically include personnel and consultants who specialize in these permitting processes. The primary permissions that can be necessary for pipelines carrying different commodities are mentioned in this paper. National, regional, and local municipalities each have their own permits. Through their right-of-way group, the contractor's project compliance leadership is typically directly responsible for obtaining those permits, which are typically obtained through government agencies. The whole list of local permits needed for a planned pipeline can only be found after a careful field investigation. A country's government regulates pipelines that are entirely within its borders. With a few exceptions, state regulations governing ratemaking and safety have been enacted to be consistent with regulatory requirements. Countries that produce a lot of energy are typically more involved in regulating pipelines than countries that produce little to no energy. To identify the proper regulatory authority, it is important to research the several government agencies that regulate pipeline transportation. Additionally, it's crucial that the scope determination of a planned project engage with a various external professional with experience in linear facilities or the company's pipeline construction and environmental professional to identify and obtain any necessary design clearances, permits, or approvals. These professionals can offer precise estimations of the costs and length of time needed to process necessary permits. Governments with a stronger energy sector, on the other hand, are less likely to take on control. However, the performance of the pipeline or national enforcement activities are unaffected significantly by whether a government has taken on control. Financial fines are the most efficient government enforcement instrument because they greatly reduce occurrences and property damage.

Keywords: crude oil, pipeline, regulatory compliance, and construction permits

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Authors: Tzu-Ling Hsieh

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When the Taiwan Ministry of Education implemented a new university multiple entrance policy in 2002, most colleges and universities still use testing scores as mainly admission criteria. With forthcoming 12 basic-year education curriculum, the Ministry of Education provides a new college admission policy, which will be implemented in 2021. The new college admission policy will highlight the importance of holistic education by more emphases on the learning process of senior high school, except only on the outcome of academic testing. However, the development of college admission criteria doesn’t have a thoughtful process. Universities and colleges don’t have an idea about how to make suitable multi-admission criteria. Although there are lots of studies in other countries which have implemented multi-college admission criteria for years, these studies still cannot represent Taiwanese students. Also, these studies are limited without the comparison of two different academic fields. Therefore, this study investigated multiple admission criteria and its relationship with college success. This study analyzed the Taiwan Higher Education Database with 12,747 samples from 156 universities and tested a conceptual framework that examines factors by structural equation model (SEM). The conceptual framework of this study was adapted from Pascarella's general causal model and focused on how different admission criteria predict students’ college success. It discussed the relationship between admission criteria and college success, also the relationship how motivation (one of admission standard) influence college success through engagement behaviors of student effort and interactions with agents of socialization. After processing missing value, reliability and validity analysis, the study found three indicators can significantly predict students’ college success which was defined as average grade of last semester. These three indicators are the Chinese language scores at college entrance exam, high school class rank, and quality of student academic engagement. In addition, motivation can significantly predict quality of student academic engagement and interactions with agents of socialization. However, the multi-group SEM analysis showed that there is no difference to predict college success between the students from liberal arts and science. Finally, this study provided some suggestions for universities and colleges to develop multi-admission criteria through the empirical research of Taiwanese higher education students.

Keywords: college admission, admission criteria, structural equation modeling, higher education, education policy

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Authors: Andre Sanches Siqueira Campos

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Central banks can play a significant role in promoting regional economic and monetary integration by strengthening the payment and settlement systems. However, close coordination and cooperation require facilitating the implementation of reforms at domestic and cross-border levels in order to benchmark with international standards and commitments to the liberal order. This situation reflects the normative power of the regulatory globalization dimension of strong states, which may drive or constrain regional integration. In the MERCOSUR and SAARC regions, central banks have set financial initiatives that could facilitate South America and South Asia regions to move towards convergence integration and facilitate trade and investments connectivities. This is qualitative method research based on a combination of the Process-Tracing method with Qualitative Comparative Analysis (QCA). This research approaches multiple forms of data based on central banks, regional organisations, national governments, and financial institutions supported by existing literature. The aim of this research is to analyze the decision-making process of the Central Bank of Brazil (BCB) and the Reserve Bank of India (RBI) towards regional financial cooperation by identifying connectivity instruments that foster, gridlock, or redefine cooperation. The BCB and The RBI manage the monetary policy of the largest economies of those regions, which makes regional cooperation a relevant framework to understand how they provide an effective institutional arrangement for regional organisations to achieve some of their key policies and economic objectives. The preliminary conclusion is that both BCB and RBI demonstrate a reluctance to deepen regional cooperation because of the existing economic, political, and institutional asymmetries. Deepening regional cooperation is constrained by the interests of central banks in protecting their economies from risks of instability due to different degrees of development between countries in their regions and international financial crises that have impacted the international system in the 21st century. Reluctant regional integration also provides autonomy for national development and political ground for the contestation of Global Financial Governance by Brazil and India.

Keywords: Brazil, central banks, decision-making process, global financial governance, India, MERCOSUR, connectivity, payment system, regional cooperation, SAARC

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Authors: Sylvie Sossou, Grégoire Gansou, Ildevert Egue

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Introduction: The mission of the family and the school is to educate and train citizens of the city. But the family’s values , parental roles, respect for life collapse in their traditional African form. Indeed laxity with regard to divorce, liberal ideas about child rearing influence the emotional life of the latter. Several causes may contribute to the decline in academic performance. In order to seek a psychological solution to the issue, a study was conducted in 6 schools at the 9th district in Cotonou, cosmopolitan city of Benin. Objective: To evaluate the impact of single parenthood on the psycho child development. Materials and Methods: Questionnaires and interviews were used to gather verbal information. The questionnaires were administered to parents and children (schoolchildren 4, 5 and six form) from 7 to 12 years in lone parenthood. The interview was done with teachers and school leaders. We identified 209 cases of children living with a "single-parent" and 68 single parents. Results: Of the 209 children surveyed the results showed that 116 children are cut relational triangle in early childhood (before 3 years). The psychological effects showed that the separation has caused sadness for 52 children, anger 22, shame 17, crying at 31 children, fear for 14, the silence at 58 children. In front of complete family’s children, these children experience feelings of aggression in 11.48%; sadness in 30.64%; 5.26% the shame, the 6.69% tears; jealousy in 2.39% and 2.87% of indifference. The option to get married in 44.15% of children is a challenge to want to give a happy childhood for their offspring; 22.01% feel rejected, there is uncertainty for 11.48% of cases and 25.36% didn’t give answer. 49, 76% of children want to see their family together; 7.65% are against to avoid disputes and in many cases to save the mother of the father's physical abuse. 27.75% of the ex-partners decline responsibility in the care of the child. Furthermore family difficulties affecting the intellectual capacities of children: 37.32% of children see school difficulties related to family problems despite all the pressure single-parent to see his child succeed. Single parenthood affects inter-family relations: pressure 33.97%; nervousness 24.88%; overprotection 29.18%; backbiting 11.96%, are the lives of these families. Conclusion: At the end of the investigation, results showed that there is a causal relationship between psychological disorders, academic difficulties of children and quality of parental relationships. Other cases may exist, but the lack of resources meant that we have only limited at 6 schools. Early psychological treatment for these children is needed.

Keywords: single-parent, psycho child, school, Cotonou

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Authors: Jawaher Bakheet Almudarra

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The Saudi Arabian educational system shared the philosophical principles, in its foundation, which concentrated on the achievement of goals, thereby taking up authoritative styles of leadership. However, organisations are beginning to be more liberal in today’s environment than in the 1940s and 1950s, and appealing to emotional intelligence as a tool and skill are needed for effective leadership. In the Saudi Arabian case, such developments are characterised by changes such as that of the educational supervisor having the role redefined to that of a director. This review tracks several parts: the first section helps western reader to understand the subtleties, complexities, and intricacies of the Saudi Arabia education system and its approach to leadership system of education, history, culture and political contribution. This can lead to the larger extent understand if emotional intelligence is a provocation for better leadership of Saudi Arabian education sector or not. The second part is the growth of educational supervision in Saudi Arabia, focusing on the education system, and evaluates the impact of emotional intelligence as a necessary skill in leadership. The third section looks at emotions and emotional intelligence, gender roles, and contributions by emotional intelligence in the education system. The education system of Saudi Arabia has undergone significant transformation. To fully understand the current climate of Saudi Arabia, it is essential to review this process of transformation in terms of the historical, cultural, political and social positions and transformations. Over the years, the education system in Saudi Arabia has undergone significant metamorphosis. The Saudi government has instituted a wide range of reforms in an attempt to improve education standards and outcomes, facilitate improvements and ensure that high standards of education standards are upheld to keep pace with the global environment and knowledge economy. Leadership itself has become an increasingly prominent aspect of educational reform worldwide. Emotional intelligence is often considered a significant aspect of leadership, but it is in its early stages in Saudi Arabia. Its recognition and adoption may improve leadership practices, particularly among educational supervisors and contribute to national and international understandings of leadership in Saudi Arabia. Studying leadership in the Saudi Arabian context is imperative as the new generation of leaders need to cultivate pertinent skills that will allow them to become fundamentally and positively involved in the regions’ decision making processes in order to impact the progression of the Saudi Arabian education system. Understanding leadership in the education context will allow for suitable inculcation of leadership skills. These skills include goal-setting, sound decision-making as well as problem-solving within the education system of Saudi Arabia.

Keywords: educational supervision, educational administration, emotional intelligence, educational leadership

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Authors: Changdong Oh

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With the arrival of post-industrial society, social scientists have been giving attention to issues of which factors shape cleavage of political parties. Especially, there is a heated controversy over whether and how social and cultural values influence the identities of parties and voting behavior. Drawing from Moral Foundations Theory (MFT), which approached similar issues by considering the effect of five moral foundations on political decision-making of people, this study investigates the role of moral rhetoric in the evolution of Korean political parties. Researcher collected official announcements released by the major two parties (Democratic Party of Korea, Saenuri Party) from 2007 to 2016, and analyzed the data by using Word2Vec algorithm and Moral Foundations Dictionary. Five moral decision modules of MFT, composed of care, fairness (individualistic morality), loyalty, authority and sanctity (group-based, Durkheimian morality), can be represented in vector spaces consisted of party announcements data. By comparing the party vector and the five morality vectors, researcher can see how the political parties have actively used each of the five moral foundations to express themselves and the opposition. Results report that the conservative party tends to actively draw on collective morality such as loyalty, authority, purity to differentiate itself. Notably, such moral differentiation strategy is prevalent when they criticize an opposition party. In contrast, the liberal party tends to concern with individualistic morality such as fairness. This result indicates that moral cleavage does exist between parties in South Korea. Furthermore, individualistic moral gaps of the two political parties are eased over time, which seems to be due to the discussion of economic democratization of conservative party that emerged after 2012, but the community-related moral gaps widened. These results imply that past political cleavages related to economic interests are diminishing and replaced by cultural and social values associated with communitarian morality. However, since the conservative party’s differentiation strategy is largely related to negative campaigns, it is doubtful whether such moral differentiation among political parties can contribute to the long-term party identification of the voters, thus further research is needed to determine it is sustainable. Despite the limitations, this study makes it possible to track and identify the moral changes of party system through automated text analysis. More generally, this study could contribute to the analysis of various texts associated with the moral foundation and finding a distributed representation of moral, ethical values.

Keywords: moral foundations theory, moral politics, party system, Word2Vec

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Authors: Patrycja Pichnicka

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Anime is the Japanese art of animation and a kind of Japanese animated movie, different from the Western ones by its specific features. In the world dominated by live action movies, mostly the ones produced in the United States, Japanese animated movies, which constitute a large part of the Japanese movie industry, play the role of the Other. They adapt elements of Western culture and technology to create something that resists global Western domination. This phenomenon is particularly interesting to observe in the case of narration borrowed from the Western culture, yet transformed in a specific manner: such as Vampire Narration. The phenomenon should be examined using the theory of cultural adaptation of Siergiei Arutiunow, as well as theory of cultural hegemony and postcolonial theories, including the theory of the discourse of resistance. Relations of cultural hegemony and resistance have been mentioned in works of Susan Napier, however they are worth to be fully developed. Anime relations to globally dominating culture reveal tension between submission and resistance in which non-Western identity is constructed and performed. Nonetheless, the tension between the Global/Western and the Japanese is not the only one existing in contemporaneous Japanese society and culture. Sexual, gender, class, and ethnic issues are also expressed in and through pop culture narrations. Using the basic division of the types of cultural adaptation we can trace the line of the evolution of the Japanese cultural attitude towards the West, expressed in the Vampire Narration from the time of American occupation till now. These attitudes changed from the submissive assimilation or reproduction of cultural models, through the simple opposition, to the more nuanced attitude of nowadays. However, according to Kimberlé Crenshaw’s intersectional theory, there is no one category of discrimination or submission. There are individuals or groups existing on the cross of two or more categories of emancipation. If the Japanese were culturally subdued to the Westerner, the Japanese woman was doubly subdued: as a woman and as a Japanese. The emancipation of one group can deepen the submission of another one, of internal Other, of the group in which two or more categories of domination/submission intersect. That is why some Japanese female authors enthusiastically reproduce the Western cultural models, even if this means a cultural hegemony of the West over the Japanese. They see, as women, more liberal attitudes towards their gender in the Western culture than in the Japanese culture, as it is constructed and produced by Japanese men. The Japanese anime is the realm in which sophisticated art meets social tendencies and cultural attitudes. Anime examination permits to study of the composed contemporaneous Japanese identity, as well as general rules of cultural relations.

Keywords: anime, cultural hegemony, intercultural relations, resistance, vampire narration

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Authors: Shailendra Kumar Singh

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With the rise of New Linguistic World Order in the 21st century, the Aged Pragmatics is palpitating on the edge of theoretical irrelevance. What appears to be a new sociolinguistic reality is that the enlightening combination of alternative west, inclusive globalization and techno-revolution is adding novel recipes to communicative actions, style and gain among new linguistic breed which is being neither dominated nor powered by the western supremacy. The paper has the following main, interrelated, aims: it is intended to introduce the concept of alternative pragmatics that can offer what exactly is needed for our emerging societal realities; it asserts as to how the basic pillar of linguistic success in the new linguistic world order rests upon linguistic temptation and calibration of all; and it also reviews an inevitability of emerging economies in shaping the communication trends at a time when the western world is struggling to maintain the same control on the others exercised in the past. In particular, the paper seeks answers for the following questions: (a) Do we need an alternative pragmatics, one with alternativist leaning in an era of inclusive globalization and alternative west? (b) What are the pulses of shift which are encapsulating emergence of new communicative behavior among the new linguistic breed by breaking yesterday’s linguistic rigidity? (c) Or, what are those shifts which are making linguistic shift more perceptible? (d) Is New Linguistic World Order succeeding in reversing linguistic priorities of `who speaks, what language, where, how, why, to whom and in which condition’ with no parallel in the history? (e) What is explicit about the contemporary world of 21st century which makes linguistic world all exciting and widely celebrative phenomenon and that is also forced into our vision? (f) What factors will hold key to the future of yesterday’s `influential languages’ and today’s `emerging languages’ as world is in the paradigm transition? (g) Is the collapse of Aged Pragmatics good for the 21st century for understanding the difference between pragmatism of old linguistic world and new linguistic world order? New Linguistic world Order today, unlike in the past, is about a branding of new world with liberal world view for a particular form of ideal to be imagined in the 21st century. At this time without question it is hope that a new set of ideals with popular vocabulary will become the implicit pragmatic model as one of benign majoritarianism in all aspects of sociolinguistic reality. It appears to be a reality that we live in an extraordinary linguistic world with no parallel in the past. In particular, the paper also highlights the paradigm shifts: Demographic, Social-psychological, technological and power. These shifts are impacting linguistic shift which is unique in itself. The paper will highlight linguistic shift in details in which alternative west plays a major role without challenging the west because it is an era of inclusive globalization in which almost everyone takes equal responsibility.

Keywords: inclusive globalization, new linguistic world order, linguistic shift, world order

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Authors: Tianjie Zhang, Bingqian Cheng, Peng Zeng

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Engineering science and technology progress and innovation have become an important engine to promote social development. The reform exploration of "new engineering" in China has drawn extensive attention around the world, with its connotation as "to cultivate future diversified, innovative and outstanding engineering talents by taking ‘fostering character and civic virtue’ as the guide, responding to changes and shaping the future as the construction concept, and inheritance and innovation, crossover and fusion, coordination and sharing as the principal approach". In this context, Tianjin University, as a traditional Chinese university with advantages in engineering, further launched the CCII (Coherent-Collaborative-Interdisciplinary-Innovation) program, raising the cultivation idea of integrating new liberal arts education, multidisciplinary engineering education and personalized professional education. As urban planning practice in China has undergone the evolution of "physical planning -- comprehensive strategic planning -- resource management-oriented planning", planning education has also experienced the transmutation process of "building foundation -- urban scientific foundation -- multi-disciplinary integration". As a characteristic and advantageous discipline of Tianjin University, the major of Urban and Rural Planning, in accordance with the "CCII Program of Tianjin University", aims to build China's top and world-class major, and implements the following educational reform measures: 1. Adding corresponding English courses, such as advanced course on GIS Analysis, courses on comparative studies in international planning involving ecological resources and the sociology of the humanities, etc. 2. Holding "Academician Forum", inviting international academicians to give lectures or seminars to track international frontier scientific research issues. 3. Organizing "International Joint Workshop" to provide students with international exchange and design practice platform. 4. Setting up a business practice base, so that students can find problems from practice and solve them in an innovative way. Through these measures, the Urban and Rural Planning major of Tianjin University has formed a talent training system with multi-disciplinary cross integration and orienting to the future science and technology.

Keywords: China, higher education reform, innovation, new engineering education, rural and urban planning, Tianjin University

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