Search results for: political analysis

Authors: Sogo Angel Olofinbiyi

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There have been widespread assumptions across the globe that the root cause of Boko Haram terrorism in Nigeria is religious rather than socio-economic. An investigation into this dichotomy allowed this study to fully demonstrate that the root cause of Boko Haram’s terrorist actions emanates from the non-fulfillment of socio-economic goals that are prompted by the violation of fundamental human rights, corruption, poverty, unconstitutional and undemocratic practices in the northern part of the Nigerian state. To achieve its aim of establishing the root cause of the terrorism crisis in the latter country, the study critically appraised the socio-economic context of the insurgency by adopting one-on-one in-depth interviews involving forty (40) participants to interrogate the phenomenon. Empirical evidence from the study demonstrated that the evolution of Boko Haram terrorism was a response to socio-economic phlebotomy, political and moral putrescence, and the dehumanization of people that stem from a combination of decades of mismanagement and pervasive corruption by various Nigerian leaders. The study concludes that, as long as the endemic socio-economic problems caused by global capitalism vis-a-vis unequal hegemonic power exchange as expressed in socio-political, ethno-religious and cultural forms persist in the Nigerian society, the terrorism insurgency will recur and remain an inevitable enterprise and indeed a normal social reaction to every undesirable state of affairs. Based on the findings, the study urges the need for the amelioration of the conditions of the vast majority of the Nigerian populace by making socio-economic facilities available to them through the political state.

Keywords: Boko Haram Terrorism, insurgency, socio-economic, religious injunctions

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Authors: Christian Bruss, Simona Gamba, Davide Azzolini, Federico Podestà

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In this paper, the authors assess the impact of different political and environmental shocks on the size and on the age and gender composition of asylum-related migration flows to Europe. With this paper, the authors contribute to the literature by looking at the impact of different political and environmental shocks on the gender and age composition of migration flows in addition to the size of these flows. Conflicting theories predict different outcomes concerning the relationship between political and environmental shocks and the migration flows composition. Analyzing the relationship between the causes of migration and the composition of migration flows could yield more insights into the mechanisms behind migration decisions. In addition, this research may contribute to better informing national authorities in charge of receiving these migrant, as women and children/the elderly require different assistance than young men. To be prepared to offer the correct services, the relevant institutions have to be aware of changes in composition based on the shock in question. The authors analyze the effect of different types of shocks on the number, the gender and age composition of first time asylum seekers originating from 154 sending countries. Among the political shocks, the authors consider: violence between combatants, violence against civilians, infringement of political rights and civil liberties, and state terror. Concerning environmental shocks, natural disasters (such as droughts, floods, epidemics, etc.) have been included. The data on asylum seekers applying to any of the 32 Schengen Area countries between 2008 and 2015 is on a monthly basis. Data on asylum applications come from Eurostat, data on shocks are retrieved from various sources: georeferenced conflict data come from the Uppsala Conflict Data Program (UCDP), data on natural disasters from the Centre for Research on the Epidemiology of Disasters (CRED), data on civil liberties and political rights from Freedom House, data on state terror from the Political Terror Scale (PTS), GDP and population data from the World Bank, and georeferenced population data from the Socioeconomic Data and Applications Center (SEDAC). The authors adopt a Difference-in-Differences identification strategy, exploiting the different timing of several kinds of shocks across countries. The highly skewed distribution of the dependent variable is taken into account by using count data models. In particular, a Zero Inflated Negative Binomial model is adopted. Preliminary results show that different shocks - such as armed conflict and epidemics - exert weak immediate effects on asylum-related migration flows and almost non-existent effects on the gender and age composition. However, this result is certainly affected by the fact that no time lags have been introduced so far. Finding the correct time lags depends on a great many variables not limited to distance alone. Therefore, finding the appropriate time lags is still a work in progress. Considering the ongoing refugee crisis, this topic is more important than ever. The authors hope that this research contributes to a less emotionally led debate.

Keywords: age, asylum, Europe, forced migration, gender

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Authors: William Luke Hamel

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Existing conceptions of urban flooding caused by tidal fluctuations and sea-level rise have been inadequately conceptualized by metrics of resilience and methods of flow modeling. While a great deal of research has been devoted to the effects of urbanization on pluvial flooding, the kind of tidal flooding experienced by locations like Hampton Roads, Virginia, has not been adequately conceptualized as being a result of human factors such as urbanization and gray infrastructure. Resilience from sea level rise and its associated flooding has been pioneered in the region with the 2015 Norfolk Resilience Plan from 100 Resilient Cities as well as the 2016 Norfolk Vision 2100 plan, which envisions different patterns of land use for the city. Urban resilience still conceptualizes the city as having the ability to maintain an equilibrium in the face of disruptions. This economic and social equilibrium relies on the Elizabeth River, narrowly conceptualized. Intentionally or accidentally, the river was made to be a piece of infrastructure. Its development was meant to serve the docks, shipyards, naval yards, and port infrastructure that gives the region so much of its economic life. Inasmuch as it functions to permit the movement of cargo; the raising and lowering of ships to be repaired, commissioned, or decommissioned; or the provisioning of military vessels, the river as infrastructure is functioning properly. The idea that the infrastructure is malfunctioning when high tides and sea-level rise create flooding is predicated on the idea that the infrastructure is truly a human creation and can be controlled. The natural flooding cycles of an urban river, combined with the action of climate change and sea-level rise, are only abnormal so much as they encroach on the development that first encroached on the river. The urban political ecology of water provides the ability to view the river as an infrastructural extension of urban networks while also calling for its emancipation from stationarity and human control. Understanding the river and city as a hydrosocial territory or as a socio-natural system liberates both actors from the duality of the natural and the social while repositioning river flooding as a normal part of coexistence on a floodplain. This paper argues for the adoption of an urban political ecology lens in the analysis and governance of urban rivers like the Elizabeth River as a departure from the equilibrium-seeking and stability metrics of urban resilience.

Keywords: urban flooding, political ecology, Elizabeth river, Hampton roads

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Authors: Maruska Vizek, Josip Glaurdic, Marina Tkalec, Goran Vuksic

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We empirically explore whether and how taxation affects bilateral real exchange rates in the euro area – relative unit labor costs and relative consumer price indices. We find that employers’ social security contributions and the value added tax changes have the expected effects put forward in the fiscal devaluation literature and simulations. Increases in employers’ contributions appreciate the relative unit labor costs in the short- and the long-run, while value added tax hike appreciates the relative consumer prices. Somewhat surprisingly, for personal income tax increases, we find a short-run depreciating impact on the relative unit labor costs, while increases in employees’ contributions depreciate both measures of real exchange rates in the short-run.

Keywords: sovereign bonds, European Union, developing countries, political determinants

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Authors: Karwan K. Abdalrahman

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Due to the impacts of the internet and social media, new words and expressions enter the Kurdish language, and a number of familiarized words get new meanings. The case is especially true when the technique of transliteration is taken into consideration. Through transliteration, a number of selected words widely used on social media are entering the Kurdish media discourse. In addition, a selected number of Kurdish words get new cultural and psychological meanings. The significance of this study is to delve into the process of word formation in the Kurdish language and explore how new words and expressions are formed by social media users and got public recognition. First, the study investigates the English words that enter the Kurdish language through different social media platforms. All of these words are transliterated and are used in spoken and written discourses. Second, there are a specific number of Kurdish words that got new meanings in social media. As for these words, there are psychological and cultural factors that make people use these expressions for specific political reasons. It can be argued that they have an indirect political message along with their new linguistic usages. This is a qualitative study analyzing video content that was published in the last two years on social media platforms, including Facebook and YouTube. The collected data was analyzed based on the themes discussed above. The findings of the research can be summarized as follows: the widely used transliterated words have entered both the spoken and written discourses. Authors in online and offline newspapers, TV presenters, literary writers, columnists are using these new expressions in their writings. As for the Kurdish words with new meanings, they are also widely used for psychological, cultural, and political reasons.

Keywords: Kurdish language, social media, new meanings, transliteration, vocabulary

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Authors: Chong Zhang

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There is widespread debate about the nationalistic top-down approach to citizenship education. Employing the notion of cultural citizenship as a useful theoretical lens, citizenship education research tends to focus on the process of subjectivity construction among students’ citizenship learning process. As the Communist Party of China (CPC) plays a dominant role in cultivating citizens through ideological and political education (IaPE) in Chinese universities, the research problem herein focuses on the dynamics and complexity of how Chinese university students construct their subjectivities regarding citizenship learning through IaPE, mediated by the interaction between the state and university teachers. Drawing on questionnaire data from 212 students and interview data from 25 students in one university in China, this paper examines the ways in which students understand and respond to dominant discourses. Its findings reveal there is a deficit of citizenship learning in IaPE, and that students feel ideologically pressurized. From its analysis of social contexts’ influence, the article suggests Chinese higher education students act as either mild changemakers or active self-motivators to enact complex subjectivities, in that they must involve themselves in IaPE for personal academic and career development, yet adopt covert strategies to realise their self-conscious citizenship learning expectations. These strategies take the form of passive and active freedoms, ranging from obediently completing basic curriculum requirements and distancing themselves by studying abroad, to actively searching for learning opportunities from other courses and social media. This paper contributes to the research on citizenship education by recognizing the complexities of how subjectivities are formed in formal university settings.

Keywords: university students, citizenship learning, cultural citizenship, subjectivity, Chinese higher education

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Authors: Georgios Samaras

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New media such as Facebook, YouTube and Twitter introduced the world to a new era of instant communication. An era where online interactions could replace a lot of offline actions. Technology can create a mediated environment in which participants can communicate (one-to-one, one-to-many, and many-to-many) both synchronously and asynchronously and participate in reciprocal message exchanges. Currently, social networks are attracting similar academic attention to that of the internet after its mainstream implementation into public life. Websites and platforms are seen as the forefront of a new political change. There is a significant backdrop of previous methodologies employed to research the effects of social networks. New approaches are being developed to be able to adapt to the growth of social networks and the invention of new platforms. Golden Dawn was the first openly neo-Nazi party post World War II to win seats in the parliament of a European country. Its racist rhetoric and violent tactics on social networks were rewarded by their supporters, who in the face of Golden Dawn’s leaders saw a ‘new dawn’ in Greek politics. Mainstream media banned its leaders and members of the party indefinitely after Ilias Kasidiaris attacked Liana Kanelli, a member of the Greek Communist Party, on live television. This media ban was seen as a treasonous move by a significant percentage of voters, who believed that the system was desperately trying to censor Golden Dawn to favor mainstream parties. The shocking attack on live television received international coverage and while European countries were condemning this newly emerged neo-Nazi rhetoric, almost 7 percent of the Greek population rewarded Golden Dawn with 18 seats in the Greek parliament. Many seem to think that Golden Dawn mobilised its voters online and this approach played a significant role in spreading their message and appealing to wider audiences. No strict online censorship existed back in 2012 and although Golden Dawn was openly used neo-Nazi symbolism, it was allowed to use social networks without serious restrictions until 2017. This paper used qualitative methods to investigate Golden Dawn’s rise in social networks from 2012 to 2019. The focus of the content analysis was set on three social networking platforms: Facebook, Twitter and YouTube, while the existence of Golden Dawn’s website, which was used as a news sharing hub, was also taken into account. The content analysis included text and visual analyses that sampled content from their social networking pages to translate their political messaging through an ideological lens focused on extreme-right populism. The absence of hate speech regulations on social network platforms in 2012 allowed the free expression of those heavily ultranationalist and populist views, as they were employed by Golden Dawn in the Greek political scene. On YouTube, Facebook and Twitter, the influence of their rhetoric was particularly strong. Official channels and MPs profiles were investigated to explore the messaging in-depth and understand its ideological elements.

Keywords: populism, far-right, social media, Greece, golden dawn

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Authors: Umbreen Javaid

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Pakistan’s experience with nascent, yet to be evolved democratic institutions inherited from the British Empire, has not been a pleasant one when evaluated in terms of good governance, development, and success of anti-corruption mechanisms. The country has remained entangled in a vicious circle of accumulating large budget deficits, dwindling economy, low foreign direct investment, political instability, and rising terrorism. It is thus not surprising that no account of the state aimed at analyzing the six-decade journey since her inception is replete with negative connotations like dysfunctional, failed, fragile or weak state. The limited pool of experience of handling democratic institutions and lack of political will be on the part of country’s political elite to transform the society on democratic footings have left Pakistan as a “limited access order” state. The widespread illiteracy becomes a double edge sword when a largely illiterate electorate elects representatives who mostly come from a semi-educated background with the limited understanding of democratic minutiae and little or no proclivity to resist monetary allures. The prevalence of culture of patronage with widespread poverty coupled with absence of a comprehensive system of investigating, prosecuting and adjudicating cases of corruption encourage the practice that has been eroding the state’s foundations since her inception owing to the unwillingness of the traditional elites who have been strongly resistant towards any attempts aimed at disseminating powers. An analytical study of the historical, political, cultural, economic and administrative hurdles that have been at work in impeding Pakistan’s transition to a democratic, accountable society would be instrumental in understanding the issue of widespread plague of corruption and state’s inefficiency to cope with it effectively. The issue of corruption in Pakistan becomes more important when seen in the context of her vulnerability to terrorism and religious extremism. In this regard, Pakistan needs to learn a lot from developed countries in order to evolve a comprehensive strategy for combating and preventing this pressing issue.

Keywords: Pakistan, corruption, anti-corruption, limited access order

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Authors: Michael Augustus Akagbor

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When discussing human rights, the philosophical underpinnings of discussions about African realities are controversial, often hinging on whether human rights existed in pre-colonial Africa as not just a philosophy of thought but also a way of imagining the individual's place in society. Critics have often fixated on what many argue is the lack of socio-political structures that could have fostered the emergence and development of human rights contraptions in “mechanical” solidarities such as pre-colonial agrarian African societies. This paper debunks the notion that the perceived ‘absence’ of an ‘advanced’ and differentiated social system where the philosophical imaginaries of Hobbes and Locke could have emerged is not grounds to deny the imagined place of the human rights of the ‘individual’ in pre-colonial Africa. The paper adopts the qualitative methodology by reviewing and analyzing secondary data from various sources to advance the view that the concepts of human rights are not alien to indigenous Africa’s legal and political processes.

Keywords: human rights, reality, philosophical, Africa, individual

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Authors: Teklu Urgessa, Joong Seek Lee

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Social media is becoming the primary choice of activists to make their voices heard. This fact is coupled by two main reasons. The first reason is the emergence web 2.0, which gave the users opportunity to become content creators than passive recipients. Secondly the control of the mainstream mass media outlets by the governments and individuals with their political and economic interests. This paper aimed at exploring twitter data of network actors talking about the marathon silver medalists on Rio2016, who showed solidarity with the Oromo protesters in Ethiopia on the marathon race finish line when he won silver. The aim is to discover important insight using social network analysis and mining. The hashtag #FeyisaLelisa was used for Twitter network search. The actors’ network was visualized and analyzed. It showed the central influencers during first 10 days in August, were international media outlets while it was changed to individual activist in September. The degree distribution of the network is scale free where the frequency of degrees decay by power low. Text mining was also used to arrive at meaningful themes from tweet corpus about the event selected for analysis. The semantic network indicated important clusters of concepts (15) that provided different insight regarding the why, who, where, how of the situation related to the event. The sentiments of the words in the tweets were also analyzed and indicated that 95% of the opinions in the tweets were either positive or neutral. Overall, the finding showed that Olympic stage protest of the marathoner brought the issue of Oromo protest to the global stage. The new research framework is proposed based for event-based social network analysis and mining based on the practical procedures followed in this research for event-based social media sense making.

Keywords: human rights, Olympics, social media, network analysis, social network ming

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Authors: Gebreselassie Sebhatleab

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According to the Global Peace Index report (GPI, 2023), global peacefulness has deteriorated by more than 0.42%. Old and new conflicts, COVID-19, and political and cultural polarization are the main drivers of conflicts in the world. The 2022 was the deadliest year for armed conflict in the history of the GPI. In Ethiopia, over half a million people died in the Tigray war, which was the largest conflict death event since the 1994 Rwandan genocide. In total, 84 countries recorded an improvement, while 79 countries recorded a deterioration in peacefulness across the globe. The Russia-Ukraine war and its consequences were the main drivers of the deterioration in peacefulness globally. Both Russia and Ukraine are now ranked amongst the ten least peaceful countries, and Ukraine had the largest deterioration of any country in the 2023 GPI. In the same year, the global impact of violence on the economy was 17 percent, which was equivalent to 10.9% of global GDP. Besides, the brutal conflict in Tigray started in November. 2020 claimed more than half a million lives lost and displaced nearly 3 million people, along with widespread human rights violations and sexual violence has left deep damage on the population. The displaced people are still unable to return home because the western, southern and Eastern parts of Tigray are occupied by Eritrean and Amhara forces, despite the Pretoria Agreement. Currently, armed conflicts in Amhara in the Oromya regions are intensified, and human rights violations are being reported in both regions. Meanwhile, protests have been held by war-injured TDF members, IDPs and teachers in the Tigray region. Hence, the general objective of this project is to explore the challenges of peace-building processes in the border woredas of the Eastern Zone of the Tigray Region. Methodologically, the project will employ exploratory qualitative research designs to gather and analyze qualitative data. A purposive sampling technique will be applied to gather pertinent information from the key stakeholders. Open-ended interview questions will be prepared to gather relevant information about the challenges and perceptions of peacebuilding in the study area. Data will be analyzed using qualitative methods such as content analysis, narrative analysis and phenomenological analysis to deeply investigate the challenges of peace-building in the study woredas. Findings of this research project will be employed for program intervention to promote sustainable peace in the study area.

Keywords: peace building, conflcit and violence, political instability, insecurity

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Authors: Bahram Soltani, Louai Ghazieh

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Following the high profile financial scandals of 2007-2008, corporate management has been faced with strong pressures resulting from more regulatory requirements, as well as the increasing expectations of various groups of stakeholders. The responsibility acquired a big importance in front of this financial crisis. This responsibility requires more transparency and communication, inside the company with the collaborators and outside of the company with the society, while companies try to improve the degree of control and to authorize managers to realize the objectives of the company. The objective of this paper is to present the concept of the responsibility generally and the various types of manager’s responsibility in private individual within the company, as well as the explanatory theories of this responsibility through the various perspectives such as: economic, political, social and behavioral. This study should have academic and practical contributions particularly for regulators seeking to improve the companies’ practices and organizational functioning within capital market economy.

Keywords: manager, accountability, corporate performance, financial crisis, behavior

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Authors: Pascal Horni, Sandro Fuchs

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In presence of increasing deficits and public debt among OECD countries, the debate on fiscal disciple and mechanisms to constrain public spending policy heated up and gave rise to the institutionalization of fiscal rules. Considering the notions from political economy literature and the therein advocated axiom of maximization of votes, introduction of institutional mechanisms and rules to govern public spending is likely to be coined by electoral motives. While there exists a series of research concerned with the rise of creative accounting in the presence fiscal rules, implementation of accrual government accounting and its impact on the biting of fiscal rules has to authors’ best knowledge never been explored. This paper serves the illumination of the connection between debt break mechanisms and the adoption of accrual public sector accounting standards such as the IPSAS in the interface of political economy in the Swiss context. By explicitly considering the technical accounting dimension, this paper develops an integrated conceptual view on well-established Public Financial Management (PFM) institutions and elaborates how their interdependencies can co-create value with regard to the contemporary challenge of fiscal sustainability. Derivation of this integrated view follows an explorative approach, taking into account expert interviews with director level staff from cantonal finance administrations and policy documents, as well as literature from both research areas – public sector accounting and political economy.

Keywords: accounting, fiscal rules, International Public Sector Accounting Standards (IPSAS), public financial management

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Authors: Magdalena Musiał-Karg

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The expansion of telecommunication and progress of electronic media constitute important elements of our times. The recent worldwide convergence of information and communication technologies (ICT) and dynamic development of the mass media is leading to noticeable changes in the functioning of contemporary states and societies. Currently, modern technologies play more and more important roles and filter down to almost every field of contemporary human life. It results in the growth of online interactions that can be observed by the inconceivable increase in the number of people with home PCs and Internet access. The proof of it is undoubtedly the emergence and use of concepts such as e-society, e-banking, e-services, e-government, e-government, e-participation and e-democracy. The newly coined word e-democracy evidences that modern technologies have also been widely used in politics. Without any doubt in most countries all actors of political market (politicians, political parties, servants in political/public sector, media) use modern forms of communication with the society. Most of these modern technologies progress the processes of getting and sending information to the citizens, communication with the electorate, and also – which seems to be the biggest advantage – electoral procedures. Thanks to implementation of ICT the interaction between politicians and electorate are improved. The main goal of this text is to analyze electronic voting (e-voting) as one of the important forms of electronic democracy in terms of security aspects. The author of this paper aimed at answering the questions of security of electronic voting as an additional form of participation in elections and referenda.

Keywords: electronic democracy, electronic voting, security of e-voting, information and communication technology (ICT)

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Authors: Weixiao Wei, Chris Shei

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This paper describes Mandate of Heaven as a source of justification for the ruling regime from ancient China approximately three thousand years ago. Initially, the kings of Shang dynasty simply nominated themselves as the sons of Heaven sent to Earth to rule the common people. As the last generation of the kings became corrupted and ruled withbrutal force and crueltywhich directly caused their destruction, the successive kings of Zhou dynasty realised the importance of virtue and the provision of goods to the people. Legitimacy of the ruling regimes became rested not entirely on random allocation of the throne by an unknown supernatural force but on a foundation comprising morality and the ability to provide goods. The latter composite was picked up by the current ruling regime, the Chinese Communist Party, and became the cornerstone of its political legitimacy, also known as ‘performance legitimacy’ where economic development accounts for the satisfaction of the people in place of election and other democratic means of providing legal-rational legitimacy. Under this circumstance, it becomes important as well for the ruling party to use political rhetoric to convince people of the good performance of the government in the economy, morality, and foreign policy. Thus, we see a lot of propaganda materials in both government policy statements and international press conference announcements. The former consists mainly of important speeches made by prominent figures in Party conferences which are not only made publicly available on the government websites but also become obligatory reading materials for university entrance examinations. The later consists of announcements about foreign policies and strategies and actions taken by the government regarding foreign affairsmade in international conferences and offered in Chinese-English bilingual versions on official websites. This documentation strategy creates an impressive image of the Chinese Communist Party that is domestically competent and international strong, taking care of the people it governs in terms of economic needs and defending the country against any foreign interference and global adversities. This political discourse system comprising reading materials fully extractable from government websites also becomes excellent repertoire for teaching and researching in contemporary Chinese language, discourse and rhetoric, Chinese culture and tradition, Chinese political ideology, and Chinese-English translation. This paper aims to provide a detailed and comprehensive description of the current Chinese political discourse system, arguing about its lineage from the rhetorical convention of Mandate of Heaven in ancient China and its current concentration on serving the people in place of election, human rights, and freedom of speech. The paper will also provide guidelines as to how this discourse system and the manifestation of official documents created under this system can become excellent research and teaching materials in applied linguistics.

Keywords: mandate of heaven, Chinese communist party, performance legitimacy, serving the people, political discourse

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Authors: Mohammad Ibrahim Alladin

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The Pedagogy of the Oppressed by Paulo Freire was first published in 1970. Since its publication it has become one of most cited book in the social sciences. Over a million copies have been sold worldwide. The Pedagogy of the Oppressed by Paulo Freire was published in 1970 (New York: Herder and Herder), The book has caused a “revolution” in the education world and his theory has been examined and analysed. It has influenced educational policy, curriculum development and teacher education. The revolution started half a century ago. “Paolo Freire’s Pedagogy of the Oppressed develops a theory of education fitted to the needs of the disenfranchised and marginalized members of capitalist societies. Combining educational and political philosophy, the book offers an analysis of oppression and a theory of liberation. Freire believes that traditional education serves to support the dominance of the powerful within society and thereby maintain the powerful’s social, political, and economic status quo. To overcome the oppression endemic to an exploitative society, education must be remade to inspire and enable the oppressed in their struggle for liberation. This new approach to education focuses on consciousness-raising, dialogue, and collaboration between teacher and student in the effort to achieve greater humanization for all. For Freire, education is political and functions either to preserve the current social order or to transform it. The theories of education and revolutionary action he offers in Pedagogy of the Oppressed are addressed educators committed to the struggle for liberation from oppression. Freire’s own commitment to this struggle developed through years of teaching literacy to Brazilian and Chilean peasants and laborers. His efforts at educational and political reform resulted in a brief period of imprisonment followed exile from his native Brazil for fifteen years. In Pedagogy of the Oppressed begins Freire asserts the importance of consciousness-raising, or conscientização, as the means enabling the oppressed to recognize their oppression and commit to the effort to overcome it, taking full responsibility for themselves in the struggle for liberation. He addresses the “fear of freedom,” which inhibits the oppressed from assuming this responsibility. He also cautions against the dangers of sectarianism, which can undermine the revolutionary purpose as well as serve as a refuge for the committed conservative. Freire provides an alternative view of education by attacking tradition education and knowledge. He is highly critical of how is imparted and how knowledge is structured that limits the learner’s thinking. Hence, education becomes oppressive and school functions as an institution of social control. Since its publication, education has gone through a series of reforms and in some areas total transformation. This paper addresses the following: The role of education in social transformation The teacher/learner relationship :Critical thinking The paper essentially examines what happened in the last fifty years since Freire’s book. It seeks to explain what happened to Freire’s education revolution, and what is the status of the movement that started almost fifty years ago.

Keywords: pedagogy, reform, curriculum, teacher education

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Authors: Ayoola Adediran Amos

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Nigeria as a secular state that is characterized with various religions namely: Christianity, Islam and African Religion. Each of the religion adherents often claim that their religion is the only means of gaining eternity while others who do not belong to their sect may not be opportuned. Religious doctrine within those religious sects is another source of insurgency which serves as a threat to the unity of Nigeria. Similarly, Boko Haram Religious group has become a threat to the unity of the country in which its root has both political and religious undertones. Primary and secondary sources of collecting data were used. Historical method allowed enquiry into the past events and improvement to the current experience. Both published and unpublished theses were used. Interview was also conducted as part of the secondary sources. It was observed that all aspects of the system in Nigeria were affected with this scourge of religious unrest. i.e. education, political, economic and a host of others. Finally, it was recommended that religious leaders should be given adequate orientation on the needs not to preach against other religious groups. Government of Nigeria should not give priority to one religion at the expense of others.

Keywords: insurgency, national unity, religious, threat

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Authors: Sehrish Qayyum

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Active military power contention is shifting to economic and cyberwar to retain hegemony. Attuned Pestle analysis confirms that structural stress of hegemon’s power loss drives a containment approach towards caging actions. Ongoing diplomatic, asymmetric, proxy and direct wars are increasing stress hegemon’s power retention due to tangled military and economic alliances. It creates the condition of catalepsy with defective reflexive control which affects the core warfare operations. When one’s own power is doubted it gives power to one’s own doubt to ruin all planning either done with superlative cost-benefit analysis. Strategically calculated estimation of Hegemon’s power game since the early WWI to WWII, WWII-to Cold War and then to the current era in three chronological periods exposits that Thucydides’s trap became the reason for war broke out. Thirst for power is the demise of imagination and cooperation for better sense to prevail instead it drives ashes to dust. Pestle analysis is a wide array of evaluation from political and economic to legal dimensions of the state matters. It helps to develop the Pacification and Security Policy Plan (PSPP) to avoid hegemon’s structural stress of power loss in fact, in turn, creates an alliance with maximum amicable outputs. PSPP may serve to regulate and pause the hurricane of power clashes. PSPP along with a strategic work plan is based on Pestle analysis to deal with any conceivable war condition and approach for saving international peace. Getting tangled into self-imposed epistemic dilemmas results in regret that becomes the only option of performance. It is a generic application of probability tests to find the best possible options and conditions to develop PSPP for any adversity possible so far. Innovation in expertise begets innovation in planning and action-plan to serve as a rheostat approach to deal with any plausible power clash.

Keywords: alliance, hegemon, pestle analysis, pacification and security policy plan, security

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Authors: Zhiwei Wang

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Much emphasis has been placed on the political dimension of digitised Chinese national(ist) discourses and their embodied national identities, which neglects other important dimensions constitutive of their discursive nature. A further investigation into how Chinese national(ist) discourses are daily (re)shaped online by diverse socio-political actors (especially ordinary users) is crucial, which can contribute to not only deeper understandings of Chinese national sentiments on China’s Internet beyond the excessive focus on their passionate, political-charged facet but also richer insights into the socio-technical ecology of the contemporary Chinese digital (and physical) world. This research adopts an ethnographic methodology, by which ‘fieldsites’ are Sina Weibo and bilibili. The primary data collection method is virtual ethnographic observation on everyday national(ist) discussions on both platforms. If data obtained via observations do not suffice to answer research questions, in-depth online qualitative interviews with ‘key actors’ identified from those observations in discursively (re)producing Chinese national identity on each ‘fieldsite’ will be conducted, to complement data gathered through the first method. Critical discourse analysis is employed to analyse data. During the process of data coding, NVivo is utilised. From November 2021 to December 2022, 35 weeks’ digital ethnographic observations have been conducted, with 35 sets of fieldnotes obtained. The strategy adopted for the initial stage of observations was keyword searching, which means typing into the search box on Sina Weibo and bilibili any keywords related to China as a nation and then observing the search results. Throughout 35 weeks’ online ethnographic observations, six keywords have been employed on Sina Weibo and two keywords on bilibili. For 35 weeks’ observations, textual content created by ordinary users have been concentrated much upon. Based on the fieldnotes of the first week’s observations, multifarious national(ist) discourses on Sina Weibo and bilibili have been found, targeted both at national ‘Others’ and ‘Us’, both on the historical and real-world dimension, both aligning with and differing from or even conflicting with official discourses, both direct national(ist) expressions and articulations of sentiments in the name of presentation of national(ist) attachments but for other purposes. Second, Sina Weibo and bilibili users have agency in interpreting and deploying concrete national(ist) discourses despite the leading role played by the government and the two platforms in deciding on the basic framework of national expressions. Besides, there are also disputes and even quarrels between users in terms of explanations for concrete components of ‘nation-ness’ and (in)direct dissent to officially defined ‘mainstream’ discourses to some extent, though often expressed much more mundanely, discursively and playfully. Third, the (re)production process of national(ist) discourses on Sina Weibo and bilibili depends upon not only technical affordances and limitations of the two sites but also, to a larger degree, some established socio-political mechanisms and conventions in the offline China, e.g., the authorities’ acquiescence of citizens’ freedom in understanding and explaining concrete elements of national discourses while setting the basic framework of national narratives to the extent that citizens’ own national(ist) expressions do not reach political bottom lines and develop into mobilising power to shake social stability.

Keywords: national identity, national(ist) discourse(s), everyday nationhood/nationalism, Chinese nationalism, digital nationalism

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Authors: Enojo Kennie Enojo

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The paper focuses on the contradictions of economic growth and development in Nigeria with specific reference to the plethora issues and challenges associated with the sordid situation. The broad objective is to investigate the major causes of agitation for restructuring the entire political spectrum that promote and guarantee economic growth and development with empirical intellectual standpoint. The specific aim is to surgically examine the organic linkage between weaker institutions, lack of vibrant civil society, poor governance and the agitation for restructuring. The paper adopts the secondary source of data collection as its methodological strategy. Our findings reveals that most urban and rural dwellers where goods and services are either extracted, produced, or manufactured lack infrastructural facilities, preventing economic growth and development, which has been the consequence of poverty, inequality and unemployment. There is equally the issue of disconnection of the political class from the electorate, this is evident in lack of political power base not located in the society but rather with either the elites or godfathers this and many factors are responsible for flawed electoral system from 1999 to 2023 general elections. These egregious factors and others have resulted in the subscription of religion and ethnicity thereby the devaluation of national norms, identities and values. We adopt the combination of structural-functional approach, relative deprivation; rising expectation, frustration and aggression model to enable us critically interrogate these contradictions as subterfuge with both the centrifugal and centripetal forces constantly in fatality. We recommend among others that, there should be development across the federating units without prejudice.

Keywords: restructuring, infrastructure, economic development, governance

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Authors: Saeed Saffar-Heidari

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This article aims to study the recent Iranian national uprising of “Women, Life, Freedom” as a site of memory which renders the political possibility of imagining the post-Islamic futures in Iran. “Women, Life, Freedom” movement in Iran has been arguably the most pervasive social movement since the Islamic Revolution (1979) as it has posed serious issues and conflicts for the present Islamic state in Iran. The core argument of this article, however, is oriented toward the critical role of collective memory as a means of political transition and revolutionary mobilization. “Women, Life, Freedom” movement, among other things, has revitalized the popular binary opposition of pre-1979 and post-1979 Iran through which the Ancien Régime or the pre-1979 era is likely to be interpreted, read, and remembered in terms of present post-1979 cultural and political demands. As remembering involves everyday participation in shaping and reshaping the past through new codes, criteria, and values, it is argued that the presentist refashioning and remembering of the pre-1979 monarchical era has been one of the major facilitatory forces for the on-going revolutionary mobilization in Iran. The construction of the pre-1979 memory and the return of the dynastic specter has played a significant role in revolutionary mobilization as it has provided the protesters with the possible perspectives of post-Islamic regime in Iran. Additionally, the question of compulsory “Hijab” (veiling) as the prime mover of "Women, Life, Freedom” movement in Iran has strongly contributed to the everyday comparative discourse of pre/post 1979 memory. According to this presentist remembering of pre-1979, the Pahlavi dynasty would be conceived as a symbol of modernization, westernization, secularization, and non-compulsory Hijab. While the memory of the pre-revolutionary Iran is genuinely an imaginative as well as a constructed entity that finally culminates in the public condemnation of the very Islamic revolution (1979), it serves the enrichment of the Iranian political imagination as it paves the ways for the revolutionary mobilization and then the overthrowing of the Islamic regime in Iran. This article makes a case for the ways that the public narrative and discourse around the Islamic regime (especially the Islamic Hijab) led to the refashioning of the memory of pre-1979 era and inspired he revolutionary mobilization in Iran.

Keywords: post-islamic, utopias, memory, revolutionary, mobilization, Iran

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Authors: Ioannis Souris

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In this paper, we would like to present how we taught German through playwriting and analyze the usefulness of this method for teaching languages and cultivating a sense of political agency in students and teachers alike. Last academic year, we worked at the German Saturday School in Greenwich, London. This school offers Saturday German lessons to children whose parents are German, living in London. The lessons are two hours long, and the children’s level of German varies according to how often or how much German is spoken at home or how often the families visit Germany (as well as other factors which will be discussed in more detail in the paper). The directors of the school provide teachers with learning material and course books, but they strongly encourage individual input on lesson structure and methods of teaching German. The class we taught consisted of six eight-to-nine-year-olds. Midway into the academic year, we ran out of teaching material, and we, therefore, decided to write a play. In the paper, we would like to explore the process we followed in creating or writing this play and how this encouraged the children to collaborate and exercise their skills in writing, storytelling, speaking, and opinion-sharing. We want to examine the impact this project had on the children who wrote and performed the play, the wider community of the Saturday school, and the development of our language teaching practice. We found, for instance, that some students, who were quiet or shy, became very open and outspoken in the process of writing and performing the play. They took the initiative and led the process, putting us, their teachers, in the role of simple observers or facilitators. When we showed the play in front of the school, the other children and teachers, as audience members, also became part of the process as they commented on the plot, language, and characters and gave feedback on further development. In the paper, we will discuss how this teaching project fits into recent developments in the research of creativity and the teaching of languages and how engagement with creative approaches to teaching has the potential to question and subvert traditional notions of ‘lesson’, ‘teacher’, and ‘student’. From the moment a questioning of norms takes place, we inadvertently raise questions about politics, agency, and resistance. We will conclude the paper with a definition of what we mean by ‘political agency’ within the context of our teaching project and education, in general, and why inspiring creativity and imagination within teaching can be considered a political act. Finally, our aim in this paper will be to propose the possibility of analyzing teaching languages through creativity and political agency theories.

Keywords: innovation in language teaching and learning, language acquisition and learning, language curriculum development, language education

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Authors: Fabiola Xavier Leal, Lara Campanharo, Sueli Aparecida Rodrigues Lucas

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The phenomenon of judicialization in health policy brings with it a great deal of problematization, but in general, it means that some issues that were previously solved by traditional political bodies are being decided by the Judiciary bodies. It is, therefore, a controversial topic that has generated many reflections both in the academic and political fields, considering that not only a dispute of public funds is at stake, but also the debate on access to social rights provided for in the Brazilian Federal Constitution of 1988 and in the various public policies, such as healthcare. With regard to the phenomenon in the Mental Health Policy focusing on people who use drugs, the disputes that permeate this scenario are evident: moral, cultural, sanitary, economic, psychological aspects. There are also the individual and collective dimensions of suffering. And in this process, we all question: What is the role of the Brazilian State in this matter? In this context, another question that needs to be answered is the amount spent on this procedure in the state of Espírito Santo (ES), Brazil (in the last 04 years, around R$121,978,591.44 were paid only for compulsory hospitalization of individuals) in the field in question, which is the financing of the services of the Psychosocial Care Network (RAPS). Therefore, this article aims to problematize the phenomenon of judicialization in Mental Health Policy through the compulsory hospitalization of people who use drugs in Espírito Santo (ES). We proposed a study that sought to understand how this has been occurring and making an impact on the provision of RAPS services in the Espírito Santo scenario. Therefore, the general objective of this study is to analyze the expenses with compulsory hospitalizations for drug use carried out by the State Health Department (SESA) between 2014 and 2019, in which we will seek to identify its destination and the impact of these actions on public health policy. For the purposes of this article, we will present the preliminary data of this study, such as the amount spent by the state and the receiving institutions. For data collection, the following data sources were used: documents available publicly on the Transparency Portal (payments made per year, institutions that received, subjects hospitalized, period and the amount of the daily rates paid); as well as the processes generated by SESA through its own system - ONBASE. For qualitative analysis, content analysis was used; and for quantitative analysis, descriptive statistics was used. Thus, we seek to problematize the issue of judicialization for compulsory hospitalizations, considering the current situation in which this resource has been widely requested to legitimize the war on drugs. This scenario highlights the moral-legal discourse, pointing out strategies through the control of bodies and through faith as an alternative.

Keywords: compulsory hospitalization, drugs, judicialization, mental health

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Authors: Mauro Cristeche

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This paper approaches the intervention of the American State in the social arena and the modeling of the rights system from the Argentinian experience, by observing the characteristics of its federal budgetary system, the evolution of social public spending and welfare programs in recent years, labor and poverty statistics, and the changes on the labor market structure. The analysis seeks to combine different methodologies and sources: in-depth interviews with specialists, analysis of theoretical and mass-media material, and statistical sources. Among the results, it could be mentioned that the tendency to state interventionism (what has been called ‘nationalization of social life’) is quite evident in the United States, and manifests itself in multiple forms. The bibliography consulted, and the experts interviewed pointed out this increase of the state presence in historical terms (beyond short-term setbacks) in terms of increase of public spending, fiscal pressure, public employment, protective and control mechanisms, the extension of welfare policies to the poor sectors, etc. In fact, despite the significant differences between both countries, the United States and Argentina have common patterns of behavior in terms of the aforementioned phenomena. On the other hand, dissimilarities are also important. Some of them are determined by each country's own political history. The influence of political parties on the economic model seems more decisive in the United States than in Argentina, where the tendency to state interventionism is more stable. The centrality of health spending is evident in America, while in Argentina that discussion is more concentrated in the social security system and public education. The biggest problem of the labor market in the United States is the disqualification as a consequence of the technological development while in Argentina it is a result of its weakness. Another big difference is the huge American public spending on Defense. Then, the more federal character of the American State is also a factor of differential analysis against a centralized Argentine state. American public employment (around 10%) is comparatively quite lower than the Argentinian (around 18%). The social statistics show differences, but inequality and poverty have been growing as a trend in the last decades in both countries. According to public rates, poverty represents 14% in The United States and 33% in Argentina. American public spending is important (welfare spending and total public spending represent around 12% and 34% of GDP, respectively), but a bit lower than Latin-American or European average). In both cases, the tendency to underemployment and disqualification unemployment does not assume a serious gravity. Probably one of the most important aspects of the analysis is that private initiative and public intervention are much more intertwined in the United States, which makes state intervention more ‘fuzzy’, while in Argentina the difference is clearer. Finally, the power of its accumulation of capital and, more specifically, of the industrial and services sectors in the United States, which continues to be the engine of the economy, express great differences with Argentina, supported by its agro-industrial power and its public sector.

Keywords: state intervention, welfare policies, labor market, system of rights, United States of America

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Authors: Majd Owda, Raed Abubadawia

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Seventy-four years have passed, and the Palestinian refugees are still waiting to exercise their right of return, which was approved by the international community through dozens of international resolutions. Despite the wait, Palestinian refugees continue to suffer in many host countries. In these waiting stations, they are still deprived of many basic rights. Perhaps Lebanon is one of the most extreme waiting stations in depriving Palestinian refugees of these rights, especially the right to work. This paper attempts to identify the various Lebanese partisan and sectarian points of view that stand in the way of granting Palestinian refugees their basic rights, foremost of which is the right to work, in addition to the recent administrative attempts of the Lebanese government (2021) to grant them their basic rights. And the legal and political obstacles faced by these attempts and which have eliminated them since their launch. This paper highlights the continued need of Palestinian refugees in Lebanon for various social, political and international moves to grant them their basic rights in order to preserve human dignity, which cannot be resolved without these rights.

Keywords: Palestinian refugees, Lebanon, labor law, right to work.

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Authors: Dania Aljouhi

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September 26th, 2017, is a historic date for all women in Saudi Arabia. On that day, Saudi Arabia announced the decree on allowing Saudi women to drive. With the advent of vision 2030 and its goal to empower women and increase their participation in Saudi society, we see how Saudis’ Twitter users deliberate the 2017 decree from different social, cultural, religious, economic and political factors. This topic bridges social media 'Twitter,' gender and social-cultural studies to offer insights into how Saudis’ tweets reflect a broader discourse on Saudi women in the age of social media. The present study aims to explore the meanings and themes that emerge by Saudis’ Twitter users in response to the 2017 royal decree on women driving. The sample used in the current study involves (n= 1000) tweets that were collected from Sep 2017 to March 2019 to account for the Saudis’ tweets before and after implementing the decree. The paper uses semantic and thematic network analysis methods to examine the Saudis’ Twitter discourse on the women driving issue. The paper argues that Twitter as a platform has mediated the discourse of women driving among the Saudi community and facilitated social changes. Finally, framing theory (Goffman, 1974) and Networked framing (Meraz & Papacharissi 2013) are both used to explain the tweets on the decree of allowing Saudi women to drive based on # Saudi women-driving-cars.

Keywords: Saudi Arabia, women, Twitter, semantic network analysis, framing

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Authors: Zafar Ali

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The aim of this research is to highlight problems that are faced by women at the hands of men. Males in Pakistani society have power and use this power for the exploitation of women. Further, the purpose of the study is to make societies like Pakistan and especially the young generation, aware and enable them to resist such issues, and the role of discourse in this regard is to minimize its political and social repercussions. The study finds out different discursive techniques and manipulative language used in the short story to construct gender identity. The study also investigates socio-economic roles in the construction of gender identity. This study has been completed with the help of Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA) principles. CDA principles have been applied to the text of the selected short story Saleema from Daniyal Mueenuddin’s collection In Other Rooms, Other Wonders. Related passages, structures, expressions, and text are analyzed from the point of view of CDA, especially Norman Fairclough’s CDA approach. It was found from the analysis that women have no identity of their own in patriarchal societies like Pakistan. Further, it was found women are mistreated, and they have a very limited and defined role in Pakistan. They cannot go beyond the limit defined to them by men.

Keywords: gender issues, resourceful groups, CDA, exploitation

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Authors: Ain ul Khair

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In this study, the author situates the formation of the Kashmiri body as colonized in the postcolonial society, on which India continues to execute and maintain colonial practices adopted and replicated from the Western colonial projects. This paper explores the formation of a Kashmiri body as a site of complete dehumanization, which has deliberately been politicized based on its religion, racialized because of its ethnic distinction, and consequently has been subjected to extreme forms of violence. This paper specifically looks at the creation of the Kashmiri colonized body through India’s colonial practices that are in continuity from the Western imperialist colonial projects through the historicization of the careful manufacturing of the Kashmiri colonial body through the lens of the political, legal, geographical, and demographic landscape of India’s colonial project. The paper looks at the framing of the colonial legal framework that informs the construction of the colonized Kashmiri body, drawing violence and religion at the center of it.

Keywords: historicization, colonial body, kashmir, india, pakistan, south asia, religion, political identity, politics, Mahmood Mamdani, Ann Stoler, Fanon

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Authors: Longondjo Etambakonga Clement

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Local municipality responsible for solid waste management (SWM) in many developing countries is facing real challenge. This is even more critical in the country facing political instability. Few decades ago, it has emerged new urban governance including partnerships and involvement of formal and informal actors for an effective and sustainable solid waste management. This paper identifies SWM actors and analyzes their roles to sustainable development in Kinshasa. An attempt has been to examine the challenges facing the actors in managing effectively waste in the city. The study is based on the empirical data gathered in the years 2009 and 2014 in Kinshasa using expert interviews, observation and documentation. The findings indicate that solid waste in the city is poorly managed, activities not coordinated and fragmented, as consequence severe public health and environmental problems. Five group actors are involved in SWM in the city including government, private business, NGOs/CBOs/donors, household, scavengers, in which, scavengers are more visible in collection and recycling activities. The results suggest that recognition of informal collectors and recyclers (scavengers) and strengthening alliances among all SWM stakeholders can lead to greater effective SWM in the city. The key lessons learned include lack of city’s SWM culture over SWM, unwillingness to pay and lack of environmental consciences are the main obstructions to sustainable SWM, therefore there is a need for social capital approach to empower individual and group actors as to create capabilities for an sustainable SWM.

Keywords: challenges, institutions, political instability, scavengers, solid waste management, sustainable development

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Authors: M. Koray Cetin, Mehmet Mert

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The purpose of the study is to examine impacts on tourism revenues of the exchange rate and country overall security level. There are numerous studies that examine the bidirectional relation between macroeconomic factors and tourism revenues and tourism demand. Most of the studies support the existence of impact of tourism revenues on growth rate but not vice versa. Few studies examine the impact of factors like real exchange rate or purchasing power parity on the tourism revenues. In this context, firstly impact of real exchange rate on tourism revenues examination is aimed. Because exchange rate is one of the main determinants of international tourism services price in guests currency unit. Another determinant of tourism demand for a country is country’s overall security level. This issue can be handled in the context of the relationship between tourism revenues and overall security including turmoil, terrorism, border problem, political violence. In this study, factors are handled for several countries which have tourism revenues on a certain level. With this structure, it is a panel data, and it is evaluated with panel data analysis techniques. Panel data have at least two dimensions, and one of them is time dimensions. The panel data analysis techniques are applied to data gathered from Worldbank data web page. In this study, it is expected to find impacts of real exchange rate and security factors on tourism revenues for the countries that have noteworthy tourism revenues.

Keywords: exchange rate, panel data analysis, security, tourism revenues

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