Search results for: Russia

Authors: Elina Vroblevska, Toms Ratfelders

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This paper examines the impact of international status-seeking aspirations on great power behavior within the international system. In particular, we seek to test the assumption advanced by the proponents of the Social Identity Theory (SIT) that the inability to achieve social mobilization through joining perceived higher-status social groups (of states) leads great powers to adopt the approach of social competition in which they aim to equal or outdo the dominant group in the area on which its claim to superior status rests. Since the dissolution of the Soviet Union, Russia has struggled to be accepted as a great power by the group of Western states that had created the dominant international system order, while the Soviet states were isolated. While the 1990s and the beginning of the 21st century can be characterized by striving to integrate into the existing order, the second decade has seen a rather sharp turn towards creating a new power center for Russia through the realization of ideas of multipolarity rivalry and uniqueness of the state itself. Increasingly, we have seen the Kremlin striving to collaborate and mobilize groups of states that fall outside of the categories of democracy, multiculturalism, and international order, the way that is perceived by the dominant group, which can be described as the West. Instead, Russia builds its own narrative where it creates an alternative understanding of these values, differentiating from the higher-status social group. The Global South, from a Russian perspective, is the group of states that can still be swayed to create an alternative power center in the international system - one where Russia can assert its status as a great power. This is based on a number of reasons, the most important being that the global north is already highly institutionalized in terms of economy (the EU) and defense (NATO), leaving no room for Russia but to integrate within the existing framework. Second, the difference in values and their interpretation - Russia has been adamant, for the last twenty years, on basing its moral code on traditional values like religion, the heterosexual family model, and moral superiority, which contradict the overall secularism of the Global North. And last, the striking difference in understanding of state governance models - with Russia becoming more autocratic over the course of the last 20 years, it has deliberately created distance between itself and democratic states, entering a “gray area” of alternative understanding of democracy which is more relatable to the global South countries. Using computational text analysis of the excerpts of Vladimir Putin’s speeches delivered from 2000-2022 regarding the areas that fall outside the immediate area of interest of Russia (the Global South), we identify 80 topics that relate to the particular component of the great power status - interest to use force globally. These topics are compared across four temporal frames that capture the periods of more and less permissible Western social boundaries. We find that there exists a negative association between such permissiveness and Putin’s emphasis on the “use of force” topics. This lends further support to the Social Identity Theory and contributes to broadening its applicability to explaining the questions related to great power assertiveness in areas outside of their primary focus regions.

Keywords: Russia, Global South, great power, identity

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Authors: Peter J. Glinos

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The Alternative Education Resource Organization (AERO), one of the largest international hubs for alternative educators led by Jerry Mintz, has had a major impact on the global alternative education movement. The organization’s publications, like the AERO-Gramme Newsletter and its successor, the Education Revolution Magazine, allowed members across the globe to discuss issues, share support, and submit writings on policies and reforms. Stored on AERO's online digital archive, this work uses these publications from 1989 to 2011 to investigate the network's entanglements with America, Canada, Russia, Ukraine, Israel, Palestine, Japan, India, and Guatemala. Inspired by Reinhart Koselleck, this historical analysis will trace AERO’s entanglements within the United States, Japan, and Russia, contextualizing each of these multiple temporalities within the history of each nation’s education system, the developments within AERO, and the global geo-political climate at the time of AERO’s expansion. To help remedy the lack of attention paid by global historians to the role state organizations play supporting global networks, as noted in What is Global History? by Sebastian Conrad, this work will focus on the relationship between AERO and state actors.

Keywords: global history, history of education, neoliberalism, transnational history, alternative education

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Authors: Karin Megheșan, Alexandra Popescu, Teodora Dobre

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In the past few years, the Russian Federation has become a central point on the security agenda of the most important international actors, due to its reloaded aggressiveness of foreign policy. Vladimir Putin, the actual president of the Russian Federation, has proven that Russia can and has the willingness to become the powerful actor that used to be during the Cold War. Russia’s new behavior on the international scene showed that Russia has not only expansionist (where expansionist is not only in terms of territory but also of ideology) intentions, but also the necessary resources, to build an empire that may have the power to counterbalance the influence of the United States and stop the expansion of the North-Atlantic Treaty Organization in an equation understood of multipolar Russian view. But in order to do this, there is necessary to follow a well-established plan or policy. Thus, the aim of the paper is to discuss how has the foreign policy of the Russian Federation evolved under the influence of the military and security strategies of the Russian nation, to briefly examine some of the factors that sculpture Russian foreign policy and behavior, in order to reshape a Russian (Soviet) profile so far considered antiquated. Our approach is an argument in favor of the analyses of the recent evolutions embedded in the course of history. In this context, the paper will include analytical thoughts about the Russian foreign policy and the latest strategic documents (security strategy and military doctrine) adopted by the Putin administration, with the purpose to highlight the main direction of action followed by all these documents together. The paper concludes that the military component is to be found in all these strategic documents, as well as at the core of Russian national interest, aspect that proves that Russia is still the adept of the traditional realist paradigm, reshaped in a Russian theory of the multipolar world.

Keywords: hybrid warfare, military component, military doctrine, Russian foreign policy, security strategy

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Authors: Liubov Evstigneeva

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In this paper an attempt is made to establish causal nexuses between innovation and international trade in Russia. The topicality of this issue is determined by the necessity of choosing policy instruments for economic modernization and transition to innovative development. The vector auto regression (VAR) model and Granger test are applied for the Russian monthly data from 2005 until the second quartile of 2015. Both lagged import and export at the national level cause innovation, the latter starts to stimulate foreign trade since it is a remote lag. In comparison to aggregate data, the results by patent’s categories are more diverse. Importing technologies from foreign countries stimulates patent activity, while innovations created in Russia are only Granger causality for import to Commonwealth of Independent States.

Keywords: export, import, innovation, patents

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Authors: Håkon Riiber

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This paper explores the extent to which Russian ‘Active Measures’ play a role in contemporary Russian foreign policy and in what way the legacy of the Soviet Union is still apparent in these practices. The analysis draws on a set of case studies from the 21st century to examine these aspects, showing which ‘Active Measures’ features are old and which are new in the post-Cold War era. The paper highlights that the topic has gained significant academic and political interest in recent years, largely due to the aggressive posture of the Russian Federation on the world stage, exemplified through interventions in Estonia, Georgia, and Ukraine and interference in several democratic elections in the West. However, the paper argues that the long-term impact of these measures may have unintended implications for Russia. While Russia is unlikely to stop using Active Measures, increased awareness of the exploitation of weaknesses, institutions, or other targets may lead to greater security measures and an ability to identify and defend against these activities. The paper contends that Soviet-style ‘Active Measures’ from the Cold War era have been modernized and are now utilized to create an advantageous atmosphere for further exploitation to support contemporary Russian foreign policy. It offers three key points to support this argument: the reenergized legacy of the Cold War era, the use of ‘Active Measures’ in a number of cases in the 21st century, and the applicability of AM to the Russian approach to foreign policy. The analysis reveals that while this is not a new Russian phenomenon, it is still oversimplified and inaccurately understood by the West, which may result in a decreased ability to defend against these activities and limit the unwarranted escalation of the ongoing security situation between the West and Russia. The paper concludes that the legacy of Soviet-era Active Measures continues to influence Russian foreign policy, and modern technological advances have only made them more applicable to the current political climate. Overall, this paper sheds light on the important issue of Russian ‘Active Measures’ and the role they play in contemporary Russian foreign policy. It emphasizes the need for increased awareness, understanding, and security measures to defend against these activities and prevent further escalation of the security situation between the West and Russia.

Keywords: Russian espionage, active measures, disinformation, Russian intelligence

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Authors: Olga Sukhoveeva

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Carbon dioxide (CO2) is the main component of carbon biogeochemical cycle and one of the most important greenhouse gases (GHG). Agriculture, particularly arable soils, are one the largest sources of GHG emission for the atmosphere including CO2.Models may be used for estimation of GHG emission from agriculture if they can be adapted for different countries conditions. The only model used in officially at national level in United Kingdom and China for this purpose is DNDC (DeNitrification-DeComposition). In our research, the model DNDC is offered for estimation of GHG emission from arable soils in Russia. The aim of our research was to create the method of DNDC using for evaluation of CO2 emission in Russia based on official statistical information. The target territory was European part of Russia where many field experiments are located. At the first step of research the database on climate, soil and cropping characteristics for the target region from governmental, statistical, and literature sources were created. All-Russia Research Institute of Hydrometeorological Information – World Data Centre provides open daily data about average meteorological and climatic conditions. It must be calculated spatial average values of maximum and minimum air temperature and precipitation over the region. Spatial average values of soil characteristics (soil texture, bulk density, pH, soil organic carbon content) can be determined on the base of Union state register of soil recourses of Russia. Cropping technologies are published by agricultural research institutes and departments. We offer to define cropping system parameters (annual information about crop yields, amount and types of fertilizers and manure) on the base of the Federal State Statistics Service data. Content of carbon in plant biomass may be calculated via formulas developed and published by Ministry of Natural Resources and Environment of the Russian Federation. At the second step CO2 emission from soil in this region were calculated by DNDC. Modelling data were compared with empirical and literature data and good results were obtained, modelled values were equivalent to the measured ones. It was revealed that the DNDC model may be used to evaluate and forecast the CO2 emission from arable soils in Russia based on the official statistical information. Also, it can be used for creation of the program for decreasing GHG emission from arable soils to the atmosphere. Financial Support: fundamental scientific researching theme 0148-2014-0005 No 01201352499 ‘Solution of fundamental problems of analysis and forecast of Earth climatic system condition’ for 2014-2020; fundamental research program of Presidium of RAS No 51 ‘Climate change: causes, risks, consequences, problems of adaptation and regulation’ for 2018-2020.

Keywords: arable soils, carbon dioxide emission, DNDC model, European Russia

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Authors: Zhengyang Ma, Zhiyao Li, Jiayi Zhang

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This article examines the prospect theory’s arguments about decision-making through two case studies, the First Gulf War and Russia’s annexation of Crimea. The article uses the methods of comparative case analysis and process tracing to investigate the prospect theory’s fundamental arguments. Through evidence derived from existing primary and secondary sources, this paper argues that both former U.S. President Bush and Russian President Putin viewed their situations as a domain of loss and made risky decisions to prevent further deterioration, which attests the arguments of the prospect theory. After the two case studies, this article also discusses how the prospect theory could be used in analyzing the decision-making process that led to the current Russia-Ukraine War.

Keywords: the prospect theory, international relations, the first gulf war, the crimea crisis

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Authors: Liudmila A.Guzikova

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Being federative state Russia includes more than 80 subjects which are widely diverse by climatic conditions, demographic characteristics, cultural traditions, intensity of migration, economic development and investment attraction and other parameters. Now, in the regions of the country all forms of housing problem are present - housing mismatch to sanitary and hygienic standards, overcrowding, forced residence in financially burdensome housing, homelessness, -although the extent of these symptoms varies widely. Heterogeneity of regional conditions in combination with specifics of regional housing situation requires to concentrate the study of housing problem on the regional level. Traditionally housing market and mortgage are considered as the instruments of housing problem solving. The question arises how the housing market and mortgage market contribute to solving the housing problem in the regions of Russia. Though the purchase of dwelling in ownership should not be regarded as a universal method of the housing problem solving, the purchase of dwelling both by own funds or by use of mortgage can reduce the problem and enhance public satisfaction of living conditions. The aim of the study is to identify differences and similarities in the development of regional housing markets and mortgage lending in the regions of Russia and to evaluate their impact on the status of the housing problem. To achieve the aim of the study the methods of correlation and regression analysis are used. The data of federal statistics constitutes the information base of research. The results of the study contribute to better understanding of the interrelations in housing sphere and can be used to work out social and economic development programs in the regions.

Keywords: housing market, housing problem, mortgage, regional economy

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Authors: Dawa Wangmo

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The anti-religious campaigns of the Soviet Union in the 1930s eradicated Kalmyk Buddhism from the public sphere. Following Perestroika, the Kalmyks retained a sense of being essentially Buddhist people. Nevertheless, since the collapse of the Soviet Communist regime, Kalmykia has been going through vigorous ethnic and cultural revitalization. The new Kalmyk government is reviving the religion with the building of Buddhist temples and the attempted training of Kalymk monks. Kalmykia, officially an autonomous republic within the Federation of Russia, is situated in the European part of Russia in the steppe region bordering the Caspian Sea in its southeast. According to the 2010 census, the Kalmyks, a people of Mongolian origin, constitute over 57 percent of the Republic’s population of less than 290000. Russians living in Kalmykia comprise around 30 percent, the remainder being various Slavic and Asian groups. Since the Kalmyks historically adhere to Buddhism, Kalmykia is often described in tourist brochures and proudly by the Kalmyks themselves as one of the three “traditional Buddhist republics” of Russia and “the only Buddhist region” in Europe. According to traditional Kalmyk Gelug Buddhism, monasticism is the central aspect; hence monastic Tibetans from India have been invited to the Republic to help revive Buddhism and their Buddhist identity in Russia as a whole. However, for the young post-soviets, the monastic way of life is proving too alien, and the subsequent labeling by these monks of ‘surviving’ Kalmyk Buddhist practices as superstitious, mistaken, or corrupt is an initial step in the purification of alternate views, leading to religious reform. This sentiment is also felt by younger Kalmyks who do not find sense in surviving Buddhism but believe more in the philosophical approach of Buddhism taught by the visiting Buddhist teachers at Dharma centers. By discussing this post-soviet shift in local notions of religious efficacy, an attempt will be made to shed light on how the social movements of both reform and revival arise as a collusion between contemporary Tibetan and Kalmyk views on the nature of true Buddhism. This work explores aspects of religious innovation that have developed since the early 1990s in the process of reconstitution of ethnic and religious identity in Kalmykia, a Republic in the southwest of Russia. Any attempts to study the history of Buddhism in Kalmykia would surely mean studying the “History of the most northern Dharma community in the World.”

Keywords: Kalmykia, Tibetan Buddhism, reform, revival, identity

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Authors: Daria Zabolotnaya, Svetlana Degtyareva, Veronika Kanestri, Danila Konnov

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An adequate choice of the initial antiretroviral treatment determines the treatment efficacy. In the clinical guidelines in Russia non-nucleoside reverse transcriptase inhibitors (NNRTIs) are still considered to be an option for first-line treatment while pretreatment drug resistance (PDR) testing is not routinely performed. We conducted a cohort retrospective study in HIV-positive treatment naïve patients of the H-clinic (Moscow, Russia) who performed PDR testing from July 2017 to November 2021. All the information was obtained from the medical records anonymously. We analyzed the mutations in reverse transcriptase and protease genes. RT-sequences were obtained by AmpliSens HIV-Resist-Seq kit. Drug resistance was defined using the HIVdb Program v. 8.9-1. PDR was estimated using the Stanford algorithm. Descriptive statistics were performed in Excel (Microsoft Office, 2019). A total of 261 HIV-1 infected patients were enrolled in the study including 197 (75.5%) male and 64 (24.5%) female. The mean age was 34.6±8.3 years. The median CD4 count – 521 cells/µl (IQR 367-687 cells/µl). Data on risk factors of HIV-infection were scarce. The total quantity of strains containing mutations in the reverse transcriptase gene was 75 (28.7%). From these 5 (1.9%) mutations were associated with PDR to nucleoside reverse transcriptase inhibitors (NRTIs) and 30 (11.5%) – with PDR to NNRTIs. The number of strains with mutations in protease gene was 43 (16.5%), from these only 3 (1.1%) mutations were associated with resistance to protease inhibitors. For NNRTIs the most prevalent PDR mutations were E138A, V106I. Most of the HIV variants exhibited a single PDR mutation, 2 were found in 3 samples. Most of HIV variants with PDR mutation displayed a single drug class resistance mutation. 2/37 (5.4%) strains had both NRTIs and NNRTIs mutations. There were no strains identified with PDR mutations to all three drug classes. Though earlier data demonstrated a lower level of PDR in HIV treatment naïve population in Russia and our cohort can be not fully representative as it is taken from the private clinic, it reflects the trend of increasing PDR especially to NNRTIs. Therefore, we consider either pretreatment testing or giving the priority to other drugs as first-line treatment necessary.

Keywords: HIV, resistance, mutations, treatment

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Authors: Fehmeen Anwar, Ujala Liaqat

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For over half a century, U.S. and the Soviet Union have been at daggers drawn with each other. Both leading powers of the world have been struggling hard to surpass each other in military and other technological fields. This neck-to-neck competition turned in favour of U.S. in the early 1990s when USSR had to face economic stagnation and later dismemberment of several of its states. The predominance of U.S. is still evident to date, rather it continues to grow. With this proposed defence program i.e. Anti-Ballistic Missile System, the U.S. will have a considerable chance of intercepting any nuclear strike by Russia, which re-asserts U.S. dominance in the region and creating a security dilemma for Russia and other states. The question is whether America’s recent nuclear deterrence project is merely to counter nuclear threats from Iran and North Korea or is it purely directed towards Russia, thus ensuring complete military supremacy in the world. Although U.S professes to direct its Anti-Ballistic Missile System (ABMS) against the axis of evil (Iran and North Korea), yet the deployment of this system in the East European territory undermines the Russian nuclear strategic capability, as this enables U.S. to initiate an attack and guard itself from retaliatory strike, thus disturbing the security equilibrium in Europe. The implications of this program can lead to power imbalance which can lead to the emergence of fundamentally different paradigm of international politics.

Keywords: Anti-Ballistic Missile System (ABMS), cold-war, axis of evil, power dynamics

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Authors: Alexander G. Yushchenko

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From a multi-science point of view, we analyze threats to security resulting from globalization of international information space and information and communication aggression of Russia. A definition of Ruschism is formulated as an ideology supporting aggressive actions of modern Russia against the Euro-Atlantic community. Stages of the hybrid war Russia is leading against Ukraine are described, including the elements of subversive activity of the special services, the activation of the military phase and the gradual shift of the focus of confrontation to the realm of information and communication technologies. We reveal an emergence of a threat for democratic states resulting from the destabilizing impact of a target state’s mass media and social networks being exploited by Russian secret services under freedom-of-speech disguise. Thus, we underline the vulnerability of cyber- and information security of the network society in regard of hybrid war. We propose to define the latter a synergetic war. Our analysis is supported with a long-term qualitative monitoring of representation of top state officials on popular TV channels and Facebook. From the memetics point of view, we have detected a destructive psycho-information technology used by the Kremlin, a kind of information catastrophe, the essence of which is explained in detail. In the conclusion, a comprehensive plan for information protection of the public consciousness and mentality of Euro-Atlantic citizens from the aggression of the enemy is proposed.

Keywords: cyber and information security, hybrid war, psycho-information technology, synergetic war, Ruschism

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Authors: Elcin Timur Cakmak, Ayse Oguzlar

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This study presents the results of the tweets sent by Twitter users on social media about the Russia-Ukraine war by bigram and trigram methods. On February 24, 2022, Russian President Vladimir Putin declared a military operation against Ukraine, and all eyes were turned to this war. Many people living in Russia and Ukraine reacted to this war and protested and also expressed their deep concern about this war as they felt the safety of their families and their futures were at stake. Most people, especially those living in Russia and Ukraine, express their views on the war in different ways. The most popular way to do this is through social media. Many people prefer to convey their feelings using Twitter, one of the most frequently used social media tools. Since the beginning of the war, it is seen that there have been thousands of tweets about the war from many countries of the world on Twitter. These tweets accumulated in data sources are extracted using various codes for analysis through Twitter API and analysed by Python programming language. The aim of the study is to find the word sequences in these tweets by the n-gram method, which is known for its widespread use in computational linguistics and natural language processing. The tweet language used in the study is English. The data set consists of the data obtained from Twitter between February 24, 2022, and April 24, 2022. The tweets obtained from Twitter using the #ukraine, #russia, #war, #putin, #zelensky hashtags together were captured as raw data, and the remaining tweets were included in the analysis stage after they were cleaned through the preprocessing stage. In the data analysis part, the sentiments are found to present what people send as a message about the war on Twitter. Regarding this, negative messages make up the majority of all the tweets as a ratio of %63,6. Furthermore, the most frequently used bigram and trigram word groups are found. Regarding the results, the most frequently used word groups are “he, is”, “I, do”, “I, am” for bigrams. Also, the most frequently used word groups are “I, do, not”, “I, am, not”, “I, can, not” for trigrams. In the machine learning phase, the accuracy of classifications is measured by Classification and Regression Trees (CART) and Naïve Bayes (NB) algorithms. The algorithms are used separately for bigrams and trigrams. We gained the highest accuracy and F-measure values by the NB algorithm and the highest precision and recall values by the CART algorithm for bigrams. On the other hand, the highest values for accuracy, precision, and F-measure values are achieved by the CART algorithm, and the highest value for the recall is gained by NB for trigrams.

Keywords: classification algorithms, machine learning, sentiment analysis, Twitter

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Authors: Huseyin Cetin, Halil Akmese, Sercan Aras, Vahit Aytekin

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Economic crisis, terrorism, global crisis and the relations between countries are the factors affecting tourism industry and tourism industry is vulnerable against these factors. In our study, there are two dimensions about Russian crisis. The crisis between Russia and Ukraine and decreased oil prices in global market have been entailed Russian economic crisis. This crisis has induced that the ruble, Russian currency, has depreciated against American dollars and consequently the purchasing power of Russian has weakened. This is the first dimension of our study. Second dimension is a political crisis between Turkey and Russia owing to the fact that the Russian Warcraft was brought down by Turkish army. The aim of this study is to explain the impact of the consequences of Russian crisis on Turkish tourism industry. The study has been limited only Antalya province.

Keywords: economic crisis, Turkey-Russian crisis, Turkey's tourism industry, tourism in Turkey

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Authors: Wan Wang, Xing Li

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With the international river playing an increasingly important role in international relations, the border river between China and Russia has attracted more attention. During the history of Sino-Russian relations, Heilong-Amur River used to be a disputed border. The Sino-Russian transboundary water cooperation regarding the Heilong-Amur River started in 1950s and has obtained rapid improvement. In the 21st century, this cooperation has made substantial progress, which is worthy of a further study. However, this cooperation is facing with obstacles in aspects of economy, policy, implementation and mutual understandings. Under this circumstance, from the perspective of China, it is of necessity to realize these problems and take appropriate measures to promote the cooperation. The current Sino-Russian relations is conducive to transboundary water resources cooperation regarding the Heilong-Amur River and some measures adopted by China are already ongoing.

Keywords: China, cooperation, Heilong-Amur River, Russia

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Authors: D. S. Denchuk, O. M. Zamyatina, M. G. Minin, M. A. Soloviev, K. V. Bogrova

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The article considers invention activity in Russia and worldwide, its modern state, and the impact of innovative engineering activity on the national economy of the considered countries. It also analyses the historical premises of modern engineer-ing invention. The authors explore the development of engineering invention at an engineer-ing university, the creation of particular environment for scientific and technical creativity of students on the example of Elite engineering education program at Tomsk Polytechnic University, Russia. It is revealed that for the successful de-velopment of engineering invention in a higher education institution it is neces-sary to apply a learning model that develops the creative potential of a student, which is, in its turn, inseparably connected with the ability to generate new ideas in engineering. Such academic environment can become a basis for revealing stu-dents' creativity.

Keywords: engineering invention, scientific and technical creativity, students, project-based approach

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Authors: Natalia Selezneva

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The level of crime depends on a number of factors, such as political and economic instability, social inequality and ineffective legislation. A special place in the overall level of crime takes juvenile delinquency. United Nations Standard Minimum developed rules for the administration of juvenile justice (The Beijing Rules), in order to ensure the rights of juvenile offenders under the various legal systems. Most countries support these recommendations, and Russia is no exception. Russia's criminal code establishes the minimum age of criminal liability; types of crimes for which the possible involvement of minors to justice; punishment; sentencing and execution of punishment for minors. However, these provisions cause heated debates in the scientific literature. The high level of juvenile crime indicates the ineffectiveness of legal regulation of criminal liability of minors. In order to ensure compliance with international standards require new and modern approaches to improve national legislation and practice of its application. Achieving this goal will be achieved through the following tasks: 1. Create sub-branches of law regulating the legal status of minors; 2. Improving the types of penalties; 3. The possibility of using alternative measures; 4. The introduction of the procedure of extrajudicial settlement of the conflict. The criminal law of each country depends on the historical, national and cultural characteristics. The development of the Russian legislation taking into account international experience is extremely essential and will be a new stage in the formation of a legal state, especially in the sphere of protection of the rights of juvenile offenders.

Keywords: criminal law, juvenile offender, punishment, the age of criminal responsibility

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Authors: Serguei Cheloukhine

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This study examines corrupting and moonlighting enterprise among Russian law enforcement (Police) since the 2009 Police Reform (hereto forward referred to as Reform). This research is based on the survey of about two dozen police officers in Russia’s regions. In addition, we analyzed statistics on crime, policing and socio-economic situation in Russian regions. Congruently, some data on the police officer’s off-duty activities was collected from the Internet sites. These Reforms sought to curb corruption at all levels of the Russian civil service and among uniformed law enforcement (Police) personnel. Many thought that the rebranding of the Militsiya as ‘Politsiya’ (Police) would have a transformational effect, both within the organization as well as how others perceived it. Ultimately, the rebranding effort failed; the only actual changes were the organization’s name and its personnel's uniforms. In fact, the Reforms seems to have contributed to even more corruption and abuse of power, as well an expansion of Law Enforcement’s ties to Corrupt Networks.

Keywords: bribery, corruption, moonlighting, police reform, Russia

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Authors: Natalya G. Filimonova, Mariya G. Ozerova, Irina N. Ermakova

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The long-term strategy of the economic development of Russia up to 2030 is based on the concept of sustainable growth. The determining factor of such development is complex changes in the economic system which may be achieved by making progressive changes in its structure. The structural changes determine the character and the direction of economic development, as well as they include all elements of this system without exception, and their regulated character ensures the most rapid aim achievement. This article has discussed the industrial structure of the agriculture in Russia. With the use of the system of indexes, the article has determined the directions, intensity, and speed of structural shifts. The influence of structural changes on agricultural production development has been found out. It is noticed that the changes in the industrial structure are synchronized with the changes in the organisation and economic structure. Efficiency assessment of structural changes allowed to trace the efficiency of structural changes and elaborate the main directions for agricultural policy improvement.

Keywords: Russian agricultural sectors, sectoral structure, organizational and economic structure, structural changes

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Authors: Marina Kartseva, Polina Kuznetsova

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In our work, we estimate the contribution of inequality of opportunity to inequality in the health of the Russian population aged 25 to 74 years. The empirical basis of the study is the nationally representative data of the RLMS for 2018. Individual health is measured using a self-reported status on five-point scale. The startconditions are characterized by parental education and place of birth (country, type of settlement). Personal efforts to maintain health include the level of education, smoking status, and physical activity. To understand how start opportunities affect an individual's health, we use the methodology proposed in (Trannoy et al., 2010), which takes into account both direct and indirect (through the influence on efforts) effects. Regression analysis shows that all other things being equal, the starting capabilities of individuals have a significant impact on their health. In particular, parental education has a positive effect on self-reported health. Birth in another country, in another settlement, and in an urban area, on the contrary, reduceself-reported health. This allows to conclude that there exists an unfair inequality in health, namely inequality caused by factors that are independent of a person's own efforts. We estimate the contribution of inequality of opportunity to inequality in health using a nonparametric approach (Checchi, Peragine, 2010; Lazar, 2013). According to the obtained results, the contribution of unfair inequality as 72-74% for the population as a whole, being slightly higher for women (62-74% and 60-69% for men and women, respectively) and for older age (59- 62% and 67-75% for groups 25-44 years old and 45-74 years old, respectively). The obtained estimates are comparable with the results for other countries and indicate the importance of the problem of inequality of opportunities in health in Russia.

Keywords: inequality of opportunity, inequality in health, self-reported health, efforts, health-related lifestyle, Russia, RLMS

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Authors: Veronika Solopova, Oana-Iuliana Popescu, Tim Landgraf, Christoph Benzmüller

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Beginning in 2014, slowly building geopolitical tensions in Eastern Europe led to a full-blown conflict between the Russian Federation and Ukraine that generated an unprecedented amount of news articles and data from social media data, reflecting the opposing ideologies and narratives as a background and the essence of the ongoing war. These polarized informational campaigns have led to countless mutual accusations of misinformation and fake news, shaping an atmosphere of confusion and mistrust for many readers all over the world. In this study, we analyzed scraped news articles from Ukrainian, Russian, Romanian and English-speaking news outlets, on the eve of 24th of February 2022, compared to day five of the conflict (28th of February), to see how the media influenced and mirrored the changes in public opinion. We also contrast the sources opposing and supporting the stands of the Russian government in Ukrainian, Russian and Romanian media spaces. In a data-driven way, we describe how the narratives are spread throughout Eastern and Central Europe. We present predictive linguistic features surrounding war propaganda. Our results indicate that there are strong similarities in terms of rhetoric strategies in the pro-Kremlin media in both Ukraine and Russia, which, while being relatively neutral according to surface structure, use aggressive vocabulary. This suggests that automatic propaganda identification systems have to be tailored for each new case, as they have to rely on situationally specific words. Both Ukrainian and Russian outlets lean towards strongly opinionated news, pointing towards the use of war propaganda in order to achieve strategic goals.

Keywords: linguistic, news, propaganda, Russia, ukraine

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Authors: Ilona Bontenbal

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In this research, the potential for societal change is researched through the idea of migrants as change agents. The viewpoint is on the potential that migrants have for affecting societal change in their country of origin through transmitting transnational peer-to-peer information. The focus is on the information that Russian migrants living in Finland transmit about their experiences and attitudes regarding the Nordic welfare state, its democratic foundation and the social rights embedded in it, to their family and friends in their country of origin. The welfare provision and level of democracy are very different in the two neighbouring countries of Finland and Russia. Finland is a Nordic welfare state with strong democratic institutions and a comprehensive actualizing of civil and social rights. In Russia, the state of democracy has on the other hand been declining, and the social and civil rights of its citizens are constantly undermined. Due to improvements in communications and travel technology, migrants can easily and relatively cheaply stay in contact with their family and friends in their country of origin. This is why it is possible for migrants to act as change agents. By telling about their experiences and attitudes about living in a democratic welfare state, migrants can affect what people in the country or origin know and think about welfare, democracy, and social rights. This phenomenon is approached through the concept of social remittances. Social remittances broadly stand for the ideas, know-how, world views, attitudes, norms of behavior, and social capital that flows through transnational networks from receiving- to sending- country communities and the other way around. The viewpoint is that historically and culturally formed democratic welfare models cannot be copied entirely nor that each country should achieve identical development paths, but rather that migrants themselves choose which aspects they see as important to remit to their acquaintances in their country of origin. This way the potential for social change and the agency of the migrants is accentuated. The empirical research material of this study is based on 30 qualitative interviews with Russian migrants living in Finland. Russians are the largest migrant group in Finland and Finland is a popular migration destination especially for individuals living in North-West Russia including the St. Petersburg region. The interviews are carried out in 2018-2019. The preliminary results indicate that Russian migrants discuss social rights and welfare a lot with their family members and acquaintances living in Russia. In general, the migrants feel that they have had an effect on the way that their friends and family think about Finland, the West, social rights and welfare provision. Democracy, on the other hand, is seen as a more difficult and less discussed topic. The transformative potential that the transmitted information and attitudes could have outside of the immediate circle of acquaintances on larger societal change is seen as ambiguous although not negligible.

Keywords: migrants as change agents, Russian migrants, social remittances, welfare and democracy

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Authors: Eka Darbaidze

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Due to its important geopolitical location and strategic economic situation, the South Caucasus has been a region that has been a crossroads of interests between different states and empires since ancient times. Over the centuries, the forms of international relations with regard to the South Caucasus region have been constantly changing, however, the national interests of the Caucasian nations as well as the interests of the regional hegemonic powers in relation to the countries of the South Caucasus have remained almost unchanged. The conflict-ridden South Caucasus's attempt to create a new format of regional cooperation has a rather rich history, dating back to the collapse of the Soviet Union. However, despite the diversity of initiatives, they do not deviate from the format of political statements and it is natural that the case was never settled before their implementation, as none of the previous cooperation initiatives was able to reach all members of the region. The current regional co-operation platform is linked to the name of Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan, who spoke out about the initiative during a visit to Azerbaijan. The so-called 3 + 3 platform for regional cooperation involves cooperation between three countries in the South Caucasus (Armenia, Azerbaijan and Georgia) and three "big neighbors" - Russia, Turkey and Iran. Very soon, the initiative received a positive response from the authorities of Azerbaijan, Iran and Armenia. According to them, this cooperation platform will strengthen cooperation between the countries involved in the regional platform and will focus on security, economic and transport issues. Our goal is to determine the interests of the main regional actors involved in the South Caucasus Cooperation Platform (3 + 3): Iran, Russia and Turkey. Our goal is also to determine what threats, risks or benefits may be associated with the involvement of the three countries of the South Caucasus: Azerbaijan, Armenia and Georgia in this platform and what will be the consequences for Georgia, whose 20% of its internationally recognized borders are still occupied by Russia and whose territory is still under creeping occupation.

Keywords: South Caucasus, Georgia's interest, the interests of Iran, the interests of Turkey, Russian interests, Georgia's occupation

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Authors: Elena Sherstoboeva, Elena Karzanova

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This paper explores the impact of the annexation of Crimea on the regulation of live performances and tour management of Russian pop music performers in Ukraine and of Ukrainian performers in Russia. Without a doubt, the cultural relationship between Russia and Ukraine is not limited to this issue. Yet concert markets tend to respond particularly rapidly to political, economic, and social changes, especially in Russia and Ukraine, where the high level of digital piracy means that the music businesses mainly depend upon income from performances rather than from digital rights sales. This paper argues that the rules formed in both countries after Russia’s annexation of Crimea in 2014 have contributed to the separation of a single cultural space that had existed in Soviet and Post-Soviet Russia and Ukraine before the annexation. These rules have also facilitated performers’ self-censorship and increased the politicisation of the music businesses in the two neighbouring countries. This study applies a comparative socio-legal approach to study Russian and Ukrainian live events and tour regulation. A qualitative analysis of Russian and Ukrainian national and intergovernmental legal frameworks is applied to examine formal regulations. Soviet and early post-Soviet laws and policies are also studied, but only to the extent that they help to track the changes in the Russian–Ukrainian cultural relationship. To identify and analyse the current informal rules, the study design includes in-depth semi-structured interviews with 30 live event or tour managers working in Russia and Ukraine. A case study is used to examine how the Eurovision Song Contest, an annual international competition, has played out within the Russian–Ukrainian conflict. The study suggests that modern Russian and Ukrainian frameworks for live events and tours have developed Soviet regulatory traditions when cultural policies served as a means of ideological control. At the same time, contemporary regulations mark a considerable perspective shift, as the previous rules have been aimed at maintaining close cultural connections between the Russian and Ukrainian nations. Instead of collaboration, their current frameworks mostly serve as forms of repression, implying that performers must choose only one national market in which to work. The regulatory instruments vary and often impose limitations that typically exist in non-democratic regimes to restrict foreign journalism, such as visa barriers or bans on entry. The more unexpected finding is that, in comparison with Russian law, Ukrainian regulations have created more obstacles to the organisation of live tours and performances by Russian artists in Ukraine. Yet this stems from commercial rather than political factors. This study predicts that the more economic challenges the Russian or Ukrainian music businesses face, the harsher the regulations will be regarding the organisation of live events or tours in the other country. This study recommends that international human rights organisations and non-governmental organisations develop and promote specific standards for artistic rights and freedoms, given the negative effects of the increasing politicisation of the entertainment business and cultural spheres to freedom of expression and cultural rights and pluralism.

Keywords: annexation of Crimea, artistic freedom, censorship, cultural policy

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Authors: Katrina Angeline Santos, Francis Mark Fernandez, Francheska Esmao

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Intervention is defined as a forcible interference by a state or states with power in the affairs of another state using force or the threat of force. On the other hand, a military intervention is an intervention, specifically used to define an intervention which uses force. With these, the authors realized a lack in the concept of intervention wherein it is an invited one.The authors wrote this paper to introduce a concept of intervention wherein the intervening state is offering assistance to the state in crisis which asked for one. The authors decided to make a contextual description of this phenomenon because of the lack of concepts regarding intervention between the idea of a single state performing a ‘heroic’ role of intervening in the crisis of another state. The problem that the authors would like to address is regarding the lack of availability in the concept of intervention wherein the state in crisis is seeking the assistance of another state. The authors utilized a contextual description approach to the study through the descriptive presentation of the series of events, by utilizing the news articles and news reports published, which happened in Ukraine and Crimea. This concept is further demonstrated through the utilization of a conceptual framework which shows the mutual relationship between the states. From the analysis of the behavior of Russia and its role in the Crimean Crisis 2014, the authors are able to coin the term, 'Caped Intervention' to describe an intervention of a state as a response to the invitation of assistance of a state in crisis in order for them to achieve their goals. This concept entails a mutual relationship between an intervening state and a sate in crisis. The concept of Caped Intervention describes the role of Russia as a Caped State or an intervening state observed through its action towards Crimea. This concept will help in the observation of the behavior of actors or states in events such as this. It will further help in analyzing the actors’ role in intervention by making it possible to classify the intervening acts into another concept.

Keywords: assistance, caped intervention, crisis, heroic

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Authors: Leone Sherman

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While the democratic rights of a citizen may be very clearly outlined in a country’s constitution, it’s not uncommon for political elite to undermine those rights and gain more power and control over a country than it is allowed by this constitution. Moreover, while such a change in some smaller states may not have a substantial impact on the international community, the same change in countries with vast resources and political influence, such as Russia, is always a considerable factor for the world policy. This article aims to research the weaknesses of the Russian democratic system and their effect on the international policy through the three key aspects: The Russian people’s ability to produce the required political will to control their government’s decisions, the current development of the Russian political environment, and the affection of this environment on the world community as a whole during the recent years. The used methodology is a narrative analysis of recent political events, official statistics, international investigations and media statements. As a result, the ever-widening gap between the people and the government becomes evidently seen, as well as the challenges it imposes on the political world arena, both current and those that still lie ahead of us.

Keywords: Russia, political analysis, democratic weaknesses, international society

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Authors: Vitali Kremez

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The researcher monitored an organized ransomware campaign in order to gain significant visibility into the tactics, techniques, and procedures employed by a campaign boss operating a ransomware scheme out of Russia. As the Russian hacking community lowered the access requirements for unsophisticated Russian cybercriminals to engage in ransomware campaigns, corporations and individuals face a commensurately greater challenge of effectively protecting their data and operations from being held ransom. This report discusses two notorious ransomware campaigns. Though the loss of data can be devastating, the findings demonstrate that sending ransom payments does not always help obtain data. Key learnings: 1. From the ransomware affiliate perspective, such campaigns have significantly lowered the barriers for entry for low-tier cybercriminals. 2. Ransomware revenue amounts are not as glamorous and fruitful as they are often publicly reported. Average ransomware crime bosses make only $90K per year on average. 3. Data gathered indicates that sending ransom payments does not always help obtain data. 4. The talk provides the complete payout structure and Bitcoin laundering operation related to the ransomware-as-a-service campaign.

Keywords: bitcoin, cybercrime, ransomware, Russia

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Authors: K. Volkonitskaya, S. Lyapina

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According to the National Monitoring Centre of innovation infrastructure, scientific and technical activities and regional innovation systems by December 2014. 166 technology parks were established in Russia. Comparative analysis of technological parks performance in Russia, the USA, Israel and the European Union countries revealed significant reduction of key performance indicators in Russian innovation infrastructure institutes. The largest deviations were determined in the following indicators: new products and services launched, number of companies and jobs, amount of venture capital invested. Lower performance indicators of Russian technology parks can be partly explained by slack demand for national high-tech products and services, lack of qualified specialists in the sphere of innovation management and insufficient cooperation between different innovation infrastructure institutes. In spite of all constraints in innovation segment of Russian economy in 2010-2012 private investors for the first time proceeded to finance building of technological parks. The general purpose of the research is to answer two questions: why despite the significant investment risks private investors continue to implement such comprehensive infrastructure projects in Russia and is business model of private technological park more efficient than strategies of state innovation infrastructure institutes? The goal of the research was achieved by analyzing business models of private technological parks in Moscow, Kaliningrad, Astrakhan and Kazan. The research was conducted in two stages: the on-line survey of key performance indicators of private and state Russian technological parks and in-depth interviews with top managers and investors, who have already build private technological parks in by 2014 or are going to complete investment stage in 2014-2016. The results anticipated are intended to identify the reasons of efficient and inefficient technological parks performance. Furthermore, recommendations for improving the efficiency of state technological and industrial parks were formulated. Particularly, the recommendations affect the following issues: networking with other infrastructural institutes, services and infrastructure provided, mechanisms of public-private partnership and investment attraction. In general intensive study of private technological parks performance and development of effective mechanisms of state support can have a positive impact on the growth rates of the number of Russian technological, industrial and science parks.

Keywords: innovation development, innovation infrastructure, private technology park, public-private partnership

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Authors: A. Bahar Ganiyeva, M. Sabuhi Tanriverdiyev

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The article analyzes state support and policy mechanisms aimed at driving tourism as one of the vibrant and rapidly developing economies. State programs and long-range strategic roadmaps and previous programs execution, results and their impact on the particular countries economy have been raised during the research. This theme provides a useful framework for discussions with a wider range of stakeholders as the implications arising are of importance both for academics and practitioners engaged in hospitality and tourism development and research. The impact that tourism has on sustainable regional development in emerging markets is highly substantial. For Azerbaijan, Turkey, Georgia, and Russia, with their rich natural resources and cultural heritage, tourism can be an important basis for economic expansion, and a way to form an acceptable image of the countries as safe, open, hospitable, and complex.

Keywords: Sustainable tourism, hospitality, destination, strategic roadmap, tourism, economy, growth, state support, mechanism, policy formation, state program

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Authors: Elena Chernyak

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The status of Russian women has changed dramatically over the course of Russian history and under different leadership and economic, political, and social conditions. The perception of women, their submissive roles, and low social status cause gender conflict that affects society: demographical issues, increased numbers of divorces, alcoholism, drug abuse, and crime. Despite the fact that around the world women are becoming more independent, protected by law, and play more important roles in society, Russian women are still dependent on men financially, socially, and psychologically. This paper critically explores the experience of Russian women over the course of over a thousand year of Russian history and how the position and image of women changed in Russian Empire, Soviet and post-Soviet Russia and what role women play in contemporary Russia. This paper is a result of deep examination of historical and religious literature, mass media, internet sources, and documents. This analysis shows that throughout history, the role and image of women in society have repeatedly varied depending on ideological and social conditions. In particular, the history of Russian women may be divided into five main periods. The first was the period of paganism, when almost all areas of life were open for women and when women were almost equal in social roles with men. During the second period, starting with the beginning of the Mongol invasion in the 13th century, the position of women was diminishing due to social transformation to the patriarchal society in which women started playing subordinate role in family and society. The third period – the period from the fourteenth through the sixteenth centuries - is a period of the total seclusion of Russian women from each part of social life. The fourth, Soviet period started after the Revolution of 1917. During that time, the position of women was drastically changed due to the transformation of traditional gender roles under the Bolshevik government. Woman's role was seen as worker-mothers who had a double duty: a worker and a mother. The final period began after the collapse of the Soviet Union. The restructuring (Perestroika) and post-Restructuring periods have had contradictory consequences and tremendous impact on Russian society. The image of women as partners and equal to men, which was promoted during the Soviet regime, has been replaced with the traditional functionalist views on family and the role of women, in which men and women have different but supposedly complementary roles. Modern Russia, despite publicly stating its commitment to equal rights, during last two decades has been reverting to an older social model with its emphasis on traditional gender roles, patriarchal ideas of dominant masculinity, and adverse attitudes to women, which are further supported and reinforced by the reviving Russian Orthodox Church. As demonstrated in this review, Russian women have never possessed the same rights as men and have always been subordinate to men. During all period of Russian history, patriarchal ideology maintained and reinforced in Russian society has always subjected women to manipulation, oppression, and victimization and portrayed women as not a ‘full human being’.

Keywords: women, Russia, patriarchy, religion, Russian Orthodox Church

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