Search results for: constitutional reform

Authors: Rogerio Vieira Dos Reis

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Countries like Brazil that despite fighting hard against corruption are not improving their corruption perception, especially due to systemic political corruption, should review their corruption prevention strategies. This thesis brings a case study based on an alternative way of preventing corruption: addressing the corruption drivers in public policies that lead to poor economic performance. After discussing the Brazilian industrial policies adopted recently, especially the measures towards the automotive sector, two corruption issues in this sector are analyzed: facilitating payment for fiscal benefits and buying the extension of fiscal benefits. In-depth interviews conducted with a policymaker and an executive of the automobile sector provide insights for identifying three main corruption drivers: excessive and unnecessary bureaucracy, a complex tax system and the existence of a closed market without setting performance requirements to be achieved by the benefited firms. Both the identification of the drivers of successful industrial policies and the proposal of anti-corruption strategies to ensure developmental outcomes are based on the economic perspective of industrial policy advocated by developmental authors and on the successful South Korean economic development experience. Structural anti-corruption measures include tax reform, the regulation of lobbying and legislation to allow corporate political contribution. Besides improving policymakers’ technical capabilities, measures at the ministry level include redesigning the automotive regimes as long-term policies focused on national investment with simple and clear rules and making fiscal benefits conditional upon performance targets focused on suppliers. This case study is of broader interest because it recommends the importance of adapting performance audits conducted by anti-corruption agencies, to focus not only on the delivery of public services, but also on the identification of potentially highly damaging corruption drivers in public policies that grant fiscal benefits to achieve developmental outcomes.

Keywords: Brazilian automotive sector, corruption, economic development, industrial policy, Inovar-Auto

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Authors: Asad Salahuddin

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Crime rates seem to be severely augmenting over the past several years in Pakistan which has perpetuated concerns as to what, when and how this upsurge will be eradicated. State institutions are posed to be in utmost perplexity, given the enormity of worsening law and order situation, compelling government on the flip side to expend more resources in strengthening institutions to confront crime, whereas, the economy has been confronted with massive energy crisis, mass unemployment and considerable inflation which has rendered most of the people into articulate apprehension as to how to satisfy basic necessities. A framework to investigate the variability in the rising street crimes, as affected by social and institutional outcomes, has been established using a cross-sectional study. Questionnaire, entailing 7 sections incorporating numerous patterns of behavior and history of involvement in different crimes for potential street criminals was observed as data collection instrument. In order to specifically explicate the intent of street crimes on micro level, various motivational and de-motivational factors that stimulate people to resort to street crimes were scrutinized. Intent of mobile snatching and intent of street assault as potential dependent variables were examined using numerous variables that influence the occurrence and intent of these crimes using ordered probit along with ordered logit and tobit as competing models. Model Estimates asserts that intent of mobile snatching has been significantly enhanced owing to perceived judicial inefficiency and lower ability of police reforms to operate effectively, which signifies the inefficiency of institutions that are entitled to deliver justice and maintaining law and order respectively. Whereas, intent of street assaults, as an outcome, affirms that people with lack of self-stability and severe childhood punishments were more tempted to be involved in violent acts. Hence, it is imperative for government to render better resources in form of training, equipment and improved salaries to police and judiciary in order to enhance their abilities and potential to curb inflating crime.

Keywords: deprivation, street assault, self control, police reform

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Authors: Wassamon Kun-Amornpong

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When a financial crisis occurs, there will be a law and regulatory reform in order to manage the turmoil and prevent a future crisis. One of the most important regulatory efforts to help cope with systemic risk and a financial crisis is the third version of the Basel Accord. Basel III has introduced some measures and tools (e.g., systemic risk buffer, countercyclical buffer, capital conservation buffer and liquidity risk) in order to mitigate systemic risk. Nevertheless, the effectiveness of these measures in Basel III in adequately addressing the problem of contagious runs that can quickly spread throughout the financial system is questionable. This paper seeks to contribute to the knowledge regarding the role of the Basel Accords in mitigating systemic risk. The research question is to what extent the Basel Accords can help control systemic risk in the financial markets? The paper tackles this question by analysing the concept of systemic risk. It will then examine the weaknesses of the Basel Accords before and after the Global financial crisis in 2008. Finally, it will suggest some possible solutions in order to improve the Basel Accord. The rationale of the study is the fact that academic works on systemic risk and financial crises are largely studied from economic or financial perspective. There is comparatively little research from the legal and regulatory perspective. The finding of the paper is that there are some problems in all of the three pillars of the Basel Accords. With regards to Pillar I, the risk model is excessively complex while the benefits of its complexity are doubtful. Concerning Pillar II, the effectiveness of the risk-based supervision in preventing systemic risk still depends largely upon its design and implementation. Factors such as organizational culture of the regulator and the political context within which the risk-based supervision operates might be a barrier against the success of Pillar II. Meanwhile, Pillar III could not provide adequate market discipline as market participants do not always act in a rational way. In addition, the too-big-to-fail perception reduced the incentives of the market participants to monitor risks. There has been some development in resolution measure (e.g. TLAC and MREL) which might potentially help strengthen the incentive of the market participants to monitor risks. However, those measures have some weaknesses. The paper argues that if the weaknesses in the three pillars are resolved, it can be expected that the Basel Accord could contribute to the mitigation of systemic risk in a more significant way in the future.

Keywords: Basel accords, financial regulation, risk-based supervision, systemic risk

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Authors: Lei Ping

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The Western discourse of ‘modernity’ along with its objects, ideologies, and culture are brought to Imperial China by force of arms which confronted Chinese traditions. The struggle and conflicts between ‘Zhong’ (Chinese) and ‘Wai' (foreign), ‘Jiu’(Old) and ‘Xin’(New) are continuous during the turbulent times of 19th Century China. Since the foundation of the People’s Republic in 1949, China has gone through radical social, economic and cultural reform under the Communist Party’s highly centralised and autocratic political regime. The regime and Chairman Mao’s eagerness to identify the new China and establish a revolutionary mono-culture have increased political influence on the modernisation process. The ten years of Cultural Revolution (1966-76) have commonly been neglected and separated from China’s modern history due to its political, emotional and various other associations. Its cultural productions which dictated the Chinese stages during this period, namely the yangbanxi (Model Works), are largely viewed as political propaganda material with little or no artistic value in the nation’s cultural development. This paper argues that far from being anti modernisation of culture, the yangbanxi carry continuities that originate from before the cultural revolution and influence later cultural productions up till today. The focus of the paper is on Hongse Niangzijun (The Red Detachment of Women), a ballet yangbanxi (Model Works) which was performed to President Nixon during his visit to China in 1972. It depicts the female soldier Wu Qionghua’s life story: a transformation from a peasant girl to a mature communist soldier. The first part of the paper begins with an introduction to the cultural, social and political contexts under which the ballet was created and made a yangbanxi (Model work). The second part examines the application of musical devices (e.g. instrumentation, leitmotif), ranging from typical Western techniques to Chinese musical and theatrical traditions. By analysing, connecting and comparing these musical devices of various origins, the paper illustrates that the yangbanxi (Model Works) largely contributes to the ever-present, continuing and evolving modernisation of contemporary Chinese culture.

Keywords: cultural revolution, Hongse Niangzijun (Red Detachment of Women), modern China, music, Yangbanxi (model works)

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Authors: Jing Jiang, Yuguang Gao, Yang Yu

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Facing increasingly challenging insurance payment pressures, the Chinese healthcare system is undergoing significant transformations, akin to the implementation of DRG payment models by the United States' Medicare. Consequently, there is a pressing need for Chinese hospitals to establish optimizations in departmental operations tailored to the ongoing healthcare payment reforms. This abstract delineates the meticulous construction of a scientifically rigorous and comprehensive index system at the departmental level in China strategically aligned with the evolving landscape of healthcare payment reforms. Methodologically, it integrates key process areas and maturity assessment theories, synthesizing relevant literature and industry standards to construct a robust framework and indicator pool. Employing the Delphi method, consultations with 21 experts were conducted, revealing a collective demonstration of high enthusiasm, authority, and coordination in designing the index system. The resulting model comprises four primary indicators -technical capabilities, cost-effectiveness, operational efficiency, and disciplinary potential- supported by 14 secondary indicators and 23 tertiary indicators with varied coefficient adjustment for department types (platform or surgical). The application of this evaluation system in a Chinese hospital within the northeastern region yielded results aligning seamlessly with the actual operational scenario. In conclusion, the index system comprehensively considers the integrity and effectiveness of structural, process, and outcome indicators and stands as a comprehensive reflection of the collective expertise of the engaged experts, manifesting in a model designed to elevate the operational management of hospital departments. Its strategic alignment with healthcare payment reforms holds practical significance in guiding departmental development positioning, brand cultivation, and talent development.

Keywords: Chinese healthcare system, Delphi method, departmental management, evaluation indicators, hospital operations, weight coefficients

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Authors: Akanksha Gupta, Vishal Dubey

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In the Neoliberal era, there has been a much-talked discourse about urban issues that arise from a narrow approach of the single rationality of market-driven planning in Indian cities. More to this, India's urban planning is already jeopardized by the captious shortage of infrastructure, a cluster of incoherent governing bodies and implementation mechanism, leading cities to lie in the plethora of urban challenges. In this context, Allahabad (now known as Prayagraj) a city in North India is not an exception. Once known as the most planned splendid Colonial city of the British regime in India collapsed phenomenally because of the incompetent approach of planning machinery, straightforward market-driven accession and lack of attention on urban equity and sustainability. Particularly Civil Lines a Colonial neighbourhood, reached to the zenith of the glorified legacy of the Colonial era, transformed into filthy and congested urban form. Contextually this study contemplates and assesses the chronological episodes of major changes in land management reforms and policies under the ad hoc approach of political economy and land use planning which radically degraded the living environment in the present context. This study would empirically showcase the selected sample area detailing some of the major consequences in terms of gradual change in urban morphology, land use, and function. Here the method of study is primarily a qualitative study implying oral history and other historical methods to exhibit the idiom of planning conundrum. This subsequently reflects the repercussions translated into major issues like unclear land titles, encroachment, and unauthorized development and mushrooming of informal and squatter settlements. In nutshell, the study seeks to distinct out the limitations of the land reform and land management policies, which impacted the general degradation to the beautiful setting of Colonial neighbourhood. The Colonial legacy of Civil Lines now exists in the traces of history- memories of people, who once took pride in its serenity have now witnessed the transformation bit by bit till neo-liberal market forces completely swallow it.

Keywords: civil lines, land reforms, policies, urban challenges

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Authors: Debora Caetano Dahas

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In ‘Ethics’ and in ‘A Political Treatise’ Spinoza presents his very influential take on natural law and the principles that guide his philosophical work and observations. Spinoza’s ideas about rationalization, God, and ethical behavior are undeniably relevant to many debates in the field of legal theory. In addition, it is important to note that Spinoza's takes on body, mind, and imagination played an important role in building a certain way of understanding the female figure in western societies and of their differences in regards to the male figure. It is important to emphasize that the constant and insistent presentation of women as inferior and irrational beings corroborates the institutionalization of discriminatory public policies and practices legitimized by the legal system that cooperates with the aggravation of gender inequalities. Therefore, his arguments in relation to women and their nature have been highly criticized, especially by feminist theorists during the second half of the 21st century. The questioning of this traditional philosophy –often phallocentric– and its way of describing women as irrational and less capable than men, as well as the attempt to reformulate postulates and concepts, takes place in such a way as to create a deconstruction of classical concepts. Some of the arguments developed by Spinoza, however, can serve as a basis for elucidating in what way and to what extent the social and political construction of the feminine identity served as a basis for gender inequality. Thus, based on to the observations elaborated by Moira Gantes, the present research addresses the relationship between Spinoza and the feminist demands in the juridical and political spheres, elaborating arguments that corroborate the convergence between his philosophy and feminist critical theory. Finally, this research aims to discuss how the feminists' critics of Spinoza’s writings have deconstructed and rehabilitated his principles and, in doing so, can further help to illustrate the importance of his philosophy –and, consequently, of his notes on Natural Law– in understanding gender equality as a vital part of the effective implementation of democratic debate and inclusive political participation and representation. In doing so, philosophical and legal arguments based on the feminist re-reading of Spinoza’s principles are presented and then used to explain the controversial political reform in Brazil, especially in regards to the applicability of the legislative act known as Law n. 9.504/1997 which establishes that at least 30% of legislative seats must be occupied by women.

Keywords: natural law, feminism, politics, gender equality

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Authors: Peter Akayuure

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Geometry is considered an important strand in mathematics due to its wide-ranging utilitarian value and because it serves as a building block for understanding other aspects of undergraduate mathematics, including algebra and calculus. Matters regarding students’ geometric thinking have therefore long been pursued by mathematics researchers and educators globally via different theoretical lenses, curriculum reform efforts, and innovative instructional practices. However, so far, studies remain inconclusive about the instructional platforms that effectively promote geometric thinking. At the University of Education, Winneba, an undergraduate geometry course was designed and delivered on UEW Learning Management System (LMS) using Moodle platform. This study utilizes van Hiele’s theoretical lens to examine the entry and exit’s geometric thinking behaviours of prospective teachers who took the undergraduate geometry course in the LMS platform. The study was a descriptive survey that involved an intact class of 280 first-year students enrolled to pursue a bachelor's in mathematics education at the university. The van Hiele’s Geometric thinking test was used to assess participants’ entry and exit behaviours, while semi-structured interviews were used to obtain data for triangulation. Data were analysed descriptively and displayed in tables and charts. An Independent t-test was used to test for significant differences in geometric thinking behaviours between those who entered the university with a diploma certificate and with senior high certificate. The results show that on entry, more than 70% of the prospective teachers operated within the visualization level of van Hiele’s geometric thinking. Less than 20% reached analysis and abstraction levels, and no participant reached deduction and rigor levels. On exit, participants’ geometric thinking levels increased markedly across levels, but the difference from entry was not significant and might have occurred by chance. The geometric thinking behaviours of those enrolled with diploma certificates did not differ significant from those enrolled directly from senior high school. The study recommends that the design principles and delivery of undergraduate geometry course via LMS should be structured and tackled using van Hiele’s geometric thinking levels to serve as means of bridging the existing learning gaps of undergraduate students.

Keywords: geometric thinking, van Hiele’s, UEW learning management system, undergraduate geometry

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Authors: Bintou Jobe

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The construction sector, both in the United Kingdom (UK) and developing Anglophone West African countries, specifically The Gambia, is facing significant health and safety challenges. While the UK has established legislation and regulations to support Occupational Health and Safety (OHS) in the industry, the same level of support is lacking in developing countries. The significance of this review is to assess the extent and effectiveness of OHS legislation and regulatory reform in the construction industry, with a focus on understanding the challenges faced by both the UK and developing Anglophone West African countries. It aims to highlight the benefits of implementing an OHS management system, specifically ISO 45001. This study uses a literature review approach, synthesizing publications from the past decade and identifying common themes and best practices related to Occupational Health and Safety in the construction industry. Findings were analysed, compared, and conclusions and recommendations were drawn after developing research questions and addressing them. This comprehensive review of the literature allows for a detailed understanding of the challenges faced by the industry in both contexts. The findings of the study indicate that while the UK has established robust health and safety legislation, many UK construction companies have not fully met the standards outlined in ISO 45001. These challenges faced by the UK include poor data management, inadequate communication of best practices, insufficient training, and a lack of safety culture mirroring those observed in the developing Anglophone countries. Therefore, compliance with OHS management systems has been shown to yield benefits, including injury prevention and centralized health and safety documentation. In conclusion, the effectiveness of OHS legislation for developing Anglophone West African countries should consider the positive impact experienced by the UK. The implementation of ISO 45001 can serve as a benchmark standard and potentially inform recommendations for developing countries. The selection criteria for literature include search keywords and phrases, such as occupational health and safety challenges, The Gambia, developing countries management systems, ISO 45001, and impact and effectiveness of OHS legislation. The literature was sourced from Google Scholar, the UK Health and Safety Executive websites, and Google Advanced Search.

Keywords: ISO 45001, developing countries, occupational health and safety, UK

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Authors: Flavia Kroetz

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From 1964 to 1985, Brazil was ruled by a dictatorial regime that, under the discourse of fight against terrorism and subversion, implemented cruel and atrocious practices against anyone who opposed the State ideology. At the same time, several Latin American countries faced dictatorial periods and experienced State repression through apparatuses of violence institutionalized in the very governmental structure. Despite the correspondence between repressive methods adopted by authoritarian regimes in States such as Argentina, Chile, El Salvador, Peru and Uruguay, the mechanisms of democratic transition adopted with the end of each dictatorship were significantly different. While some States have found ways to deal with past atrocities through serious and transparent investigations of the crimes perpetrated in the name of repression, in others, as in Brazil, a culture of impunity remains rooted in society, manifesting itself in the widespread disbelief of the population in governmental and democratic institutions. While Argentina, Chile, Peru and Uruguay are convincing examples of the possibility and importance of the prosecution of crimes such as torture, forced disappearance and murder committed by the State, El Salvador demonstrates the complete failure to punish or at least remove from power the perpetrators of serious crimes against civilians and political opponents. In a scenario of widespread violations of human rights, State violence becomes entrenched within society as a daily and even necessary practice. In Brazil, a lack of political and judicial will withstands the impunity of those who, during the military regime, committed serious crimes against human rights under the authority of the State. If the reproduction of violence is a direct consequence of the culture of denial and the rejection of everyone considered to be different, ‘the other’, then the adoption of transitional mechanisms that underpin the historical and political contexts of the time seems essential. Such mechanisms must strengthen democracy through the effective implementation of the rights to memory and to truth, the right to justice and reparations for victims and their families, as well as institutional changes in order to remove from power those who, when in power, could not distinguish between legality and authoritarianism. Against this background, this research analyses the importance of transitional justice for the restoration of democracy, considering the adoption of amnesty laws as a strategy to preclude criminal prosecution of offenses committed during dictatorial regimes. The study investigates the scope of Law No 6.683/79, the Brazilian amnesty law, which, according to a 2010 decision of the Brazilian Constitutional Supreme Court, granted amnesty to those responsible for political crimes and related crimes, committed between September 2, 1961 and August 15, 1979. Was the purpose of this Law to grant amnesty to violent crimes committed by the State? If so, is it possible to recognize the legitimacy of a Congress composed of indirectly elected politicians controlled by the dictatorship?

Keywords: amnesty law, criminal justice, dictatorship, state violence

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Authors: Ronli Sifris

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The last Australian Parliamentary inquiry into surrogacy took place in 2016. Since then, a number of countries have reviewed their surrogacy laws, including countries such as New Zealand and the United Kingdom, which traditionally have invoked similar legal approaches to Australia on a broad range of issues. The time is ripe to reform Australia’s surrogacy laws with a view to putting in place a system that best protects the rights of all parties to a surrogacy arrangement, and especially the rights of the child. There are two specific, linked issues which tend to be particularly contentious in the surrogacy context. The first relates to legal parentage. There are questions around whether the surrogate or the intended parents should be deemed the legal parents of a child born through surrogacy and what should be the process for any transfer of parentage. The second key issue relates to compensation and whether a surrogate should be compensated for the reproductive labour inherent in conceiving, gestating, and birthing a child. This paper will invoke a comparative analysis with a view to considering how different countries are regulating surrogacy and which approach best protects the rights all parties involved in the surrogacy arrangement, especially the rights of the children born through surrogacy. The specific countries to be considered are Australia, Canada, and California (United States). I have selected these countries for the following reasons: Australia is the jurisdiction where the author is based, it is, therefore, the jurisdiction with which she has the most familiarity. It allows altruistic surrogacy only and post-birth parentage orders in favour of the intended parents of children born through altruistic surrogacy California, as a jurisdiction allowing for compensated surrogacy and pre-birth parentage orders in favour of the intended parents, sits at the other end of the spectrum to Australia thereby providing an interesting point of comparison. Canada sits somewhere in the middle; it ostensibly allows only altruistic surrogacy, but in practice, many aspects of the Canadian process resemble compensated surrogacy. In addition to conducting a comparative analysis with other countries, the paper will also consider international human rights law as its overarching framework for determining the approach that best protects the rights of a child born through surrogacy. Particular attention will be paid to the United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child as the key children’s rights treaty. The European Court of Human Rights will also be extensively considered as it has decided a number of cases relating to the rights of children born through surrogacy.

Keywords: surrogacy, children’s rights, australia, compensation, parentage

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Authors: He Li

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Around the mid-1980s, Confucianism was reintroduced into China from Taiwan and Hong Kong as a result of China’s policies of reform and openness. Since then, the revival of neo-Confucianism in mainland China has accelerated and become a crucial component of the public intellectual sphere. The term xinrujia or xinruxue, loosely translated as “neo-Confucianism,” is increasingly understood as an intellectual and cultural phenomenon of the last four decades. The Confucian scholarship is in the process of restoration. This paper examines the Chinese intellectual discourse on Confucianism and democracy and places it in comparative and theoretical perspectives. With China’s rise and surge of populism in the West, particularly in the US, the leading political values of Confucianism could increasingly shape both China and the world at large. This state of affairs points to the need for more systematic efforts to assess the discourse on neo-Confucianism and its implications for China’s transformation. A number of scholars in the camp of neo-Confucianism maintain that some elements of Confucianism are not only compatible with democratic values and institutions but actually promote liberal democracy. They refer to it as Confucian democracy. By contrast, others either view Confucianism as a roadblock to democracy or envision that a convergence of democracy with Confucian values could result in a new hybrid system. The paper traces the complex interplay between Confucianism and democracy. It explores ideological differences between neo-Confucianism and liberal democracy and ascertains whether certain features of neo-Confucianism possess an affinity for the authoritarian political system. In addition to printed materials such as books and journal articles, a selection of articles from the website entitled Confucianism in China will be analyzed. The selection of this website is due to the fact that it is the leading website run by Chinese scholars focusing on neo-Confucianism. Another reason for selecting this website is its accessibility and availability. In the past few years, quite a few websites, left or right, were shut down by the authorities, but this website remains open. This paper explores the core components, dynamics, and implications of neo-Confucianism. My paper is divided into three parts. The first one discusses the origins of neo-Confucianism. The second section reviews the intellectual discourse among Chinese scholars on Confucian democracy. The third one explores the implications of the Chinese intellectual discourse on neo-Confucianism. Recently, liberal democracy has entered more conflict with official ideology. This paper, which is based on my extensive interviews in China prior to the pandemic and analysis of the primary sources in Chinese, will lay the foundation for a chapter on neo-Confucianism and democracy in my next book-length manuscript, tentatively entitled Chinese Intellectual Discourse on Democracy.

Keywords: China, confucius, confucianism, neo-confucianism, democracy

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Authors: Bellinda R. Chinowawa

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As part of a wider strategy to stifle civil society, Governments routinely resort to judicial harassment through the use of civil and criminal to impugn the integrity of human rights defenders and that of perceived political opponents. This phenomenon is rife in militarised or autocratic regimes where there is no tolerance for dissenting voices. Zimbabwe, ostensibly a presidential republic founded on the values of transparency, equality, freedom, is characterised by brutal suppression of perceived political opponents and those who assert their basic human rights. This is done through a wide range of tactics including unlawful arrests and detention, torture and other cruel, inhuman degrading treatment and enforced disappearances. Professionals including, journalists and doctors are similarly not spared from state attack. For human rights defenders, the most widely used tool of repression is that of judicial harassment where the judicial system is used to persecute them. This can include the levying of criminal charges, civil lawsuits and unnecessary administrative proceedings. Charges preferred against range from petty offences such as criminal nuisance to more serious charges of terrorism and subverting a constitutional government. Additionally, government sponsored individuals and organisations file strategic lawsuits with pecuniary implications order to intimidate and silence critics and engender self-censorship. Some HRDs are convicted and sentenced to prison terms, despite not being criminals in a true sense. While others are acquitted judicial harassment diverts energy and resources away from their human rights work. Through a consideration of statistical data reported by human rights organisations and face to face interviews with a cross section of human rights defenders, the article will map the incidence of judicial harassment in Zimbabwe. The article will consider the multi-level sociological and contextual factors which influence the Government of Zimbabwe to have easy recourse to criminal law and the debilitating effect of these actions on HRDs. These factors include the breakdown of the rule of law resulting in state capture of the judiciary, the proven efficacy of judicial harassment from colonial times to date, and the lack of an adequate redress mechanism at international level. By mapping the use of the judiciary as a tool of repression, from the inception of modern day Zimbabwe to date, it is hoped that HRDs will realise that they are part of a greater community of activists throughout the ages and should emboldened in the realisation that it is an age old tactic used by fallen regimes which should not deter them from calling for accountability.

Keywords: autocratic regime, colonial legacy, judicial harassment, human rights defenders

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Authors: Adrianna D. Hendricks

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This paper examines the factors that contribute to the re-traumatization of victims of sex trafficking within the Canadian context. Sex trafficking occurring domestically in Canada is severely under-researched, stigmatized, and under-prosecuted, leading to the re-traumatization of victims by various levels of government. This is in part due to the Canadian criminal justice system unethically utilizing prostitution laws in cases of sex trafficking and partially due to the unaddressed stigmatization victims face within the justice system itself. Utilizing evidence from a current literature review, personal correspondence, and personal life experiences, this paper will demonstrate the need for victim involvement in policy reform. The current literature review was done through an academic database search using the terms: “Sex Trafficking, Exploitation, Canada”, with the limitation of articles written within the last 5 years and written within the Canadian context. Overall, from the results, only eight articles precisely matched the criteria. The current literature argues strongly and unanimously for more research and education of professionals who have close contact with high-risk populations (doctors, police officers, social workers, etc.) to protect both minors and adults from being sexually trafficked. Additionally, for women and girls who do not have Canadian citizenship, the fear of deportation becomes a barrier to disclosing exploitation experiences to professionals. There is a desperate need for more research done in tandem with survivors and victims to inform policymaking in a meaningful way. The researcher is a survivor of sex trafficking both as a youth and as an adult, giving the researcher a unique insight into the realities of the criminal justice system for victims of sex trafficking. There is a clear need for professionals in positions of power to be re-educated about the realities of sex-trafficking, and what it means for the victims. Congruent to the current research the author calls for: standardized professional training for people in healthcare, police officers, court officials, and victim services; with the additional layers of victim involvement in creation of professional education training, and victim involvement in research. Justice for victims/survivors can only be obtained if they have been consulted and believed. Without meaningful consultation with survivors, victims who are both minors and adults will continue to fall through the cracks in policy.

Keywords: Canadian policy, re-traumatization, sex-trafficking, stigmatization

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Authors: Gerald Steyn

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Sub-Saharan Africa is the world's fastest urbanizing region, but approximately 60 to 70 percent of urban African households are poor and living in slums. Although influential global institutions such as the World Bank propagate a new approach to housing and land policies, sustainable African urban concepts have yet to be applied significantly or even convincingly conceptualized. Most African city planners, urban designers, architects, policymakers, and developers have been trained in Western curriculums and continue to practice and plan according to such formal paradigms. Only a few activists promote Post-Colonial Afrocentric urbanism, recognizing the imperative of foregrounding the needs of low-income people. There is a vast body of authoritative literature on analyzing poverty and slums in sub-Saharan Africa and on promoting the need for land and city planning reform. However, of the latter, only a few venture beyond advising and sometimes outlining policy changes. The current study moves beyond a purely theoretical discourse into the realm of practice by designing replicable diagrammatic concepts at different urban scales. The guiding philosophy was that land-use concepts and urban requirements favoring low-income households must be fully integrated into the larger conurbation. Information was derived from intensive research over two decades, involving literature surveys and observations during regular travels into East and Southern Africa. Appropriate existing urban patterns, particularly vernacular and informal, were subsequently analyzed and reimagined as precedents to inform and underpin the represented design concepts. Five interrelated concepts are proposed, ranging in scale from (1) regional to (2) cities and (3) urban villages to (4) neighborhoods and (5) streets. Each concept is described, first in terms of its context and associated issues of concern, followed by a discussion of the patterns available to inform a possible solution, and finally, an explanation and graphic illustration of the proposal. Since each of the five concepts is unfolded from existing informal and vernacular practices studied in situ, the approach is entirely bottom-up. Contrary to an idealized vision of the African city, this study proposes actual concepts for critical assessment by peers in the tradition of architectural research in design.

Keywords: african urban concepts, post-colonial afrocentric urbanism, sub-saharan africa, sustainable african urban design

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Authors: Mark Wenyi Lai

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The very lethal weapon of nuclear warhead had threatened the survival of the world for half of the 20th century. When most of the countries have already denounced and stopped the development, one country is eager to produce and use them. Since 2006, Pyongyang has launched six times of nuclear tests. The most recent one in September 2017 signaled North Korea’s military capability to project the mass destruction through ICBM (Intercontinental Ballistic Missile) over Seoul, Tokyo, Guam, Hawaii, Alaska or probably the West Coast of the United States with the explosive energy ten times of the atom bombing of Hiroshima in 1945. This research paper adopted time-series content analysis focusing on the related countries responses to North Korea’s tests in 2006, 2009, 2013, and 2016. The preliminary hypotheses are first, North Korea determined to protect the regime by having triad nuclear capability. Negotiations are mere means to this end. Second, South Korea is paralyzed by its ineffective domestic politics and unable to develop its independent strategy toward the North. Third, Japan was using the external threat to campaign for its rearmament plan and brought instability in foreign relations. Fourth, China found herself in the strange position of defending the loyal buffer state meanwhile witnessing the fourth and dangerous neighboring country gaining the card into nuclear club. Fifth, the United States had admitted that North Korea’s going nuclear is unstoppable. Therefore, to keep the regional stability in the East Asia, the US relied on the new balance of power formed by everyone versus Pyongyang. But, countries in East Asia actually have problems getting along with each other. Sixth, Russia distanced herself from the North Kore row but benefitted by advancing its strategic importance in the Far East. Tracing back the history of nuclear states, this research paper concluded that North Korea will head on becoming a more confident country. The regional stability will restore once related countries deal with the new fact and treat Pyongyang regime with a new strategy. The gradual opening and economic reform are on the way for the North Korea in the near future.

Keywords: nuclear test, North Korea, six party talk, US foreign policy

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Authors: Daral Maesincee, Jompol Thongpaen

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Thus far, most of the decisions made within the walls of Thai higher education (HE) institutions have primarily been supply-oriented. With the current supply-driven, itemized HE financing systems, the nation is struggling to systemically produce high-quality manpower that serves the market’s needs, often resulting in education mismatches and unemployment – particularly in science, technology, and innovation (STI)-related fields. With the COVID-19 pandemic challenges widening the education inequality (accessibility and quality) gap, HE becomes even more unobtainable for underprivileged students, permanently leaving some out of the system. Therefore, Thai HE needs a new financing system that produces the “right people” for the “right occupations” through the “right ways,” regardless of their socioeconomic backgrounds, and encourages the creation of non-degree courses to tackle these ongoing challenges. The “Demand-Side Financing for Thai Higher Education” policy aims to do so by offering a new paradigm of HE resource allocation via two main mechanisms: i) standardized formula-based unit-cost subsidizations that is specific to each study field and ii) student loan programs that respond to the “demand signals” from the labor market and the students, that are in line with the country’s priorities. Through in-dept reviews, extensive studies, and consultations with various experts, education committees, and related agencies, i) the method of demand signal analysis is identified, ii) the unit-cost of each student in the sample study fields is approximated, iii) the method of budget analysis is formulated, iv) the interagency workflows are established, and v) a supporting information database is created to suggest the number of graduates each HE institution can potentially produce, the study fields and skillsets that are needed by the labor market, the employers’ satisfaction with the graduates, and each study field’s employment rates. By responding to the needs of all stakeholders, this policy is expected to steer Thai HE toward producing more STI-related manpower in order to uplift Thai people’s quality of life and enhance the nation’s global competitiveness. This policy is currently in the process of being considered by the National Education Transformation Committee and the Higher Education Commission.

Keywords: demand-side financing, higher education resource, human capital, higher education

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Authors: Tomas Macsotay

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If monument removal and monument effacement may call to mind a Nietzschean proposal for vitalist disregard of conventional morality, it remains the case that it is often only by a willingness to go “beyond good and evil” in inherited monument politics that truthful, be it unexpected aspects of our co-existence with monuments can finally start to rise into fuller consciousness. A series of urgent questions press themselves in the panorama created by the affirmative idea that we can, as a community, make crucial decisions with regard to monumental preservation or discontinuation. Memorials are not the core concern for decolonial and racial dignity movements like Black Lives Matter (BLM), which have repeatedly shown they regard these actions as a welcome, albeit complementary, part of a reckoning with a past of racial violence and injustice, slavery, and colonial subaltern existence. As such, the iconoclastic issue of “rights and prohibitions of images” only tangentially touches on a cultural movement that seems rather question dominant ideas of history, pertinence, and the long life of the class, gender, and racial conflict through ossified memorial cultures. In the recent monument insurrection, we face a rare case of a new negotiation of rights of existence for this particular tract of material culture. This engenders a debate on how and why we accord rights to objects in public dominion ― indeed, how such rights impinge upon the rights of subjects who inhabit the public sphere. Incidentally, the possibility of taking away from monuments such imagined or adjoined rights has made it possible to tease open a sphere of emotionality that could not be expressed in patrimonial thinking: the reality of atmospheres as settings, often dependent on pseudo-objects and half-conscious situations, that situate individuals involuntarily in a pathic aesthetics. In this way, the unique moment we now witness ― full of the possibility of going “beyond good and evil” of monument preservation ― starts to look more like a moment of involuntary awaking: an awakening to the encrypted gaze of the monument and the enigma that the same monument or memorial site can carry day-to-day habits of life for some bystanders, while racialized and disenfranchised communities experience discomfort and erosion of subjective life in the same sites.

Keywords: monument, memorial, atmosphere, racial justice, decolonialism

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Authors: Rodziana M. Razali, Tamara J. Duraisingham

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Malaysia is not a signatory to the 1951 Refugee Convention and its 1967 Protocol despite receiving the largest share of refugee inflows in Southeast Asia aside from Thailand. In Peninsular Malaysia, the majority of refugees and asylum seekers are from Myanmar, with Rohingya refugees recording the highest number compared to all other ethnicities. In the eastern state of Sabah, the presence of refugees who have long established themselves in the state is connected to those who escaped military persecution in southern Philippines in the 1970’s and 1980’s. A combination of legal and non-legal factors has created and sustained an adverse atmosphere of deprivation of legal identity for children of migrants including refugees born in Malaysia. This paper aims to qualitatively analyse the barriers to birth registration as the cornerstone of every person’s legal identity for children of refugees born in this country, together with the associated human rights implications. Data obtained through semi-structured interviews with refugees in Kota Kinabalu, Sabah and Rohingya refugees in Peninsular Malaysia shall be studied alongside secondary sources. Results show that births out of medical facilities, suspension of birth records, illiteracy, lack of awareness on the importance and procedures of birth registration, inability to meet documentary requirements, as well as fear of immigration enforcement, are the key factors hindering birth registration. These challenges exist against the backdrop of restrictive integration policy to avoid destabilising demographic and racial balance, political sentiment stirring xenophobic prejudices, as well as other economic and national security considerations. With no proof of their legal identity, the affected children grow up in a legal limbo, facing multiple human rights violations across generations. This research concludes that the country’s framework and practice concerning birth registration is in need of serious reform and improvement to reflect equality and universality of access to its birth registration system. Such would contribute significantly towards meeting its commitments to the post-2015 sustainable development agenda that pledges to 'Leave no one behind', as well as its recently announced National Human Rights Action Plan.

Keywords: birth registration, children, Malaysia, refugees

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Authors: Henry Okechukwu Onyeiwu

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Nigeria, with its rich tapestry of ethnicities, cultures, and religions, serves as a critical case study in understanding how law influences and shapes collective identities. This abstract delves into the historical context of legal systems in Nigeria, examining the colonial legacies that have influenced contemporary laws and how these laws interact with traditional practices and beliefs. This study examines the critical role of law in shaping and transforming collective identities in Nigeria, a nation characterized by its rich tapestry of ethnicities, cultures, and religions. The legal framework in Nigeria has evolved in response to historical, social, and political dynamics, influencing the way communities perceive themselves and interact with one another. This research highlights the interplay between law and collective identity, exploring how legal instruments, such as constitutions, statutes, and judicial rulings, have contributed to the formation, negotiation, and reformation of group identities over time. Moreover, contemporary legal debates surrounding issues such as citizenship, resource allocation, and communal conflicts further illustrate the law's role in identity formation. The legal recognition of different ethnic groups fosters a sense of belonging and collective identity among these groups, yet it simultaneously raises questions about inclusivity and equality. Laws concerning indigenous rights and affirmative action are essential in this discourse, as they reflect the necessity of balancing majority rule with minority rights—a challenge that Nigeria continues to navigate. By employing a multidisciplinary approach that integrates legal studies, sociology, and anthropology, the study analyses key historical milestones, such as colonial legal legacies, post-independence constitutional developments, and ongoing debates surrounding federalism and ethnic rights. It also investigates how laws affect social cohesion and conflict among Nigeria's diverse ethnic groups, as well as the role of law in promoting inclusivity and recognizing minority rights. Case studies are utilized to illustrate practical examples of legal transformations and their impact on collective identities in various Nigerian contexts, including land rights, religious freedoms, and ethnic representation in government. The findings reveal that while the law has the potential to unify disparate groups under a national identity, it can also exacerbate divisions when applied inequitably or favouring particular groups over others. Ultimately, this study aims to shed light on the dual nature of law as both a tool for transformation and a potential source of conflict in the evolution of collective identities in Nigeria. By understanding these dynamics, policymakers and legal practitioners can develop strategies to foster unity and respect for diversity in a complex societal landscape.

Keywords: law, collective identity, Nigeria, ethnicity, conflict, inclusion, legal framework, transformation

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Authors: Nada Basset

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Purpose: To examine the nature of the civil service sector as an employer through identifying the likely ways to develop employees’ commitment towards change in the civil service sector. Design/Methodology/Approach: a qualitative research approach was followed. Data was collected via a triangulation of interviews, non-participant observation and archival documents analysis. Non-probability sampling took place with a case-study method applied on a sample of 33 civil servants working in the Egyptian Ministry of State for Administrative Development (MSAD) which is the civil service entity acting as the change agent responsible for managing the government administrative reforms plan in the civil service sector. All study participants were actually working in one of the change projects/programmes and had a minimum of 12 months of service in the civil service. Interviews were digitally recorded and transcribed in the form of MS-Word documents, and data transcripts were analyzed manually using MS-Excel worksheets and main research themes were developed and statistics drawn using those Excel worksheets. Findings: The results demonstrate that developing the civil servant’s commitment towards change may require a number of suggested solutions like (1) employee involvement and participation in the planning and implementation processes, (2) linking the employee support to change to some tangible rewards and incentives, (3) appointing some inspirational change leaders that should act as role models, and (4) as a last resort, enforcing employee’s commitment towards change by coercion and authoritarianism. Practical Implications: it is clear that civil servants’ lack of organizational commitment is not directly related to their level of commitment towards change. The research findings showed that civil servants’ commitment towards change can be raised and promoted by getting them involved in the planning and implementation processes, as this develops some sense of belongingness and ownership, thus there is a fair chance that low organizationally committed civil servants can develop high commitment towards change; given they are provided a favorable environment where they are invited to participate and get involved into the move of change. Originality/Value: the research addresses a relatively new area of ‘developing organizational commitment in modern bureaucracies’ by virtue of investigating the levels of civil servants’ commitment towards their jobs and/or organizations -on one hand- and suggesting different ways of developing their commitment towards administrative reform and change initiatives in the Egyptian civil service sector.

Keywords: change, commitment, Egypt, bureaucracy

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Authors: Ruthanne Tobin

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As our data-driven, cloud-based, knowledge-centric lives become ever more global, mobile, and digital, educational systems everywhere are struggling to keep pace. Schools need to prepare students to become critical-thinking, tech-savvy, life-long learners who are engaged and adaptable enough to find their unique calling in a post-industrial world of work. Recognizing that no nation can afford poor achievement or high dropout rates without jeopardizing its social and economic future, the thirty-two nations of the OECD are launching initiatives to redesign schools, generally under the banner of Personalized Learning or 21st Century Learning. Their intention is to transform education by situating students as co-enquirers and co-contributors with their teachers of what, when, and how learning happens for each individual. In this focused review of the 2007-2017 literature on personalized learning, the author sought answers to two main questions: “What are the theoretical frameworks that guide personalized learning?” and “What is the conceptual understanding of the model?” Ultimately, the review reveals that, although the research area is overly theorized and under-substantiated, it does provide a significant body of knowledge about this potentially transformative educational restructuring. For example, it addresses the following questions: a) What components comprise a PL model? b) How are teachers facilitating agency (voice & choice) in their students? c) What kinds of systems, processes and procedures are being used to guide the innovation? d) How is learning organized, monitored and assessed? e) What role do inquiry based models play? f) How do teachers integrate the three types of knowledge: Content, pedagogical and technological? g) Which kinds of forces enable, and which impede, personalizing learning? h) What is the nature of the collaboration among teachers? i) How do teachers co-regulate differentiated tasks? One finding of the review shows that while technology can dramatically expand access to information, expectations of its impact on teaching and learning are often disappointing unless the technologies are paired with excellent pedagogies in order to address students’ needs, interests and aspirations. This literature review fills a significant gap in this emerging field of research, as it serves to increase conceptual clarity that has hampered both the theorizing and the classroom implementation of a personalized learning model.

Keywords: curriculum change, educational innovation, personalized learning, school reform

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Authors: Hugh Battye

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In recent years, Muslim identity in China has strengthened against the backdrop of a worldwide Islamic revival. One discussion arising from this has been focused around the Hui, an ethnicity created by the Communist government in the 1950s covering the Chinese speaking 'Sino-Muslims' as opposed to those with their own language. While the term Hui in Chinese has traditionally meant 'Muslim', the strengthening of Hui identity in recent decades has led to a debate among scholars as to whether this identity is primarily ethnically or religiously driven. This article looks at the case of a mixed ethnic community in rural Gansu Province, Central Northwest China, which not only contains the official Hui ethnicity but also members of the smaller Muslim Salar and Bonan minority groups. In analyzing the close interaction between these groups, the paper will argue that, despite government attempts to promote the Hui as an ethnicity within its modern ethnic paradigm, in rural Gansu and the general region, Hui is still essentially seen as a religious identity. Having provided an overview of the historical evolution of the Hui ethnonym in China and presented the views of some of the important scholars involved in the discussion, the paper will then offer its findings based on participant observation and survey work in Gansu. The results will show that, firstly, for the local Muslims, religious identity clearly dominates ethnic identity. On the ground, the term Hui continues to be used as a catch-all term for Muslims, whether they belong to the official 'Hui' nationality or not, and against this backdrop, the ethnic importance of being 'Hui', 'Bonan' or 'Salar' within the Muslim community itself is by contrast minimal. Secondly, however, this local Muslim solidarity is not at present pointing towards some kind of national pan-ethnic Islamic movement that could potentially set itself up in opposition to the Chinese government; rather it is better seen as part of an ongoing negotiation by local Muslims with the state in the context of its ascribed ethnic categories. The findings of this study in a region where many of the Muslims are more conservative in their beliefs is not necessarily replicated in other contexts, such as in urban areas and in eastern and southern China, and hence reification of the term Hui as one idea extending all across China should be avoided, whether in terms of a united religious 'ummah' or of a real or imagined 'ethnic group.' Rather, this localized case study seeks to demonstrate ways in which Muslims of rural Central Northwest China are 'being Hui,' as a contribution to the broader discussion on what it means to be Muslim and Chinese in the reform era.

Keywords: China, ethnicity, Hui, identity, Muslims

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Authors: Aspasia Koutsokosta, Stefanos Katsavounis

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This paper reviews the model-based qualitative and quantitative Operations Management research in the context of Construction Supply Chain Management (CSCM). Construction industry has been traditionally blamed for low productivity, cost and time overruns, waste, high fragmentation and adversarial relationships. The construction industry has been slower than other industries to employ the Supply Chain Management (SCM) concept and develop models that support the decision-making and planning. However the last decade there is a distinct shift from a project-based to a supply-based approach of construction management. CSCM comes up as a new promising management tool of construction operations and improves the performance of construction projects in terms of cost, time and quality. Modeling the Construction Supply Chain (CSC) offers the means to reap the benefits of SCM, make informed decisions and gain competitive advantage. Different modeling approaches and methodologies have been applied in the multi-disciplinary and heterogeneous research field of CSCM. The literature review reveals that a considerable percentage of CSC modeling accommodates conceptual or process models which discuss general management frameworks and do not relate to acknowledged soft OR methods. We particularly focus on the model-based quantitative research and categorize the CSCM models depending on their scope, mathematical formulation, structure, objectives, solution approach, software used and decision level. Although over the last few years there has been clearly an increase of research papers on quantitative CSC models, we identify that the relevant literature is very fragmented with limited applications of simulation, mathematical programming and simulation-based optimization. Most applications are project-specific or study only parts of the supply system. Thus, some complex interdependencies within construction are neglected and the implementation of the integrated supply chain management is hindered. We conclude this paper by giving future research directions and emphasizing the need to develop robust mathematical optimization models for the CSC. We stress that CSC modeling needs a multi-dimensional, system-wide and long-term perspective. Finally, prior applications of SCM to other industries have to be taken into account in order to model CSCs, but not without the consequential reform of generic concepts to match the unique characteristics of the construction industry.

Keywords: construction supply chain management, modeling, operations research, optimization, simulation

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Authors: L. R. Valencia Pérez, A. Morita Alexander, Peña A. Juan Manuel, A. Lamadrid Álvarez

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This research shows the reflection and identification of explanatory variables and their relationships between different variables that are involved with educational technology, all of them encompassed in macro-concepts which are: cognitive inequality, economy, food and language; These will give the guideline to have a more detailed knowledge of educational systems, the communication and equipment, the physical space and the teachers; All of them interacting with each other give rise to what is called educational technology management. These elements contribute to have a very specific knowledge of the equipment of communications, networks and computer equipment, systems and content repositories. This is intended to establish the importance of knowing a global environment in the transfer of knowledge in poor countries, so that it does not diminish the capacity to be authentic and preserve their cultures, their languages or dialects, their hierarchies and real needs; In short, to respect the customs of different towns, villages or cities that are intended to be reached through the use of internationally agreed professional educational technologies. The methodology used in this research is the analytical - descriptive, which allows to explain each of the variables, which in our opinion must be taken into account, in order to achieve an optimal incorporation of the educational technology in a model that gives results in a medium term. The idea is that in an encompassing way the concepts will be integrated to others with greater coverage until reaching macro concepts that are of national coverage in the countries and that are elements of conciliation in the different federal and international reforms. At the center of the model is the educational technology which is directly related to the concepts that are contained in factors such as the educational system, communication and equipment, spaces and teachers, which are globally immersed in macro concepts Cognitive inequality, economics, food and language. One of the major contributions of this article is to leave this idea under an algorithm that allows to be as unbiased as possible when evaluating this indicator, since other indicators that are to be taken from international preference entities like the OECD in the area of education systems studied, so that they are not influenced by particular political or interest pressures. This work opens the way for a relationship between involved entities, both conceptual, procedural and human activity, to clearly identify the convergence of their impact on the problem of education and how the relationship can contribute to an improvement, but also shows possibilities of being able to reach a comprehensive education reform for all.

Keywords: relationships macro-concepts, cognitive inequality, economics, alimentation and language

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Authors: Konstantine Eristavi

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The paper will contribute to the discussion on the pitfalls, limits, and possibilities of legal and rights discourse in opposing large infrastructural projects in the context of neoliberal globalisation. To this end, the paper will analyse the struggle against the Namakhvani HPP project in Georgia. The latter has been hailed by the government as one of the largest energy projects in the history of the country, with an enormous potential impact on energy security, energy independence, economic growth, and development. This takes place against the backdrop of decades of market-led -or neoliberal- model of development in Georgia, characterised by structural adjustments, deregulation, privatisation, and Laissez-Fair approach to foreign investment. In this context, the Georgian state vies with other low and middle-income countries for foreign capital by offering to potential investors, on the one hand, exemptions from social and environmental regulations and, on the other hand, huge legal concessions and safeguards, thereby participating in what is often called a “race to the bottom.” The Namakhvani project is a good example of this. At every stage, the project has been marred with violations of laws and regulations concerning transparency, participation, social and environmental regulations, and so on. Moreover, the leaked contract between the state and the developer reveals the contractual safeguards which effectively insulate the investment throughout the duration of the contract from the changes in the national law that might adversely affect investors’ rights and returns. These clauses, aimed at preserving investors' economic position, place the contract above national law in many respects and even conflict with fundamental constitutional rights. In response to the perceived deficiencies of the project, one of the largest and most diverse social movements in the history of post-soviet Georgia has been assembled, consisting of the local population, conservative and leftist groups, human rights and environmental NGOs, etc. Crucially, the resistance movement is actively using legal tools. In order to analyse both the limitations and possibilities of legal discourse, the paper will distinguish between internal and immanent critiques. Law as internal critique, in the context of the struggles around the Namakhvani project, while potentially fruitful in hindering the project, risks neglecting and reproducing those factors -e.g., the particular model of development- that made such contractual concessions and safeguards and concomitant rights violations possible in the first place. On the other hand, the use of rights and law as part of immanent critique articulates a certain incapacity on the part of the addressee government to uphold existing laws and rights due to structural factors, hence, pointing to a need for a fundamental change. This 'ruptural' form of legal discourse that the movement employs makes it possible to go beyond the discussion around the breaches of law and enables a critical deliberation on the development model within which these violations and extraordinary contractual safeguards become necessary. It will be argued that it is this form of immanent critique that expresses the emancipatory potential of legal discourse.

Keywords: law, resistance, development, rights

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Authors: Gracia Lwanzo Kasongo

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In the realm of cultural heritage, few issues loom larger than the ongoing battle for restitution faced by European and African museums. In Belgium, this contentious process was set in motion by two pivotal events. Firstly, the resounding revelations of the French report on restitution, which boldly declared that 'over 90% of African cultural heritage resides outside of Africa Secondly, the seismic impact of the Black Lives Matter movement following the tragic death of George Floyd. These two events unleashed a wave of outrage among Afro-descendants, who viewed the possession of colonial collections as an enduring symbol of colonial dominance and a stark validation of the systemic racism deeply ingrained within Belgian society. The instrumentalization of cultural property as a means of wielding political power is by no means a novel concept. Its roots can be traced back to the constructed justifications that emerged in the 1950s, during which the Royal Museum for Central Africa in Tervuren played a pivotal role as the self-proclaimed 'guardian of Congolese cultural heritage'. This legacy of legitimizing colonial presence permeates the fabric of Belgium's museum reform policies and the structural management of museums in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC). Employing a dialectical approach, I embark on an exploration of the intricate historical interplay between the Royal Museum for Central Africa and the Institute of National Museums of Congo. From this vantage point, I delve into the arduous struggles faced by museums in both the DRC and Belgium as they grapple with the complex and contentious issue of cultural heritage restitution. Central to these struggles is the profound quest for meaning and (re)definition of museums, particularly for Congolese and Afro-descendant communities whose identities and narratives have long been marginalized and suppressed. As the narrative unfolds, I shed light on the prospects for cooperation that have emerged from my extensive fieldwork. Within the interplay of historical entanglements, struggles for restitution, and the search for a more inclusive and equitable museum landscape, glimmers of hope emerge. Collaborative efforts and potential avenues for mutual understanding between Belgium and the DRC begin to take shape, offering a beacon of possibility amidst the often tumultuous discourse surrounding cultural heritage.

Keywords: restitution, museum stuggles, belgium, DRCongo

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Authors: Trina Isabel D. Santiago, Juan Raphael M. Perez, Maria Angelica O. Soriano, Teresita B. Suing, Jumee F. Tayaban

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To achieve universal healthcare for everyone, the World Health Organization has emphasized the importance of National Medicines Policies for increased accessibility and utilization of high-quality and affordable medications. In the Philippines, significant challenges have been identified surrounding the sustainability of essential medicines, resulting in limited access such as high cost and dominance and market dominance and monopoly of multinational companies (MNCs) in the Philippine pharmaceutical industry. These identified challenges have been addressed by several initiatives, such as the Philippine National Drug Policy and Generics Act of 1988 (Republic Act 6675), to attempt to reduce drug prices. Despite these efforts, the concerns with drug accessibility and affordability continue to persist; hence, Republic Act 9502 was enacted. This paper attempts to review RA 9502 in the pursuit of making medicines more affordable for Filipinos, analyze and critique the problems and challenges associated with the law, and provide recommendations to address identified problems and challenges. A literature search and review, as well as an analysis of the law, has been done to evaluate the policy. RA 9502 recognizes the importance of market competition in drug price reduction and quality medicine accessibility. Contentious issues prior to enactment of the law include 1) parallel importation, pointing out that the drug price will depend on the global market price, 2) contrasting approaches in the drafting of the law as the House version focused on medicine price control while the Senate version prioritized market competition, and 3) MNCs opposing the amendments with concerns on discrimination, constitutional violations, and noncompliance with international treaty obligations. There are also criticisms and challenges with the implementation of the law in terms of content or modeling, interpretation and implementation, and other external factors or hindrances. The law has been criticized for its narrow scope as it only covers specific essential medicines with no cooperation with the national health insurance program. Moreover, the law has sections taking advantage of the TRIPS flexibilities, which disallow smaller countries to reap the benefits of flexibilities. The sanctions and penalties have an insignificant role in implementation as they only ask for a small portion of the income of MNCs. Proposed recommendations for policy improvement include aligning existing legislation through strengthened price regulation and expanded law coverage, strengthening penalties to promote law adherence, and promoting research and development to encourage and support local initiatives. Through these comprehensive recommendations, the issues surrounding the policy can be addressed, and the goal of enhancing the affordability and accessibility of medicines in the country can be achieved.

Keywords: drug accessibility, drug affordability, price regulation, Republic Act 9502

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Authors: Sakshi Saxena

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Bangalore is an IT industry-based metropolitan city in the state of Karnataka in India. It has experienced tremendous urbanization at the expense of the environment. The reasons behind development over and near ecologically sensitive areas have been raised by several instances of disappearing lakes. Lakes in Bangalore can be considered commons on both a local and a regional scale and these water bodies are becoming less interconnected because of encroachment in the catchment area. Other sociocultural environmental risks that have led to social issues are now a source of concern. They serve as an example of the transformations in commons, a dilemma that as is transformed from rural to urban areas, as well as the complicated institutional issues associated with governance. According to some scholarly work and ecologists, a nexus of public and commercial institutions is primarily responsible for the depletion of water tanks and the inefficiency of the planning process. It is said that Bangalore's growth as an urban centre, together with the demands it created, particularly on land and water, resulted in the emergence of a middle and upper class that was demanding and self-assured. For the report in focus, it is evident to understand the issues and problems which led to these encroachments and captured violations if any around these lakes and tanks which arose during these decades. To claim watersheds and lake edges as properties, institutional arrangements (organizations, laws, and policies) intersect with planning authorities. Because of unregulated or indiscriminate forms of urbanization, it is claimed that the engagement of actors and negotiations of the process, including government ignorance, are allowing this problem to flourish. In general, the governance of natural resources in India is largely state-based. This is due to the constitutional scheme, which since the Government of India Act, of 1935 has in principle given the power to the states to legislate in this area. Thus, states have the exclusive power to regulate water supplies, irrigation and canals, drainage and embankments, water storage, hydropower, and fisheries. Thus, The main aim is to understand institutional arrangements and the master planning processes behind these arrangements. To understand the ambiguity through an example, it is noted that, Custodianship alone is a role divided between two state and two city-level bodies. This creates regulatory ambiguity and the effects on the environment are such as changes in city temperature, urban flooding, etc. As established, the main kinds of issues around lakes/tanks in Bangalore are encroachment and depletion. This study will further be enhanced by doing a physical survey of three of these lakes focusing on the Bellandur site and the stakeholders involved. According to the study's findings thus far, corrupt politicians and dubious land transaction tools are involved in the real estate industry. It appears that some destruction could have been stopped or at least mitigated in this case if there had been a robust system of urban planning processes involved along with strong institutional arrangements to protect lakes.

Keywords: wetlands, lakes, urbanization, bangalore, politics, reservoirs, municipal jurisdiction, lake connections, institutions

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Authors: Tashwill Esterhuizen

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Throughout Africa, several countries continue to have laws which criminalise same-sex sexual activities, which increases the vulnerability of the LGBT community to stigma, discrimination, and persecution. These criminal provisions often form the basis upon which states deny LGBT activists the right to freely associate with other like-minded individuals and form organizations that protect their interests and advocate for the rights and aspirations of the LGBT community. Over the past year, however, there has been significant progress in the advancement of universal, fundamental rights of LGBT persons throughout Africa. In many instances, these advancements came about through the bravery of activists who have publically insisted (in environments where same-sex sexual practices are criminalised) that their rights should be respected. Where meaningful engagement with the State was fruitless, activists took their plight to the judiciary and have successfully sought to uphold the fundamental rights of LGBT persons, paving the way for a more inclusive and tolerant society. Litigation Progress: Botswana is a prime example. For several years, the State denied a group of LGBT activists their right to freely associate and form their organisation Lesbians, Gays, and Bisexuals of Botswana (LEGABIBO), which aimed to promote the interests of the LGBT community in Botswana. In March 2016, the Botswana Court of Appeal found that the government’s refusal to register LEGABIBO violated the activists’ right to associate freely. The Court held that the right freedom of association applies to all persons regardless of their sexual orientation or gender identity. It does not matter that the views of the organisation are unpopular or unacceptable amongst the majority. In particular, the Court rejected the government of Botswana’s contention that registering LEGABIBO would disturb public peace and is contrary to public morality. Quite remarkably, the Court of Appeal recognised that while LGBT individuals are a minority group within the country, they are nonetheless persons entitled to constitutional protections of their dignity, regardless of whether they are unacceptable to others on religious or any other grounds. Furthermore, the Court held that human rights and fundamental freedoms are granted to all, including criminals or social outcasts because the denial of an individual’s humanity is the denial of their human dignity. This is crucial observation by the Court of Appeal, as once it is accepted that human rights apply to all human beings, then it becomes much easier for vulnerable groups to assert their own rights. Conclusion: The Botswana Court of Appeal decision, therefore, represents significant progress in the promotion of the rights of lesbian, gay, bisexual and transgender persons. The judgment has broader implications for many other countries which do not provide recognition of sexual minorities. It highlights the State’s duty to uphold basic rights and to ensure dignity, tolerance, and acceptance for marginalised persons.

Keywords: acceptance, freedom of association, freedom of expression, fundamental rights and freedoms, gender identity, human rights are universal, inclusive, inherent human dignity, progress, sexual orientation, tolerance

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