Search results for: political discourse

Authors: Pooja Bakshi

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In the following paper, an attempt would be made to engage with the relationship between the state and the imperatives of security from a gendered lens. This will be juxtaposed with the feminist engagement with International Law. Theorizations from the literature on South Asian politics and Global politics would be applied to the manner in which the Indian state has defined and proposed to deal with concerns of internal security pertaining to the ‘Left Wing Extremism’ in 2010-2011. It would be argued that the state needs to be disaggregated into the legislature, executive and the judiciary; since there are times when some institutional parts of the state provide space for progressive democratic engagement whilst other institutions don’t. The specific contours of violence faced by women and children at the hands of the state, in the above-mentioned discourse would also be examined. In the end, implications of the security state discourse on debates in International Law would be elaborated.

Keywords: feminist engagement, human rights, state response to left extremism, security studies in South Asia

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Authors: Anh Dao Vu, Bill Ryan

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The Vietnamese government struggles to grapple with the problem of rampant corruption, one of the most challenging difficulties the country faces. According to Transparency International’s Corruption Perceptions Index (CPI) 2014, Vietnam ranks 119 out of 175 countries. The CPI gives Vietnam a score of 31 on a scale from 0 to 100, where 0 indicates ‘highly corrupt’ and 100 represents ‘very clean’. Corruption eats into the national GDP of Vietnam, causing a loss of 3% to 4% of GDP per annum. In general, the Vietnamese people’s trust in their government to wage an effective fight against corruption, especially in the public sector, has been greatly eroded in recent years. Some substantial public demonstrations persuaded the government to implement strong anti-corruption measures. However, so far those measures have not been particularly successful. One of the main reasons for this shortcoming is that neither the Communist Party of Vietnam nor the government has demonstrated sufficiently strong ‘political will’ in fighting corruption. There remains a large gap between rhetoric and reality. This paper will examine the reasons why insufficient ‘political will’ is displayed in the ostensible fight against public sector corruption, and how certain anti-corruption strategies will both strengthen levels of political commitment to the fight against corruption while enhancing the effectiveness of that essential national endeavor.

Keywords: corruption, political will, Vietnam, anti-corruption

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Authors: Gonca Z. Tuncbilek

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Architectural research tends to define architecture in terms of its permanence. In this study, the term ‘temporality’ and its use in architectural discourse is re-visited. The definition, proposition, and efficacy of the temporality occur both in architecture and in its related knowledge. The temporary architecture not only fulfills the requirement of the architectural programs, but also plays a significant role in generating an environment of architectural discourse. In recent decades, there is a great interest on the temporary architectural practices regarding to the installations, exhibition spaces, pavilions, and expositions; inviting the architects to experience and think about architecture. The temporary architecture has a significant role among the architecture, the architect, and the architectural discourse. Experiencing the contemporary materials, methods and technique; they have proposed the possibilities of the future architecture. These structures give opportunities to the architects to a wide-ranging variety of freedoms to experience the ‘new’ in architecture. In addition to this experimentation, they can be considered as an agent to redefine and reform the boundaries of the architectural discipline itself. Although the definition of architecture is re-analyzed in terms of its temporality rather than its permanence; architecture, in reality, still relies on historically codified types and principles of the formation. The concept of type can be considered for several different sciences, and there is a tendency to organize and understand the world in terms of classification in many different cultures and places. ‘Type’ is used as a classification tool with/without the scope of the critical invention. This study considers theories of type, putting forward epistemological and discursive arguments related to the form of architecture, being related to historical and formal disciplinary knowledge in architecture. This study has been to emphasize the importance of the temporality in architecture as a creative tool to reveal the position within the architectural discourse. The temporary architecture offers ‘new’ opportunities in the architectural field to be analyzed. In brief, temporary structures allow the architect freedoms to the experimentation in architecture. While redefining the architecture in terms of temporality, architecture still relies on historically codified types (pavilions, exhibitions, expositions, and installations). The notion of architectural types and its varying interpretations are analyzed based on the texts of architectural theorists since the Age of Enlightenment. Investigating the classification of type in architecture particularly temporary architecture, it is necessary to return to the discussion of the origin of the knowledge and its classification.

Keywords: classification of architecture, exhibition design, pavilion design, temporary architecture

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Authors: Aseel Hatif Jassam, Hadeel Hatif Jassam

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The paper discusses the phallocentric discourse that is challenged by women in general and of women of color in particular in spite of the simultaneity of oppression due to race, class, and gender in the diaspora. Therefore, the paper gives a brief account of women's experience in the light of postcolonial feminist theory. The paper also cast light on the theories of Luce Irigaray and Helen Cixous, two Feminist theorists who support and advise women to have their own discourse to challenge the infectious patriarchal sentence advocated by Sigmund Freud and Harold Bloom's model of literary history. Black women authors like BuchiEmecheta as well as her alter ego Adah, a Nigerian-born girl and the protagonist of her semi-autobiographical novel, Second Class Citizen, suffer from this phallocentric and oppressive sentence and displacement as they migrate from Nigeria, a former British colony where they feel marginalized to North London with the hope of realizing their dreams. Yet, in the British diaspora, they get culturally shocked and continue to suffer from further marginalization due to class and race and are insulted and interiorized ironically by their patriarchal husbands who try to put an end to their dreams of authorship. With the phallocentric belief that women aren't capable of self-representation in the background of their mindsets, the violent Sylvester Onwordi and Francis Obi, the husbands of both Emecheta and Adah, respectively have practiced oppression on them by burning their own authoritative voice, represented by the novels they write while they are struggling with their economically atrocious living experience in the British diaspora.

Keywords: authorship, British diaspora, discourse, phallocentric, patriarchy

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Authors: Shiza Nisar

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This study examines how editorials in Pakistan’s English-language newspapers represented the Aurat March in Pakistan, which is held on International Women’s Day, 8 March, to reclaim public spaces for women. There was a public outcry against the controversial movement, sparked by the key messages and slogans used to communicate with the masses. This research aims to study non-western news frames used by Pakistan’s leading English-language newspapers—Dawn, The Express Tribune, The News, and The Nation—for the portrayal of Aurat March since 2018. The findings show how these editorials construct and reinforce the concept of feminism being threatened by the dangerous other. This research aims to contribute to the understanding of Pakistan’s elite discourse, which insists that this event is a movement led by females in a male-dominated society to voice their rights and reclaim public spaces; however, this movement is more than just that.

Keywords: discourse, Aurat March, media framing, feminist movement, editorials

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Authors: Paawani Tewari, Oishik Dasgupta

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Cinema and politics have often intertwined in India. Movies have become a mainstream method of communication with audiences and voters subliminally and directly. Indian film industry on average produces over a thousand films in a year, and during the election year of 2019, India witnessed the release of several highly political movies. Movies such as Uri: The Surgical Strike, Accidental Prime Minister, and PM Modi, et cetera, which are the sample of this study have tried to depict an ideal character of political stalwart leaders with the plausibility to inspire and aiming to change ideological orientations of viewers and the potent voters. This study tries to understand the major links between nationalism, its representation, and its manifestation in Indian cinema and how it is instrumental in shaping the character and orientations of its citizens towards nation, nationalism, and nationhood. Our work aims to highlight how nationalistic assumptions that are swaddled in the Hindi movies released during January 2019 – May 2019 affect the political mood of the nation and, in totality, the democratic system. The authors also try to throw light on how films being a powerful tool, are now being used to shape ideas, brainwashing and swaying opinions for political mileage. Hence it becomes essential for us to explore the dynamics between the quintessential definitions of what nationalism is for a common man in India versus of what has been represented in cinema, especially during the time of the elections.

Keywords: political governance and political analysis, political and public administration, election, public choice

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Authors: Waseem Makai

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The term ‘political Islam’ now seem to have gained the centre stage in every discourse pertaining to Islamic legitimacy and compatibility in modern civilisations. A never ceasing tradition of the philosophy of caliphate that has kept overriding the options of any alternate political institution in the Muslim world still permeates a huge faction of believers. Fully accustomed with the proliferation of changes and developments in individual, social and natural dispositions of the world, Islamic theologians retaliated to this flux through both conventional and modernist approaches. The so-called conventional approach was quintessential of the interpretations put forth by Syed Maududi, with new comprehensive, academic and powerful vigour, as never seen before. He generated the avant-garde scholarship which would bear testimony to his statements, made to uphold the political institution of Islam as supreme and noble. However, it was not his trait to challenge the established views but to codify them in such a bracket which a man of the 20th century would find captivating to his heart and satisfactory to his rationale. The delicate microcosms like selection of a caliph, implementation of Islamic commandments (Sharia), interest free banking sectors, imposing tax (Jazyah) on non-believers, waging the holy crusade (Jihad) for the expansion of Islamic boundaries, stoning for committing adulteration and capital punishment for apostates were all there in his scholarship which he spent whole of his life defending in the best possible manner. What and where did he went wrong with all this, was supposedly to be notified later, by his once been disciple, Javed Ahmad Ghamidi. Ghamidi is being accused of struggling between Scylla and Charybdis as he tries to remain steadfast to his basic Islamic tenets while modernising their interpretations to bring them in harmony with the Western ideals of democracy and liberty. His blatant acknowledgement of putting democracy at a high pedestal, calling the implementation of Sharia a non-mandatory task and denial to bracket people in the categories of Zimmi and Kaafir fully vindicates his stance against conventional narratives like that of Syed Maududi. Ghamidi goes to the extent of attributing current forms of radicalism and extremism, as exemplified in the operations of organisations like ISIS in Iraq and Syria and Tehreek-e-Taliban in Pakistan, to such a version of political Islam as upheld not only by Syed Maududi but by other prominent theologians like Ibn-Timyah, Syed Qutub and Dr. Israr Ahmad also. Ghamidi is wretched, in a way that his allegedly insubstantial claims gained him enough hostilities to leave his homeland when two of his close allies were brutally murdered. Syed Maududi and Javed Ghamidi, both stand poles apart in their understanding of Islam and its political domain. Who has the appropriate methodology, scholarship and execution in his mode of comprehension, is an intriguing task, worth carrying out in detail.

Keywords: caliphate, democracy, ghamidi, maududi

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Authors: John Tate

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In 2004, the French Parliament banned the “hijab” in public schools, and in 2010 it prohibited the “burqa” and “niqab” in “public places.” The result was a “secular” outcome involving the removal of these garments, often identified with Islamic religious and cultural practice, from the French public sphere. Yet in 2016, the French local council bans on the “burqini” were overruled by France’s highest administrative court, the Conseil d’État, allowing for their retention in the public sphere. Unlike the burqa and hijab bans, the burqini bans produced significant divisions at the highest echelons of the French political class, with the Prime Minister, Manuel Valls, and the President, François Hollande, finding themselves at odds on the issue. This article seeks to achieve four aims. It seeks to (a) explain the contrary outcomes between key French state institutions, such as the Conseil d’État and the French Parliament, concerning the hijab and burqa bans, and the Conseil d’État and French local councils, concerning the burqini bans; (b) to do so by identifying two qualitatively distinct, and at times incompatible, conceptions of laïcité, present within official French public discourse, and applied by these French state institutions to underwrite these respective outcomes; (c) explain why, given these contrary conceptions of laïcité, and these contrary outcomes, the widespread identification of laïcité with “secularism” is both misleading and inaccurate; and (d) provide an explanation why senior members of the French political class were divided on the burqini bans when they were not divided on the nation-wide prohibitions of the hijab in public schools and the burqa in public places. In regard to this last question, the article seeks to ask why the Burqini was “different”?

Keywords: liberalism, republicanism, laïcité, citizenship

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Authors: Sudaporn Arundee

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The purposes of this research were to study in three areas: (1) to study political understanding and participating of the constitutional monarchy, (2) to study the level of participation. This paper drew upon data collected from 395 Dusit residents by using questionnaire. In addition, a simple random sampling was utilized to collect data. The findings revealed that 94 percent of respondents had a very good understanding of constitution monarchy with a mean of 4.8. However, the respondents overall had a very low level of participation with the mean score of 1.69 and standard deviation of .719.

Keywords: political participation, constitutional monarchy, management and social sciences

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Authors: Fernando Martín-Espejo, Christophe Crombez

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This paper presents a political-economic analysis of the reforms introduced during the coronavirus crisis at the EU level with a special emphasis on the recovery fund Next Generation EU (NGEU). It also introduces a spatial model to evaluate whether the governmental features of the recovery fund can be framed inside the community method. Particularly, by evaluating the brake clause in the NGEU legislation, this paper analyses theoretically the political and legislative implications of the introduction of flexibility clauses in the EU decision-making process.

Keywords: EU, legislative procedures, spatial model, coronavirus

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Authors: Klaudia Krogulec

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The concept and the meaning of safety is largely undermined in International and EU refugee law. While the Geneva Convention 1951 concentrates mainly on the principle of non-refoulment (no-return) and the idea of physical safety of refugees, countries continue to implement harmful readmission agreements that presume ‘safe countries’ for the hosting and return of the refugees. This research intends to use discourse analysis of the legal provisions and interviews with Syrian refugees, NGO workers, and refugee lawyers in Tukey to understand what ‘safety’ actually means and how law shapes the experiences of Syrians in Turkey (the country that hosts the largest population of Syrians and is a key partner of the EU-Turkey Agreement 2016). The preliminary findings reveal the competing meanings of safety (rights-based vs state interests approach). As the refugee policies continue to prioritize state interests/safety over human safety and human rights, it is extremely important to provide recommendations on how ‘safety’ should be defined in the refugee law in the future.

Keywords: human rights law, refugee law, human safety, EU-turkey agreement

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Authors: Asmaa Fathy Mohamed Desoky

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The subject of this research is the inference of intentionality and context from the verses of the Meccan surahs, which include the paradox of reward and punishment, applied to the duality of disbelief and faith; The Holy Quran is the most important sacred linguistic reference in the Arabic language because it is rich in all the rules of the language in addition to the linguistic miracle. the Quranic text is a first-class intentional text, sent down to convey something to the recipient (Muhammad first and then communicates it to Muslims) and influence and convince him, which opens the door to many Ijtihad; a desire to reach the will of Allah and his intention from his words Almighty. Intentionality as a term is one of the most important deliberative terms, but it will be modified to suit the Quranic discourse, especially since intentionality is related to intention-as it turned out earlier - that is, it turns the reader or recipient into a predictor of the unseen, and this does not correspond to the Quranic discourse. Hence, in this research, a set of dualities will be identified that will be studied in order to clarify the meaning of them according to the opinions of previous interpreters in accordance with the sanctity of the Quranic discourse, which is intentionally related to the dualities of reward and punishment, such as: the duality of disbelief and faith, noting that it is a duality that combines opposites and Paradox on one level, because it may be an external paradox between action and reaction, and may be an internal paradox in matters related to faith, and may be a situational paradox in a specific event or a certain fact. It should be noted that the intention of the Qur'anic text is fully realized in form and content, in whole and in part, and this research includes a presentation of some applied models of the issues of intention and context that appear in the verses of the paradox of reward and punishment in the Meccan surahs in Quraan.

Keywords: intentionality, context, the paradox, reward, punishment, Meccan surahs

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Authors: Chaiwat Wuthinitikornkit

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Foreign Direct Investment (FDI) inevitably affects the landscape of the political economy of the host country. It is, therefore, significant to review and uncover how and in what way(s) FDI shapes the preferences of the interest groups within the host country, as such preferences may, in turn, influence the policies of the host country. By conducting a review of relevant literature, this paper attempts to outline the key forces behind such preferences and identify potential gaps for future studies. This paper argues that while existing theories have specified endowment and political and institutional factors as key explanations behind the preferences of domestic interest groups, other qualitative attributes of the foreign investors' side, such as their nationalities, have yet to be adequately investigated empirically and may potentially also possess explanatory power. This is particularly important in the current global economic landscape, where key global investors hail from origins from both developed and developing countries with diverse political systems and business practices. This paper aims to provide the groundwork for future studies on these potential gaps, which may provide not only contributions to the academic sphere but also practical insight into policymaking and business communities.

Keywords: foreign direct investment, interest groups, international political economy, political economy

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Authors: Jordana Lenhardt

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This paperwork aims to promote a reflection on the critical literacy and multiliteracies concepts in the English language teaching, under an emancipatory perspective, in the English language classroom at the Federal Institute of Mato Grosso (IFMT), Rondonópolis Campus. Some Authors place the relationship between the world conscience and the self-conscience in a direct reason, compromising one to the other, and others defend that emancipatory teaching practice must be connected in all the spheres of the social context; with this paperwork, we intend to analyze students’ interactions with the English language, in order to verify if they demonstrate critical conscience about language and the world around them. The study is still at a preliminary level and is grounded in discourse critical analysis and systemic-functional linguistics. We understand that text is irremediable, linked to a context, and that the linguistic selection made by the speaker builds social representations. This research foresees the analysis of some students’ speeches in an interview about their classes at the Federal Institute in the city of Rondonópolis and the methodology being used on them. Discourse critical analysis explains that, through the awareness of the language uses, learners can become more conscious of the coercions in their own language practices, the possibilities of risks, and the costs of the individual or collective challenges, to engage themselves in emancipatory linguistic practice. The critical language conscience contributes, on the other hand, to make students more aware of the practices in which they are involved, as producers and consumers of texts, of the social forces, ideologies, and power relations, their effects on the identities and social relations, as well as the discourse role in the social and cultural processes.

Keywords: multiliteracies, critical literacy, emancipation, social transformation

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Authors: Shuai Zhao, Shalendra D. Sharma, Jin Xu

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This research uses advanced machine learning models to learn a number of hypotheses regarding political executives. Specifically, it analyses the impact these powerful leaders have on economic growth by using leaders’ data from the Archigos database from 1835 to the end of 2015. The data is processed by the AutoGluon, which was developed by Amazon. Automated Machine Learning (AutoML) and AutoGluon can automatically extract features from the data and then use multiple classifiers to train the data. Use a linear regression model and classification model to establish the relationship between leaders and economic growth (GDP per capita growth), and to clarify the relationship between their characteristics and economic growth from a machine learning perspective. Our work may show as a model or signal for collaboration between the fields of statistics and artificial intelligence (AI) that can light up the way for political researchers and economists.

Keywords: comparative politics, political executives, leaders’ characteristics, artificial intelligence

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Authors: Sofía Luna, Carla González Salamanca

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The 2008 economic crisis had huge implications in Europe. In this continent, the repercussions of the crisis were not only economic but also political and institutional. The economic stress has generated changes in the perception of the citizens, their attitude and the confidence placed in the political organizations. The lost of confidence is not only present in the debtor countries but it is also present in the European economic powers like Germany and France. This research explains how the economic crisis had an impact in the identity, population’s attitude and how this generated the rise of extreme right parties. In addition, it defines the different types of attitudes and support that exist towards these political and economic institutions. The results of this investigation show that the depression beside of its economic implications, it caused institutional, social and political difficulties for the Union. Moreover, the support and attitudes of the population were severely strained because the confidence in the political organization decreased. Furthermore, a rise in the otherness sentiment was shown. In other words, the distinction between “us” and “them” increased causing repercussions in the collective European identity. Additionally, there was a spread in national identities that caused the rise of the extreme right wing parties. In conclusion, the 2008 economic crisis caused not only economic stress but also it generated a political, social and institutional crisis in Europe.

Keywords: Europe, identity, economic crisis, otherness sentiment

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Authors: Nithya Devi

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Poverty, hunger and water scarcity are threats to human rights and are assaults on human dignity. The very existence of man is questioned when his basic rights are violated. Addressing this social phenomenon should be a key objective of any human rights discourse. The origins of these problems have various root causes. For Asia, colonisation was an essential factor that caused great inequalities in the distribution of wealth. In the post-colonial era, the colonised states were developing nations grappling with these issues. Today, some of the developing states have progressed to developed nations. However, others remain as economically vulnerable countries. Within states, the widening income gap poses further threat to human rights. Hence ASEAN states have prioritised socio-economic rights, particularly basic needs, in the human rights discourse in this region. To date, poverty and development goals are given primary importance. This paper seeks to show how a human rights approach has dealt with poverty and development goals in this region and evaluates its effectiveness in addressing these concerns.

Keywords: ASEAN, development, human rights, poverty

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Authors: Shahid Imran

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'Mediatization' has influenced the politics by shaping and transforming the attitudes and practices of political actors. It is a serious challenge to democracy in today’s era. This study aims to analyze the dynamics of media politics interplay in Pakistan and the contextual factors which govern this interplay. It will also address the perceived influence of media on the practices of politicians from the perspectives of the actors. The objectives have been achieved qualitatively through Interpretive Phenomenological Analysis (IPA). The phenomenological data have been collected using semi-structured interviews of journalists and politicians of Pakistan. The findings depict that politics in Pakistan is more driven by media logic than political or democratic logic. Media and politics have a ‘Tom and Jerry’ relationship. Political ecology is highly media-induced: politicians strategically adopt and adapt the media logic to be in the ‘media spotlight’; journalists, on the other hands, do not practice ‘fair journalism rather a more politically parallelized. The mediatized political communication behaviours of the actors are the undermining the public service logic and affecting the spirit of democracy in Pakistan. The study offers some valued implications for media, politicians and policy makers.

Keywords: medialization, media logic, politics, political logic

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Authors: Henrique Alpalhão

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This paper attempts to model the widely studied relationship between a country's economic growth and its level of democracy, with an emphasis on possible non-linearities. We adopt the concept of 'political capital' as a measure of democracy, which is extremely uncommon in the literature and brings considerable advantages both in terms of dynamic considerations and plausibility. While the literature is not consensual on this matter, we obtain, via panel Arellano-Bond regression analysis on a database of more than 60 countries over 50 years, significant and robust results that indicate that the impact of democratization on economic growth varies according to the stage of democratic development each country is in.

Keywords: democracy, economic growth, political capital, political economy

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Authors: Paula-Catalina Meirosu

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The economic migration (intra-EU) is a topic of debate in the public space in both countries of origin and countries of destination. Since the 1990s, after the collapse of communist regimes and then the accession of some former communist countries to the EU, the migratory flows of migrants (including Romanian migrants) to EU countries has been increased constantly. Italy is one of the main countries of destination among Romanians since at the moment Italy hosts more than one million Romanian migrants. Based on an interdisciplinary analytical framework focused on the theories in the field of transnationalism, media and migration studies and critical media analysis, this paper investigates the media construction of intra-EU economic migration in the Italian press from two main perspectives. The first point of view is the media representation of Romanian migrants in the Italian press in a specific context: the EU elections in 2014. The second one explores the way in which Romanian journalists use the media in the destinations countries (such as Italy) as a source to address the issue of migration. In this context, the paper focuses on online articles related to the Romanian migrants’ representation in the media before and during the EU elections in two newspapers (La Repubblica from Italy and Adevarul from Romania), published during January-May 2014. The methodology is based on a social-constructivist approach, predominantly discursive and includes elements of critical discourse analysis (CDA) to identify the patterns of Romanian migrants in the Italian press as well as strategies for building categories, identities, and roles of migrants. The aim of such an approach is to find out the dynamic of the media discourse on migration from a destination country in the light of a European electoral context (EU elections) and based on the results, to propose scenarios for the elections to be held this year.

Keywords: migration, media discourse, Romanian migrants, transnationalism

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Authors: Samantha Clarke

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The term social justice is central to social work; however, the meaning behind this term is not as simple as defining the term itself. This is because the meaning of social justice is relative since its origin and development is based on evolving political perspectives. Political perspectives provide numerous lenses to view social justice in social work; however, the realities of changing society have meant that social justice has assumed different values, definitions, and understandings over time and in different geopolitical and cultural contexts. There are many competing and convincing theories of social justice that are relevant to social work practice. Exploring the term is not an idle preoccupation because the meaning of the term is not as crucial as the meaning of the worldview, as it is the worldview that positions social justice as crucial in the emancipation of people marginalized from oppression. The many political assumptions that underlie the term social justice are explored and connected to the contemporary discussions about social justice in social work. These connections are then interrogated in the Canadian Social Works Code of Ethics, and in micro, mezzo, and macro approaches. To be remiss in interrogating the underlying political assumptions of the worldview of social justice is to entrench oppression and to preserve oppressive structures in contemporary Canadian social work. The concept of social justice is unable to withstand closer scrutiny about its emancipatory qualities in Canadian social work when we interrogate the many political assumptions that frame its understanding. In order to authenticate social justice as an emancipatory central organizing principle, Canadian social workers must engage in deeper discussions about the political implications of social justice in their everyday practices based on diverse worldviews and geopolitical contexts. Social workers are well positioned to develop an understanding of social justice that is emancipatory based on their everyday practices because as social and political actors they are positioned to work for and with individuals and toward the greater good of those who are marginalized from oppression.

Keywords: Canadian social work, political analysis, social justice, social work practice

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Authors: Tim Bakken

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The paper will discuss to what extent political polarization contributes to censorship, lack of civil discourse, and even violence. Most researchers have been unable to identify precisely what factors or processes contribute significantly to conflict. Absent such recognition, we have been unable to select effective remedies to address conflict. Through this paper, it will consider whether legal remedies can help to reduce conflict and polarization. My sense is that many current conflicts cannot be remedied primarily by law. But, there is little research on this hypothesis. Absent research and findings, nations may be looking to law for relief when, in fact, they should be looking at conditions underlying the formation of law or the absence of a more precise and effective legal remedy. It is hypothesized that the underlying reasons for conflict include sub-groups’ separation from the larger democratic society; misplaced loyalty to members of sub-groups; a culture of silence when recognizing wrongdoing; and retaliation against people who speak up. In sum, the greater distance citizens or institutions place between themselves and democratic norms, the more likely the members of a sub-group or institution will be to adopt conflict, even violence, as a method to obtain personal goals.

Keywords: constitutional law, conflict, criminal law, polarization

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Authors: Haiyan Huang, Jan Blommaert, Ellen Van Praet

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The embrace of neoliberal economic system in China has engendered the entry of global commodity capitalism into domestic Chinese market and ushered in the post-feminism that is closely associated with consumerism from western culture. Chinese women are instilled and thus hold the belief of empowering themselves and expressing their individualism through consumption. To unravel the consumerist ideologies embedded in Li’s discursive practices, we rely on critical discourse analysis (CDA) as our research framework. The data analyses suggest that cosmopolitanism and class are two repeating themes when Li engages in persuading consumerist behaviors from the female audience. Through hints and cues such as “going on business trips”, “traveling abroad”, “international brands” and among others, Li provides the access to and possibility of imagining cosmopolitan and middle class identity for his audience. Such yearning for western culture and global citizen identity also implicates the aspiration for a well-off socioeconomic status, proving that post-feminism in China not only embodies western consumerism but also implicates the struggle of class movement. These defining elements of choice and freedom are well-situated in contemporary Chinese society where women are enjoying more educational and economic independence than before. However a closer examination reveals conflicts between hegemonic discourse of post-feminism and the status quo. First, propagating women’s power through consumption obscure the entrenched gender inequality in China. Philosophies such as employment discrimination, equal payment, education right, etc., the cornerstones of feminism did not exist in China, leading to historical gender issues unsolved. Second, the lengthy broadcastings (which normally last more than 2 hours) featured with big discounts on products beg the question who are the real audience of ecommerce livestreaming. Seemingly addressing to young well-off Chinese females, Li’s discursive practice can be targeting at young but not wealthy girls who aspire to mimic the lifestyle of middle class women. By selling the idea of empowering and constructing identity through consuming beauty products (e.g., lipsticks), capitalists are endeavoring to create the post-feminism illusion and cause anxieties among Chinese females. Through in-depth analyses of hegemonic discourse on ecommerce livestreaming of lipsticks, the paper contributes to a better understanding of post-feminism in contemporary China and meanwhile illustrates the problems Chinese women face in securing power and equality.

Keywords: Chinese women, critical discourse analysis, ecommerce livestreaming, post-feminism

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Authors: Michael F. Mascolo

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Western democratic traditions are being strained. Western nations are losing the common agonistic ground needed to engage in traditional forms of democracy – adversarial debate, voting, and the peaceful transfer of power. Political polarization among party elites has become commonplace. Because it seeks to resolve conflict through the integration of opposites, a dialectical approach to resolving partisan conflict offers the promise of helping political partisans bridge ideological divides. This paper contains an analysis of dialectical engagement as a collaborative alternative to adversarial politics. Dialectical engagement involves two broad phases: collaborative political problem-solving and dialectical problem-solving. The paper contains a description of an 18-month longitudinal study assessing the effectiveness of dialectical engagement as a method for bridging divides on contentious socio-political issues. The study shows how dialectical engagement produced dramatic consensus among a small group of individuals from different political orientations as they worked together to resolve the issue of capital punishment.

Keywords: collaborative democracy, dialectical thinking, capital punishment, partisan conflict

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Authors: Yusuf Bala

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The last decades of the 20th Centaury witnessed renewed hope about the birth of democracy and development in Africa the interface between democracy and development in Africa has long engaged the sustained interest of scholars and researchers across Africa. The process was actively supported by all segment of society, labour students market women, rural dweller who saw in it, the prospects of reversing the trend of political despair and in disillusionment that hither to characterized political life in Africa. The political tyranny and dictatorship while having it own clientele and beneficiaries had negative and suffocating effect on the majority of the people. The democratic aspiration of the Africa people is not only confined to the Arena of political Democracy of election and granting of civil and political rights, but it involves the demand for economic empowerment better living standards of the people and adequate social welfare indeed, for the majority of the people democracy is meaningful only when it delivers socio-economic goods. However, democracy and development have generated enormous interest no conclusive evidence seems to be shared in Africa. In the course of this research emphasis shall be made on certain issues, such as issues of corruption in democracy in Africa, ethnic conflict and democracy in Africa contribution of women to democratic practice and women participation in political arena, is still very low, democratization process and industrial relation in Africa as factor that hinder the development of Democracy in Africa, a case study of Nigeria.

Keywords: democracy, development, dictatorship, conflict, ethnicity

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Authors: Mariel Encar H. Uy, Paula Marie G. Pacle

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The purpose of this research is to present a Single Country Comparative Contextual Description Study of Strong Islamic Influences in Relation to the Politics of Republic of Indonesia. This paper recognizes that even the coalition of secular and moderate Islamic parties protect the minority rights of all the constituents, Islam is still the dominant religion among the other recognized religions in Indonesia (Christianity, Hinduism and Buddhism). In this study, it will also detail the involvement on the religions’ beliefs and techniques; participation of political actors, depending on what religion they belong and adhere to; the tensions whenever the government interferes with Islamists and other religions; the government’s solution or public policies implemented to maintain peace and order of Indonesia. This paper will develop a conceptual framework to describe how the Religion and Political Stability is interdependent with each other.

Keywords: diversity of religion in indonesia, secularization in Indonesia, motivations of political actors, voter turnouts based on religion

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Authors: Hana Drštičková

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The paper describes the findings of a qualitative, engaged research focused on the intersection between transgender and autistic identity in a politically engaged setting of activist (trans, queer, crip, disability justice or any combination thereof) groups. It explores the relationship that autistic and trans people have towards activism and how do they feel their identity(ies) impact the kind of political action they take. Geographically, the research terrain is located mainly in Czechia; however, there are important overlaps with other Eastern European countries. The basis of the research’s approach is built on the interconnected principles of the feminist theory of intersectionality, queer/trans studies, disability studies and the concept of the Neurodiversity Paradigm. This paper argues that the social phenomenon of autism and transness is formed differently in Czechia/Eastern Europe and, therefore, deserves additional attention. Nevertheless, it points out that, even though the socio-political context is different, the fact that these identities have a radical political potential to disrupt normative structures in society remains the same. The measure of oppression these structures generate, and the near absence of any public discourse beyond the pathological paradigm in the chosen terrain contributes to the emergence of mainly queer and trans-activist, and to a lesser extent crip, disability justice or mad activist groups, that attract trans and autistic membership. The subsections of the research focus on the topics of the mutual influence of both identities in flux within individual participants, the perceived (dis)connection of networks of oppression or, conversely, support and identification with the community or communities, and the question of how the trans* and autistic members feel their presence affects the activity, internal dynamics, thematic scope and general values of the activist groups they participate in. The research methodology includes participant observation and active participation in groups where the researcher acts as a partial insider, semi-structured in-depth interviews and a critical participatory methodology. Also included is the reflection of not only the combination of researcher and insider roles but also the combination of research and activist intent.

Keywords: activism, autism, queer, neurodiversity, neuroqueer, transgender

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Authors: Sanghamitra Sadhu

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A paradigm shift from capitalism to information technology is discerned in the era globalisation. The idea of public sphere, which was theorized in terms of its decline in the wake of the rise of commercial mass media has now emerged as a transnational or global sphere with the discourse being dominated by the ‘network society’. In other words, the dynamic of globalisation has brought about ‘a spatial turn’ in the social and political sciences which is also manifested in the public sphere, Especially the global public sphere. The paper revisits the Habermasian concept of the public sphere and focuses on the various social networking sites with their plausibility to create a virtual global public sphere. Situating Habermas’s notion of the bourgeois public sphere in the present context of global public sphere, it considers the changing dimensions of the public sphere across time and examines the concept of the ‘public’ with its shifting transformation from the concrete collective to the fluid ‘imagined’ category. The paper addresses the problematic of multimodal self-portraiture in the social networking sites as well as various online diaries/journals with an attempt to explore the nuances of the networked self.

Keywords: globalisation, network society, public sphere, self-fashioning, identity, autonomy

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Authors: Joao Vicente Pereira Fernandez

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In the context of a democratic crisis, a new wave of authoritarianism prompts domineering male figures to leadership posts worldwide. Although the gendered aspect of this phenomenon has been reasonably documented, recent studies have focused on high-level commanding posts, such as those of president and prime-minister, leaving other positions of political power with limited attention. This natural focus of investigation, however powerful, seems to have restricted our understanding of the phenomenon by precluding a more thorough inquiry of its gendered aspects and its consequences for political representation as a whole. Trying to fill this gap, in recent research, we examined the election results of Jair Bolsonaro’s party for the Legislative Branch in 2018. We found that the party's proportion of non-male representatives was on average, showing it provided reasonable access of women to the legislature in a comparative perspective. However, and perhaps more intuitively, we also found that the elected members of Bolsonaro’s party performed very gendered roles, which allowed us to draw the first lines of the representative profiles gathered around the new-right in Brazil. These results unveiled new horizons for further research, addressing topics that range from the role of women for the new-right on Brazilian institutional politics to the relations between these profiles of representatives, their agendas, and political and electoral strategies. This article aims to deepen the understanding of some of these profiles in order to lay the groundwork for the development of the second research agenda mentioned above. More specifically, it focuses on two out of the three profiles that were grasped predominantly, if not entirely, from masculine subjects during our last research, with the objective of portraying the masculinity standards mobilized and promoted by them. These profiles –the entrepreneur and the army man – were chosen to be developed due to their proximity to both liberal and authoritarian views, and, moreover, because they can possibly represent two facets of the new-right that were integrated in a certain way around Bolsonaro in 2018, but that can be reworked in the future. After a brief introduction of the literature on masculinity and politics in times of democratic crisis, we succinctly present the relevant results of our previous research and then describe these two profiles and their masculinities in detail. We adopt a combination of ethnography and discourse analysis, methods that allow us to make sense of the data we collected on our previous research as well as of the data gathered for this article: social media posts and interactions between the elected members that inspired these profiles and their supporters. Finally, we discuss our results, presenting our main argument on how these descriptions provide a further understanding of the gendered aspect of liberal authoritarianism, from where to better apprehend its political implications in Brazil.

Keywords: Brazilian politics, gendered politics, masculinities, new-right

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Authors: Hannah Dean

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The growth ideology, and its association with progress, is an important construct in the narrative of modernity. This ideology is embedded in neoclassical economic growth theory which conceptualises growth as linear and predictable, and the entrepreneur as a rational economic manager. This conceptualisation has been critiqued for reinforcing the managerial discourse in entrepreneurship studies. Despite these critiques, both the neoclassical growth theory and its adjacent managerial discourse dominate entrepreneurship studies notably the literature on female entrepreneurs. The latter is the focus of this paper. Given this emphasis on growth, female entrepreneurs are portrayed as problematic because their growth lags behind their male counterparts. This image which ignores the complexity and diversity of female entrepreneurs’ experience persists in the literature due to the lack of studies that analyse the process and contextual factors surrounding female entrepreneurs’ experience. This study aims to address the subordination of female entrepreneurs by questioning the hegemonic logic of economic growth and the managerial discourse as a true representation for the entrepreneurial experience. This objective is achieved by drawing on Schumpeter’s theorising and narrative inquiry. This exploratory study undertakes in depth interviews to gain insights into female entrepreneurs’ experience and the impact of the economic growth model and the managerial discourse on their performance. The narratives challenge a number of assumptions about female entrepreneurs. The participants occupied senior positions in the corporate world before setting up their businesses. This is at odds with much writing which assumes that women underperform because they leave their career without gaining managerial experience to achieve work-life balance. In line with Schumpeter, who distinguishes the entrepreneur from the manager, the participants’ main function was innovation. They did not believe that the managerial paradigm governing their corporate careers was applicable to their entrepreneurial experience. Formal planning and managerial rationality can hinder their decision making process. The narratives point to the gap between the two worlds which makes stepping into entrepreneurship a scary move. Schumpeter argues that the entrepreneurial process is evolutionary and that failure is an integral part of it. The participants’ entrepreneurial process was in fact irregular. The performance of new combinations was not always predictable. They therefore relied on their initiative. The inhibition to deploy these traits had an adverse effect on business growth. The narratives also indicate that over-reliance on growth threaten the business survival as it faces competing pressures. The study offers theoretical and empirical contributions to (female) entrepreneurship studies by presenting Schumpeter’s theorising as an alternative theoretical framework to the neoclassical economic growth theory. The study also reduces entrepreneurs’ vulnerability by making them aware of the negative influence that the linear growth model and the managerial discourse hold upon their performance. The study has implications for policy makers as it generates new knowledge that incorporates the current social and economic changes in the context of entrepreneurs that can no longer be sustained by the linear growth models especially in the current economic climate.

Keywords: economic growth, female entrepreneurs, managerial discourse, Schumpeter

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