World Academy of Science, Engineering and Technology

Authors: Mariana Anaya Villafana

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The sudden change of a significant percentage of the Latino community in the United States elections towards a Republican political orientation was reflected during the 2016 presidential election. This moment represented a radical change that is happening inside the Latino community in the United States, the support they have given to Trump's campaign only demonstrates their support for new anti-immigration regulations and conservative values, which are causing a division of ideologies inside the Latino community. One of the main goals of the following research is to understand the whole phenomenon 'Why would people join their own oppressor?' Align themselves with the politics that prevent many of their relatives to come to the United States and made the assimilation process difficult for their parents. It is important to prove that a change in the identity has happened, through the use of power relations and the attachment to the desired object. A group of Hispanics/Latinos have decided to vote for Trump in order to belong to a society that hasn’t been able to fully include them within it, an action that can result on the non-intentional harm of the values and aims of the rest of the Latino/Hispanic community. In order to understand their new political beliefs, it is necessary to use the method of discourse analysis to comprehend those comments and interviews that are published on web sites such as: 'Latinos for Trump' and 'GOP Hispanic Division'. Among the results that the research has shown, the notion of the 'American Dream' can be considered as a determinant object for the construction of a new identity that is rooted in hard work and legality. One that is proud of the Latino heritage but still wants to maintain the boundaries between legality and illegality in relation to the immigrants. This discourse results on a contradiction to most of the cases because they mention that their families came to the U.S. as immigrants; the only difference is that they work hard to obtain legal citizenship.

Keywords: populism, identity, Latino Community, migration

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Authors: Zsuzsa Szakaly

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Several constitutions have explicit or implicit eternity clauses in the European Union, their classic roles were analyzed so far, albeit there are new possibilities emerging in relation to the identity of the constitutions of the Member States. The aim of the study is to look at the practice of the Constitutional Courts of the Member States in detail regarding eternity clauses where limiting constitutional amendment has practical bearing, and to examine the influence of such practice on Europeanization. There are some states that apply explicit eternity clauses embedded in the text of the constitution, e.g., Italy, Germany, and Romania. In other states, the Constitutional Court 'unearthed' the implicit eternity clauses from the text of the basic law, e.g., Slovakia and Croatia. By using comparative analysis to examine the explicit or implicit clauses of the concerned constitutions, taking into consideration the new trends of the judicial opinions of the Member States and the fresh scientific studies, the main questions are: How to wield the double-edged sword of eternity clauses? To support European Integration or to support the sovereignty of the Member State? To help Europeanization or to act against it? Eternity clauses can easily find themselves between a rock and a hard place, the law of the European Union and the law of a Member State, with more possible interpretations. As more and more Constitutional Courts started to declare elements of their Member States’ constitutional identities, these began to interfere with the eternity clauses. Will this trend eventually work against Europeanization? As a result of the research, it can be stated that a lowest common denominator exists in the practice of European Constitutional Courts regarding eternity clauses. The chance of a European model and the possibility of this model influencing the status quo between the European Union and the Member States will be examined by looking at the answers these courts have found so far.

Keywords: constitutional court, constitutional identity, eternity clause, European Integration

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Authors: Norbert Tribl

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European contemporary scientific public opinion considers the concept of constitutional identity as a highlighted issue. Some scholars interpret the matter as the manifestation of a conflict of Europe. Nevertheless, constitutional identity is a bridge between the Member States and the EU rather than a river that will wash away the achievements of the integration. In accordance with the opinion of the author, the main problem of constitutional identity in Europe is the undetermined nature: the exact concept of constitutional identity has not been defined until now. However, this should be the first step to understand and use identity as a legal institution. Having regard to this undetermined nature, the legal-theoretical examination of constitutional identity is the main purpose of this study. The concept of constitutional identity appears in the Anglo-Saxon legal systems by a different approach than in the supranational system of European Integration. While the interpretation of legal institutions in conformity with the constitution is understood under it, the European concept is applied when possible conflicts arise between the legal system of the European supranational space and certain provisions of the national constitutions of the member states. The European concept of constitutional identity intends to offer input in determining the nature of the relationship between the constitutional provisions of the member states and the legal acts of the EU integration. In the EU system of multilevel constitutionalism, a long-standing central debate on integration surrounds the conflict between EU legal acts and the constitutional provisions of the member states. In spite of the fact that the Court of Justice of the European Union stated in Costa v. E.N.E.L. that the member states cannot refer to the provisions of their respective national constitutions against the integration. Based on the experience of more than 50 years since the above decision, and also in light of the Treaty of Lisbon, we now can clearly see that EU law has itself identified an obligation for the EU to protect the fundamental constitutional features of the Member States under Article 4 (2) of Treaty on European Union, by respecting the national identities of member states. In other words, the European concept intends to offer input for the determination of the nature of the relationship between the constitutional provisions of the member states and the legal acts of the EU integration.

Keywords: constitutional identity, EU law, European Integration, supranationalism

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Authors: Monira Nazmi Jahan, Nusrat Jahan Nishat

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'Child Pornography' is a sex crime that portrays illegal images and videos of a minor over the Internet and now has become a social concern with the increase of commission of this crime. The major objective of this paper is to identify and examine the laws relating to child pornography in Bangladesh and to compare this with other South Asian countries. In Bangladesh to prosecute under child pornography, provisions have been made in ‘Digital Security Act, 2018’ where it has been defined as involving child in areas of child sexuality or in sexuality and whoever commits the crime will be punished for 10 years imprisonment or 10 lac taka fine. In India, the crime is dealt with ‘The Protection of Children from Sexual Offences Act, 2012’ (POSCO) where the offenders for commission of this crime has been divided separately and has provision for punishments starting from three years to rigorous life imprisonment and shall also be liable to fine. In the Maldives, there is ‘Special Provisions Act to Deal with Child Sex Abuse Offenders, Act number 12/2009’. In this act it has been provided that a person is guilty of such an act if intentionally runs child prostitution, involves child in the creation of pornography or displays child’s sexual organ in pornography then shall be punished between 20 to 25 years of imprisonment. Nepal prosecutes this crime through ‘Act Relating to Children, 2018’ and the conviction of using child in prostitution or sexual services is imprisonment up to fifteen years and fine up to one hundred fifty thousand rupees. In Pakistan, child pornography is prosecuted with ‘Pakistan Penal Code Child Abuse Amendment Act, 2016’. This provides that one is guilty of this offence if he involves child with or without consent in such activities. It provides punishment for two to seven years of imprisonment or fine from two hundred thousand to seven hundred thousand rupees. In Bhutan child pornography is not explicitly addressed under the municipal laws. The Penal Code of Bhutan penalizes all kinds of pornography including child pornography under the provisions of computer pornography and the offence shall be a misdemeanor. Child Pornography is also prohibited under the ‘Child Care and Protection Act’. In Sri Lanka, ‘The Penal Code’ de facto criminalizes child prohibition and has a penalty of two to ten years and may also be liable to fine. The most shocking scenario exists in Afghanistan. There is no specific law for the protection of children from pornography, whereas this serious crime is present there. This paper will be conducted through a qualitative research method that is, the primary sources will be laws, and secondary sources will be journal articles and newspapers. The conclusion that can be drawn is except Afghanistan all other South Asian countries have laws for controlling this crime but still have loopholes. India has the most amended provisions. Nepal has no provision for fine, and Bhutan does not mention any specific punishment. Bangladesh compared to these countries, has a good piece of law; however, it also has space to broaden the laws for controlling child pornography.

Keywords: child abuse, child pornography, life imprisonment, penal code, South Asian countries

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Authors: Priyal Sepaha

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A refugee crisis is manifested by challenges, both for the refugees and the asylum giving state. The situation turns into a mega-crisis when the situation is prejudicially handled by the home state, inappropriate refugee laws, exploding refugee population, and above all, no hope of any foreseeable solution or remedy. This paper studies the impact on the capability of stateless Rohingyas to migrate and seek refuge due to the enforcement of rigid criteria of movement imposed both by Myanmar as well as the adjoining countries in the name of national security. This theoretical study identifies the issues and the key factors and players which have precipitated the crisis. It further discusses the possible ramifications in the home, asylum giving, and the adjoining countries for not discharging their roles aptly. Additionally, an attempt has been made to understand the scarce response given to the impending crisis by the regional organizations like SAARC, ASEAN and CHOGAM as well as international organizations like United Nations Human Rights Council, Security Council, Office of High Commissioner for Refugees and so on, in the name of inadequacy of monetary funds and physical resources. Based on the refugee laws and practices pertaining to the case of Rohingyas, this paper analyses that the Rohingya Crisis is in dire need of an effective action plan to curb and resolve the biggest humanitarian crisis situation of the century. This mounting human tragedy can be mitigated permanently, by strengthening existing and creating new interdependencies among all stakeholders, as further ignorance can drive the countries of the Indian Sub-continent, in particular, and South East Asia, by and large into a violent civil war for seizing long-awaited civil rights by the marginalized Rohingyas. To curb this mass crisis, it will require the application of coercive pressure and diplomatic pursuance on the home country to acknowledge the rights of its fleeing citizens. This further necessitates mustering adequate monetary funds and physical resources for the asylum providing state. Additional challenges such as devising mechanisms for the refugee’s safe return, comprehensive planning for their holistic economic development and rehabilitation plan are needed. These, however, can only come into effect with a conscious strive by the regional and international community to fulfil their assigned role.

Keywords: asylum, citizenship, crisis, humanitarian, human rights, refugee, rohingya

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Authors: Monira Nazmi Jahan

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Child rape or child abuse is a serious and fearsome crime against children, which is an epidemic almost in every state of today’s world. However, in the case of Bangladesh, the scenario is terrifying. The objective of this paper is to examine the laws relating to child rape in Bangladesh as according to a renowned Daily Newspaper 'Prothom Alo', nearly 346 children are being raped since January 2019. This paper discusses and draws the difference of child rape provisions of Bangladesh with other South-Asian countries, comprises of India, Maldives, Pakistan, Sri Lanka, Nepal, Bhutan, and Afghanistan. In Bangladesh, girls below 18 years are considered to be a child. ‘The Penal Code, 1860’ and a special law ‘Nari O Shishu Nirjatan Daman Ain, 2012’ provides that any person committing child rape will be punished with rigorous life imprisonment and fine. This piece of law also gives provisions for punishment in case of child’s death after the commission of rape and gang rape, and the punishment is the death penalty. In India there is ‘The Protection of Children from Sexual Offences Act, 2012’ (POSCO) which has separate provisions for sexual assault, penetrative sexual assault and aggravated penetrative sexual assault by different categories of person such as relatives, institutional officers and trustees and also for mentally and physically challenged child victims and provides punishment up to death penalty. In Pakistan, there is ‘Pakistan Penal Code Amended Act, 2016’ which has only two provisions for child rape. In case offence committed by one person, the punishment is 10 to 25 years of imprisonment and fine. In case of offence committed by two or more persons, each shall be liable to death or imprisonment for life. Unfortunately, Afghanistan has no laws for the protection of rape victims of women let alone children, whereas there are a lot of child rape cases, including both girls and boys who are used for sexual slavery. The Maldives has a special law named ‘Special Provisions Act to Deal with Child Sex Abuse Offenders.’ This has categorized the offenders like POSCO and has provided punishments accordingly. The punishments are: punishments range from 1 to 25 years accordingly, whereas Bangladesh has lesser provisions, but the gravity and duration of punishments are much higher. The Penal Code of Sri Lanka imposes a minimum sentence of 10 years for those convicted of raping a child under 18 years. In Bhutan, child rape provision is made according to the age of a child. ‘The Penal Code of Bhutan, 2004’, mentions provisions for the rape of a child in case of child rape below and above 12 years, gang rape of a child below and above 12 years and has graded the punishments as first, second and third degree. Though Bangladesh has better provisions for punishments, the ages are not categorized in the laws. In Nepal there is ‘Act relating to Children, 2018’ provisions are made for offenders who use or cause or engage child sexual exploitation, and the punishment is same for rape offenders according to prevailing laws in Nepal. No separate punishments for child offenders are made. The ultimate conclusion that can be drawn is Bangladesh has better punishments than all other South-Asian countries and same punishment as India however, Bangladesh can make or amend the laws and categorize offenders as like POSCO of India, Special provisions of Maldives and Bhutan.

Keywords: child rape, death penalty, sexual slavery, South Asia

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Authors: Priya Sepaha

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Social media has loomed as the most effective tool in recent times to flag the causes, contents, opinions and direction of any social movement and has demonstrated that it will have a far-reaching effect on government as well. This study focuses on India which has emerged as the fastest growing community on social media. Social movement activists, in particular, have extensively utilized the power of digital social media to streamline the effectiveness of social protest on a particular issue through extensive successful mass mobilizations. This research analyses the role and impact of social media as a power to catalyze the social movements in India and further seeks to describe how certain social movements are resisted, subverted, co-opted and/or deployed by social media. The impact assessment study has been made with the help of cases, policies and some social movement which India has witnessed the assertion of numerous social issues perturbing the public which eventually paved the way for remarkable judicial decisions. The paper concludes with the observations that despite its pros and cons, the impacts of social media on the functioning of the Indian Government have demonstrated that it has already become an indispensable tool in the hands of social media-suave Indians who are committed to bring about a desired change.

Keywords: social media, social movements, impact, law, government

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Authors: Clara Voyvodic

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Transitions from conflict to peace are by no means smooth nor linear, particularly from the perspective of those living through them. Over the last few decades, the changing focus in peacebuilding studies has come to appreciate the everyday experience of communities and how that provides a lens through which the relative success or efficacy of these transitions can be understood. In particular, the demobilization of a significant conflict actor is not without consequences, not just for the macro-view of state stabilization and peace, but for the communities who find themselves without a clear authority of territorial control. In Colombia, the demobilization and disarmament of the FARC guerilla group provided a brief respite to the conflict and a major political win for President Manuel Santos. However, this victory has proven short-lived. Drawing from extensive field research in Colombia within the last year, including interviews with local communities and actors operating in these regions, field observations, and other primary resources, this paper examines the post-accord transitions in Colombia and the everyday security experiences of local communities in regions formerly controlled by the FARC. In order to do so, the research focused on a semi-ethnographic approach in the northern region of the department of Antioquia and the coastal area of the border department of Nariño that documented how individuals within these marginalized communities have come to understand and negotiate their security in the years following the accord and the demobilization of the FARC. This presentation will argue that the removal of the FARC as an informal governance actor opened a space for multiple actors to attempt to control the same territory, including the state. This shift has had a clear impact on the everyday security experiences of the local communities. With an exploration of the dynamics of local governance and its impact on lived security experiences, this research seeks to demonstrate how distinct patterns of armed group behavior are emerging not only from a vacuum of control left by the FARC but from an increase in state presence that nonetheless remains inconsistent and unpersuasive as a monopoly of force in the region. The increased multiplicity of actors, particularly the state, has meant that the normal (informal) rules for communities to navigate these territories are no longer in play as the identities, actions, and intentions of different competing groups have become frustratingly opaque. This research provides a prescient analysis on how the shifting dynamics of territorial control in a post-peace accord landscape produce uncertain realities that affect the daily lives of the local communities and endanger the long-term prospect of human-centered security.

Keywords: armed actors, conflict transitions, informal governance, post-accord, security experiences

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Authors: R. Prinsloo

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Amniotic fluid stem cells (AFSC) have been shown to contribute towards the amelioration of Acute Renal Failure (ARF), but the mechanisms underlying the renoprotective effect are largely unknown. Therefore, the main goal of the current study was to evaluate the therapeutic efficacy of AFSC in a cisplatin-induced rat model of ARF and to investigate the underlying mechanisms responsible for its renoprotective effect. To study the therapeutic efficacy of AFSC, ARF was induced in Wistar rats by an intra-peritoneal injection of cisplatin, and five days after administration, the rats were randomized into two groups and injected with either AFSC or normal saline intravenously. On day 8 and 12 after cisplatin injection, i.e., day 3 and day7 post-therapy respectively, the blood biochemical parameters, histopathological changes, apoptosis, and expression of pro-apoptotic, anti-apoptotic and autophagy-related proteins in renal tissues were studied in both groups of rats. Administration of AFSC in ARF rats resulted in improvement of renal function and attenuation of renal damage as reflected by significant decrease in blood urea nitrogen, serum creatinine levels, tubular cell apoptosis as assessed by Bax/Bcl2 ratio, and expression of the pro-apoptotic proteins viz. PUMA, Bax, cleaved caspase-3 and cleaved caspase-9 as compared to saline-treated group. Furthermore, in the AFSC-treated group as compared to saline-treated group, there was a significant increase in the activation of autophagy as evident by increased expression of LC3-II, ATG5, ATG7, Beclin1 and phospho-AMPK levels with a concomitant decrease in phospho-p70S6K and p62 expression levels. To further confirm whether the protective effects of AFSC on cisplatin-induced apoptosis were dependent on autophagy, chloroquine, an autophagy inhibitor was administered by the intra-peritoneal route. Chloroquine administration led to significant reduction in the anti-apoptotic effects of the AFSC therapy and further deterioration in the renal structure and function caused by cisplatin. Collectively, our results put forth that AFSC ameliorates cisplatin-induced ARF through induction of autophagy and inhibition of apoptosis. Furthermore, the protective effects of AFSC were blunted by chloroquine, highlighting that activation of autophagy is an important mechanism of action for the protective role of AFSC in cisplatin-induced renal injury.

Keywords: best interest of the child, children's rights, parent and child relationship, parental responsibilities and rights

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Authors: Marjone Van Der Bank, C. M. Van Der Bank

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This paper presents an overview of the foundation and evolution of environmental related problems in local governments with specific reference on air pollution in South Africa. Local government has a direct mandate in terms of the Constitution of the Republic of South Africa, 1996 (hereafter, the Constitution). This mandate to protect, fulfil, respect and promote the Bill of Rights by local governments in respect of the powers and functions creates confusion around the role of where a local government fits in, in addressing the problem of climate change in South Africa. A reflection of the evolving legislations, developments, and processes regarding climate change that shaped local government dispensation in South Africa is addressed by the notion of developmental local governments. This paper seeks to examine the advances for mitigation and adaptation regulation of air pollution and application in South Africa. This study involves a qualitative approach that will involve South African national legislation as well as an interpretation of international strategies. A literature review study was conducted to undertake the various aspects of law in order to support the argument undertaken of mitigation and adaptation strategies. The paper presents a detailed discussion of the current legislation and the position as it currently stands, as well as the relevant protections as outlined in the National Environmental Management Act and the National Environmental Management: Air Quality Act. It then proceeds to outline the responsibilities of local governments in South Africa to mitigate and adapt to air pollution strategies.

Keywords: adaptation, climate change, disaster, local governments and mitigation

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Authors: CarlyWill Sloan

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Racial disparities in criminal justice outcomes are well-documented. However, there is little evidence on the extent to which racial bias by prosecutors is responsible for these disparities. This paper tests for racial bias in conviction by prosecutors. To identify effects, this paper leverages as good as random variation in prosecutor race using detailed administrative data on the case assignment process and case outcomes in New York County, New York. This paper shows that the assignment of an opposite-race prosecutor leads to a 5 percentage point (~ 8 percent) increase in the likelihood of conviction for property crimes. There is no evidence of effects for other types of crimes. Additional results indicate decreased dismissals by opposite-race prosecutors likely drive my property crime estimates.

Keywords: criminal justice, discrimination, prosecutors, racial disparities

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Authors: M. van der Bank

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This study involves a legal analysis of the case Earthlife Africa Johannesburg v Minister of Environmental Affairs and Others. The case considered the impact of the Thabametsi Power Project if it operated to the expected year 2060 on the global climate and ever-changing climate, in South Africa. This judgment highlights the significance, place and principles of climate change and where climate change impacts the South African environmental law which has its founding principles in the Constitution of the Republic of South Africa, 1996. This paper seeks to examine the advances for climate change regulation and application in terms of international law, in South Africa, through a qualitative study involving comparative national and international case law. A literature review study was conducted to compare and contrast the various aspects of law in order to support the argument undertaken. The paper presents a detailed discussion of the current legislation and the position as it currently stands with reference to international law and interpretation. The relevant protections as outlined in the National Environmental Management Act will be discussed. It then proceeds to outline the potential liability of the Minister in the interpretation and application of international law.

Keywords: climate change; environment, environmental review, international law; and principles

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Authors: Summer Jackson

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September 11, 2001 terrorist attacks exposed weaknesses in federal law enforcement’s ability to proactively counter threats to American homeland security. Following the attacks, legislative reforms and policy changes cleared both bureaucratic and legal obstacles to anti-terrorism efforts. The Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI) transformed into a domestic intelligence agency responsible for preventing future terrorist attacks. Likewise, the passage of the 2001 USA Patriot Act gave federal agents new discretionary powers to more easily collect intelligence on those suspected of supporting terrorism. Despite these changes, there has been only limited scholarly attention paid to terrorism responses by the federal criminal justice system. This study sought to examine the investigative and prosecutorial changes made in the Post-9/11 era. The methodology employed bivariate and multivariate statistics using data from the American Terrorism Study (ATS). This analysis examined how policy changes are reflected in the nature of terrorism investigations, the handling of terrorist defendants by federal prosecutors, and the outcomes of terrorism cases since 2001. The findings indicate significant investigative and prosecutorial changes in the Post-9/11 era. Specifically, this study found terrorism cases involved younger defendants, fewer indictees per case, less use of human intelligence, less complicated attacks, less serious charges, and more plea bargains. Overall, this study highlights the important shifts in responses to terrorism following the 9/11 attacks.

Keywords: terrorism, law enforcement, post-9/11, federal policy

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Authors: M. O. Ezegbogu, H. B. Osadolor

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Lipsticks constitute a significant source of transfer evidence, and can, therefore, provide corroborative or inclusionary evidence in criminal investigation. This study aimed to determine the uniqueness and persistence of different lipstick smears using Thin Layer Chromatography (TLC), and Gas Chromatography with a Flame Ionisation Detector (GC-FID). In this study, we analysed lipstick smears retrieved from tea cups exposed to the environment for up to four weeks. The n-alkane content of each sample was determined using GC-FID, while TLC was used to determine the number of bands, and retention factor of each band per smear. This study shows that TLC gives more consistent results over a 4-week period than GC-FID. It also proposes a maximum exposure time of two weeks for the analysis of lipsticks left in the open using GC-FID. Finally, we conclude that neither TLC nor GC-FID can distinguish lipstick evidence recovered from hypothetical crime scenes.

Keywords: forensic science, chromatography, identification, lipstick

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Authors: María Elena Menéndez Ibáñez

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After the terrorist attacks of 9/11, new measures were adopted by powerful countries and regions like the United States and the European Union in order to safeguard their security. In 2002, the US created the Department of Homeland Security with one sole objective; to protect American soil and people. The US adopted new policies that made every immigrant a potential terrorist and a threat to their national security. Stronger border control became one of the key elements of the fight against organized crime and terrorism. The main objective of this paper is to compare some of the most important and radical measures adopted by the US, even those that resulted in systematic violations of human rights, with some of the European measures adopted after the 2015 Paris attacks of 2015, such as unlawful detainment of prisoners and other measures against foreigners. Through the Schengen agreement, the European Union has tried to eliminate tariffs and border controls, in order to guarantee successful economic growth. Terrorists have taken advantage of this and have made the region vulnerable to attacks. Authorities need to strengthen their surveillance methods in order to safeguard the region and its stability. Through qualitative methods applied to social sciences, this research will also try to explain why some of the mechanisms proven to be useful in the US would not be so in Europe, especially because they would result in human rights violations. Finally, solutions will be offered that would not put the whole Schengen Agreement at risk. Europe cannot reinstate border control, without making individuals vulnerable to human rights violations.

Keywords: border control, immigration, international cooperation, national security

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Authors: Faye Cosgrove, Donna Peacock

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This paper examines current state strategies for dealing with vulnerable people in police custody and identifies the underpinning discourses and practices which inform these strategies. It has previously been argued that the state has utilised contradictory and conflicting responses to the control of crime, by employing opposing strategies of denial and adaptation in order to simultaneously both display sovereignty and disclaim responsibility. This paper argues that these contradictory strategies are still being employed in contemporary criminal justice, although the focus and the purpose have now shifted. The focus is upon the ‘vulnerable’ suspect, whose social identity is as incongruous, complex and contradictory as his social environment, and the purpose is to redirect attention away from negative state practices, whilst simultaneously displaying a compassionate and benevolent countenance in order to appeal to the voting public. The findings presented here result from intensive qualitative research with police officers, with health care professionals, and with civilian volunteers who work within police custodial environments. The data has been gathered over a three-year period and includes observational and interview data which has been thematically analysed to expose the underpinning mechanisms from which the properties of the system emerge. What is revealed is evidence of contemporary state practices of denial relating to the harms of austerity and the structural relations of vulnerability, whilst simultaneously adapting through processes of ‘othering’ of the vulnerable, ‘responsibilisation’ of citizens, defining deviance down through diversionary practices, and managing success through redefining the aims of the system. The ‘vulnerable’ suspect is subject to individual pathologising, and yet the nature of risk is aggregated. ‘Vulnerable’ suspects are supported in police custody by private citizens, by multi-agency partnerships, and by for-profit organisations, while the state seeks to collate and control services, and thereby to retain a veneer of control. Late modern ambivalence to crime control and the associated contradictory practices of abjuration and adjustment have extended to state responses to vulnerable suspects. The support available in the custody environment operates to control and minimise operational and procedural risk, rather than for the welfare of the detained person, and in fact, the support available is discovered to be detrimental to the very people that it claims to benefit. The ‘vulnerable’ suspect is now subject to the bifurcated logics employed at the new limits of the sovereign state.

Keywords: custody, policing, sovereign state, vulnerability

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Authors: Halimah Abdul Manaf, Ahmad Martadha Mohamed, Zainal M. Zan, Nur Rusydina Khadzali

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Strengthening accountability among civil servants has been at the centre of government transformation ever since the country is striving to become a developed nation by the year 2020. One critical area that has become the loci of attention is increasing the accountability of local government by delivering services that are preferred by the communities. This article explores the practices of citizen participation and political accountability in local government in Malaysia. The existing literature has identified a mismatch between the demands of the community and the actual services delivered by the local government. Based upon this framework, this research attempts to examine the linkages between citizen participation and political accountability in selected local governments in Malaysia. This study employs quantitative method involving 1155 respondents who were randomly selected from local government personnel as well as local citizens. The instruments in the questionnaires were adopted from Wang and Wart (2007) who have also studied local government accountability. The findings reveal that respondents are satisfied with the services provided to the community. However, three areas of concerned are the inadequacy of citizens’ participation in programs, immediate actions on complaints as well as the slow response to repair dilapidated basic infrastructures such as roads, park, and recreations. It is recommended that local governments in Malaysia continue to engage the citizens in the decision making process so that the needs and demands of the citizens can be adequately fulfilled.

Keywords: citizen participation, political accountability, local government, Malaysia

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Authors: Mary Carmen Peloche Barrera

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Since its early years as an independent nation, the United States has been one of the main promoters regarding the recognition, legislation, and protection of human rights. In the matter of freedom, the founding father Thomas Jefferson envisioned the role of the U.S. as a defender of freedom and equality throughout the world. This founding ideal shaped America’s domestic and foreign policy in the 19th and the 20th century and became an aspiration of the ideals of the country to expand its values and institutions. The history of the emergence of human rights cannot be studied without making reference to leaders such as Woodrow Wilson, Franklin, and Eleanor Roosevelt, as well as Martin Luther King. Throughout its history, this country has proclaimed that the protection of the freedoms of men, both inside and outside its borders, is practically the reason for its existence. Although the United States was one of the first countries to recognize the existence of inalienable rights for individuals, as well as the main promoter of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights of 1948, the country has gone through critical moments that had led to questioning its commitment to the issue. Racial segregation, international military interventions, national security strategy, as well as national legislation on immigration, are some of the most controversial issues related to decisions and actions driven by the United States, which at the same time mismatched with its role as an advocate of human rights, both in the Americas and in the rest of the world. The aim of this paper is to study the swinging of the efforts and commitments of the United States towards human rights. The paper will analyze the history and evolution of human rights in the United States, to study the greatest challenges for the country in this matter. The paper will focus on both the domestic policy (related to demographic issues) and foreign policy (about its role in a post-war world). Currently, more countries are joining the multilateral efforts for the promotion and protection of human rights. At the same time, the United States is one of the least committed countries in this respect, having ratified only 5 of the 18 treaties emanating from the United Nations. The last ratification was carried out in 2002 and, since then, the country has been losing ground, in an increasingly vertiginous way, in its credibility and, even worse, in its role as leader of 'the free world'. With or without the United States, the protection of human rights should remain the main goal of the international community.

Keywords: United States, human rights, foreign policy, domestic policy

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Authors: Manuel Branco

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This paper argues that mainstream economics is one of the reasons that can explain the difficulty in fully realizing human rights because its logic is intrinsically contradictory to human rights, most especially economic, social and cultural rights. First, its utilitarianism, both in its cardinal and ordinal understanding, contradicts human rights principles. Maximizing aggregate utility along the lines of cardinal utility is a theoretical exercise that consists in ensuring as much as possible that gains outweigh losses in society. In this process an individual may get worse off, though. If mainstream logic is comfortable with this, human rights' logic does not. Indeed, universality is a key principle in human rights and for this reason the maximization exercise should aim at satisfying all citizens’ requests when goods and services necessary to secure human rights are at stake. The ordinal version of utilitarianism, in turn, contradicts the human rights principle of indivisibility. Contrary to ordinal utility theory that ranks baskets of goods, human rights do not accept ranking when these goods and services are necessary to secure human rights. Second, by relying preferably on market logic to allocate goods and services, mainstream economics contradicts human rights because the intermediation of money prices and the purpose of profit may cause exclusion, thus compromising the principle of universality. Finally, mainstream economics sees human rights mainly as constraints to the development of its logic. According to this view securing human rights would, then, be considered a cost weighing on economic efficiency and, therefore, something to be minimized. Fully realizing human rights needs, therefore, a different approach. This paper discusses a human rights-based political economy. This political economy, among other characteristics should give up mainstream economics narrow utilitarian approach, give up its belief that market logic should guide all exchanges of goods and services between human beings, and finally give up its view of human rights as constraints on rational choice and consequently on good economic performance. Giving up mainstream’s narrow utilitarian approach means, first embracing procedural utility and human rights-aimed consequentialism. Second, a more radical break can be imagined; non-utilitarian, or even anti-utilitarian, approaches may emerge, then, as alternatives, these two standpoints being not necessarily mutually exclusive, though. Giving up market exclusivity means embracing decommodification. More specifically, this means an approach that takes into consideration the value produced outside the market and an allocation process no longer necessarily centered on money prices. Giving up the view of human rights as constraints means, finally, to consider human rights as an expression of wellbeing and a manifestation of choice. This means, in turn, an approach that uses indicators of economic performance other than growth at the macro level and profit at the micro level, because what we measure affects what we do.

Keywords: economic and social rights, political economy, economic theory, markets

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Authors: Razia Anjum, Zaqia Bano, Chan Wai

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Temperament has been described as a multifaceted and potentially value-laden construct in literature but there is scarcity of research work in area of forensic psychology predominantly in south Asian countries. Present exposition explored the mediated effect of temperament towards the childhood maltreatment and delinquency. Further the moderated effect of prisoner’s age and education will be examined. Variable System for Windows 1.3 version was used to analyze the data provided by 517 prisoners (407 males, 110 females) from four districts prisons situated at Pakistan. Cross sectional research design was used in this study and representative sample was approached through purposive sampling technique. Only those prisoners were the part of study who maltreated in their childhood in form of physical abuse, psychological abuse, sexual abuse or experienced the emotional neglect. After exploration the childhood adversities through ‘Child Abuse Self-Report Scale’, then the prisoner’s temperament styles were explored through ‘Adult Temperament Scale’. Later on, the investigation with particular to the delinquent behaviors was carried out. The findings suggested that the presence of four temperamental styles (choleric, melancholic, phlegmatic, and sanguine) mediated the childhood maltreatment-delinquency relationship in late adulthood but not in early adulthood. Marked exploration was the significant moderated effect of Prisoner’s age and their level of education that effect the relationship of temperament towards the childhood maltreatment and the delinquency, in this way results are consistent with views on cumulative pathways to delinquency that undergone through the effect of childhood maltreatment. Results indicated that Choleric, Melancholic temperament was the positive predictor of delinquency, whereas. The Phlegmatic and Sanguine temperament were the negative predictor of delinquency, in this way, different types of temperament left an indelible trace on delinquency that can work out by modifying the individual temperament. On the basis of results, it could be concluded that inclination towards the delinquent behaviors including theft, drug abuse, lying, noncompliance behavior, police encounter, violence, cheating, gambling, harassment, homosexuality and heterosexuality could be minimized if properly screen out the temperament. Moreover, study determined the two other significant moderated effect of age towards the involvement in delinquent behaviors and moderated effect of education towards childhood maltreatment and the temperament. Findings suggested that with marked increase in number of years in age the probability to get involve in delinquent behaviors will decrease and the result was consistent with the assumption that education can work as buffered to maximize or minimize the effect of trauma and can shape the temperament accordingly. Results are consistent with views on cumulative disadvantage with the socio-psychological faultiness of community.

Keywords: delinquent behaviors, temperament, prisoners, moderated mediation analysis

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Authors: L. Freeman, D. Bax, V. K. Sapong

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Community-based, preventative approaches to violent extremism may be effective and yet remain an underutilised method. In a realm where security approaches dominate, with the focus on countering violence extremism and combatting radicalisation, community resilience programming remains sparse. This paper will present a survey tool that aims to measure the risk and protective factors that can lead to violent extremism in Mozambique and Tanzania. Conducted in four districts in the Cabo Delgado region of Mozambique and one district in Pwani, Tanzania, the survey uses a combination of BRAVE-14, Afrocentric and context-specific questions in order to more fully understand community resilience opportunities and challenges in preventing and countering violent extremism. Developed in Australia and Canada to measure radicalisation risks in individuals and communities, BRAVE-14 is a tool not yet applied in the African continent. Given the emerging threat of Islamic extremism in Northern Mozambique and Eastern Tanzania, which both experience a combination of socio-political exclusion, resource marginalisation and religious/ideological motivations, the development of the survey is timely and fills a much-needed information gap in these regions. Not only have these Islamist groups succeeded in tapping into the grievances of communities by radicalising and recruiting individuals, but their presence in these regions has been characterised by extreme forms of violence, leaving isolated communities vulnerable to attack. The expected result of these findings will facilitate the contextualisation and comparison of the protective and risk factors that inhibit or promote the radicalisation of the youth in these communities. In identifying sources of resilience and vulnerability, this study emphasises the implementation of context-specific intervention programming and provides a strong research tool for understanding youth and community resilience to violent extremism.

Keywords: community resilience, Mozambique, preventing violent extremism, radicalisation, Tanzania

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Authors: Reza Beheshti

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This paper examines remedies for defective manufactured goods in commercial circular economic transactions. The linear ‘take-make-dispose’ model fits well with the conventional remedial framework in which damages are considered the primary remedy. Damages under English Sales Law encourages buyers to look for a substitute seller with broadly similar goods to the ones agreed on in the original contract, enter into contract with this new seller and hence terminate the original contract. By doing so, the buyer ends the contractual relationship. This seems contrary to the core principles of the circular economy: keeping products, components, and materials in longer use, which can partly be achieved by product refurbishment. This process involves returning a product to good working condition by replacing or repairing major components that are faulty or close to failure and making ‘cosmetic’ changes to update the appearance of a product. This remedy has not been widely accepted or applied in commercial cases, which in turn flags up the secondary nature of performance-related remedies. This paper critically analyses the laws concerning the seller’s duty to cure in English law and the extent to which they correspond with core principles of the circular economy. In addition, this paper takes into account the potential of circular economic transactions being characterised as something other than sales. In such situations, the likely outcome will be a license to use products, which may limit the choice of remedy further. Consequently, this paper suggests an outline remedial framework specifically for commercial circular economic transactions in manufactured goods.

Keywords: circular economy, contract law, remedies, English Sales Law

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Authors: Mohammad A. R. S. Almutairi

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This study will provide the introduction that constitutes the problem cornerstone of legal disputes of disclosure and transparency under Kuwaiti Capital market authority Law No. 7 of 2010. It also will discuss the reasons for the emergence of corporate governance and its purposes in the Capital Market Authority Law in Kuwait. In addition, it will show the legal disputes resulting from the unclear concept of disclosure and interest and will discuss the main reasons in support of the possible solution. In addition, this study will argue why the Capital Market Authority Law in Kuwait needs a clear concept and a straight structure of disclosure under section 100. This study will demonstrate why a clear disclosure is led to a better application of the law. This study will demonstrate the fairness in applying the law regarding the punishment against individual, companies and securities market. Furthermore, it will discuss added confidence between investors and the stock market with a clear concept under section 100. Finally, it will summarize arises problem and possible solution.

Keywords: corporate governors, disclosure, transparency, fairness

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Authors: Belinda Crissman

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Serious mental disorder is greatly overrepresented in prisoners compared to the general community, with consequences for prison management, recidivism and the prisoners themselves. Incarcerated individuals with psychotic disorders experience insufficient detection and treatment and higher rates of suicide in custody. However direct evidence to explain the overrepresentation of individuals with psychosis in prisons is sparse. The current study aimed to use a life course criminology perspective to answer two key questions: 1) What is the temporal relationship between psychosis and offending (does first mental health contact precede first recorded offence, or does the offending precede the mental health diagnosis)? 2) Are there key temporal points or system contacts prior to incarceration that could be identified as opportunities for early intervention? Data from the innovative Queensland Linkage project was used to link individuals with their corrections, health and relevant social service systems to answer these questions.

Keywords: mental disorder, crime, life course criminology, prevention

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Authors: Zeynep Ozkan, Cigdem Serra Uzunpinar

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Citizenship is a legal bond that binds a person to a certain state. How constitutions define ‘the citizen’ and how they regulate the elements of citizenship have great importance in terms of individuals’ duties before the state as well as the rights they own. Especially in multi-segmented societies that contain foreign elements, it becomes necessary to examinate the institution of naturalization in terms of individuals’ duty of constitutional citizenship. The meaning of citizenship in Turkey has transformed due to the changes in practices of naturalization, in parallel to receiving huge amount of immagrants with the recent Syrian Crisis, the change in the governmental system and facing economic crisis. This transformation took place in the way of a diversion from the states’ initial motive of building the bond of citizenship with the aim of founding/sustaining political unity. Hence, rising of the economic and political motives in naturalization practices are in question, instead of objective and subjective criterias, that are traditionally used on defining the notion of nation. In this study, firstly the regime of citizenship and the legal regime of aliens in Turkish legislation will be given place. Then, the transformation, that the notion of constitutional citizenship underwent, will be studied, especially on the basis of governmental practices of naturalization. The assessment will be made in the context of legal institutions brought with the new governmental system as a result of recent constitutional amendment.

Keywords: constitutional citizenship, naturalization, naturalization practices in Turkish legal system, transformation of the notion of constitutional citizenship

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Authors: F. Zamani Ashni, P. Gerber

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In today's religious and political climate, Muslims find themselves the focus of much attention, often in the form of discrimination and vilification. There is a widely held belief that Islam and terrorism are inextricably intertwined. An anti-Muslim narrative has been shaping policy around the world for some time now. This study, which focuses on the experience of Muslims in Australia, provides guidance on legislative and other steps that can be taken by Australia to help address Islamophobia. This study provides a doctrinal analysis of the state, territory, and federal anti-discrimination laws in Australia. Using principles of statutory interpretation along aside an analysis of relevant jurisprudence, this study concludes that Australian anti-discrimination laws are ill-equipped to address modern-day Islamophobia. The study also finds that laws alone are insufficient to combat Islamophobia, and a more holistic approach is required. Six strategies are identified, which can, in combination, help to successfully respond to Islamophobia. In addition to legislative initiatives, combating Islamophobia requires Australia to promote inclusive human rights education, fair media coverage, strong leadership, integration of the Islamic community, and comprehensive documentation of anti-Muslim attacks.

Keywords: Australia, discrimination, Islamophobia, Muslim

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Authors: Neeta Khurana, Ritu Sharma

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This paper is an impact assessment study of the rehabilitation work done for Chhara women in the rural precincts of Ahmedabad. The Chharas constitute a denotified tribe and live in abject poverty. The women of this community are infamous absconders of law and active bootleggers of locally made liquor. As part of a psychological study with a local NGO, the authors headed a training program aimed at rehabilitating and providing these women alternate modes of employment, thereby driving them away from a life of crime. The paper centers on the idea of women entrepreneurship and women empowerment. It notes the importance of handholding in a conflict situation. Most of the research on Chharas is either focused on victimising them for state-sponsored violence or mostly makes a plea on reconditioning them in the mainstream. Going against this trend, this paper which documents the study argues that making these poor women self-dependent is a panacea for their sluggish development. The alienation caused due to the demonisation of the community has made them abandon traditional modes of employment. This has further led the community astray into making illegal country liquor causing further damage to their reputation. Women are at the centre of this vicious circle facing much repression and ostracisation. The study conducted by the PDPU team was an attempt to change this dogmatic alienation of these poor women. It was found that with consistent support and reformist approach towards law, it is possible to drive these women away from a life of penury repression and crime. The aforementioned study uses empirical tools to verify this claim. Placed at the confluence of the sociology of gender and psychology, this paper is a good way to argue that law enforcement cannot be effective without sensitisation to the ground realities of conflict. The study conducted from which the paper borrows was a scientific survey focused on markers of gender and caste realities of the Chharas. The paper mentions various dynamics involved in the training program that paved the way for the successful employment of the women. In an attempt to explain its uniqueness, the paper also has a section on comparing similar social experiments.

Keywords: employment, gender, handholding, rehabilitation

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Authors: D. Avnieli

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Immunity of judges from liability represents a departure from the principle that all are equal under the law, and that victims may be granted compensation from their offenders. The purpose of the study is to determine if judicial immunity coincides with the need to ensure the existence of highly independent and incorruptible judiciary. Judges are immune from civil and criminal liability for their judicial acts. Judicial immunity is justified by the need to maintain complete independence and discretion of the judiciary. Scholars and judges believe that absolute immunity is needed to shield judges from pressures, threats, or outside interference. It is commonly accepted, that judges should be free to perform their judicial role in accordance with their assessment of the fact and their understanding of the law, without any restrictions, influences, inducements or interferences. In most countries, immunity applies when judges act in excess of jurisdiction. In some countries, it applies even when they act maliciously or corruptly. The only exception to absolute immunity applicable in all judicial systems is when judges act without jurisdiction over the subject matter. The Israeli Supreme Court recently decided to embrace absolute immunity and strike off a lawsuit of a refugee, who was unlawfully incarcerated. The Court ruled that the plaintiff cannot sue the State or the judge for damages. The questions of malice, dignity, and public scrutiny were not discussed. This paper, based on comparative analysis of many cases, aims to determine if immunity affects the dignity and behavior of judges. It demonstrates that most judges maintain their dignity and ethical code of behavior, but sometimes do not hesitate to act consciously in excess of jurisdiction, and in rare cases even corruptly. Therefore, in order to maintain independent and incorruptible judiciary, immunity should not be applied where judges act consciously in excess of jurisdiction or with malicious incentives.

Keywords: incorruptible judiciary, immunity, independent, judicial, judges, jurisdiction

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Authors: Lidija Simunovic

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A Close-out netting cause is a clause within master agreements which reduces credit risks. This clause contains the parties ' advance agreement that the occurrence of a certain event (such as the commencement of bankruptcy proceedings) will result in the termination of the contract and that their mutual claims will be calculated as a net lump-sum to be paid by one party to the other. The legal treatment of the enforceability of close-out netting clauses opens up many legal matters in comparative legal systems because it is not uniformly treated in comparative laws. Certain legal systems take a liberal approach and allow the enforcement of close-out netting clauses. Others are much stricter, and they limit or completely prohibit the enforcement of close-out netting clauses through the mandatory provisions of their national bankruptcy laws. The author analyzes the concept of close-out netting clauses in selected comparative legal systems and examines the differences in their legal treatment by using the historical, analytical, and comparative method. It results that special treatment of the close-out netting in national laws with a liberal approach is often forced by financial industry lobbies and introduced in national laws without the justified reasons. Contrary to that in legal systems with limited or prohibited approach on close-out netting the uncertain enforceability of the close-out netting clause causes potential credit risks. The detected discrepancy on the national legal treatment and national financial markets regarding close-out netting lead to the conclusion to author’s best knowledge that is not possible to use any national model of close-out netting as a role model which perfectly fits all.

Keywords: close-out netting clauses, derivatives, insolvency, offsetting

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Authors: Anat Peleg, Hadar Dancig-Rosenberg

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This interdisciplinary study, to our knowledge the first in this field, is located on the intersection of victimology-law and society-and media literature, and it corresponds both with feminist writing and with cyber literature which explores the techno-social sphere. It depicts the multifaceted dimensions of shaming in the eyes of the survivors through the following research questions: What are the motivations of sexual-assault survivors to publicize the assailants' identity or to refrain from this practice? Is shaming on Facebook perceived by sexual–assault victims as a substitute for the CJS or as a new form of social activism? What positive and negative consequences do survivors experience as a result of shaming their assailants online? The study draws on in-depth semi-structured interviews which we have conducted between 2016-2018 with 20 sexual-assaults survivors who exposed themselves on Facebook. They were sexually attacked in various forms: six participants reported that they had been raped when they were minors; eight women reported that they had been raped as adults; three reported that they had been victims of an indecent act and three reported that they had been harassed either in their workplace or in the public sphere. Most of our interviewees (12) reported to the police and were involved in criminal procedures. More than half of the survivors (11) disclosed the identity of their attackers online. The vocabularies of motives that have emerged from the thematic analysis of the interviews with the survivors consist of both social and personal motivations for using the practice of shaming online. Some survivors maintain that the use of shaming derives from the decline in the public trust in the criminal justice system. It reflects demand for accountability and justice and serves also as a practice of warning other potential victims of the assailants. Other survivors assert that shaming people in a position of privilege is meant to fulfill the public right to know who these privileged men really are. However, these aforementioned moral and practical justifications of the practice of shaming are often mitigated by fear from the attackers' physical or legal actions in response to their allegations. Some interviewees who are feminist activists argue that the practice of shaming perpetuates the social ancient tendency to define women by labels linking them to the men who attacked them, instead of being defined by their own life complexities. The variety of motivations to adopt or resent the practice of shaming by sexual assault victims presented in our study appear to refute the prevailing intuitive stereotype that shaming is an irrational act of revenge, and denote its rationality. The role of social media as an arena for seeking informal justice raises questions about the new power relations created between victims, assailants, the community and the State, outside the formal criminal justice system. At the same time, the survivors' narratives also uncover the risks and pitfalls embedded within the online sphere for sexual assault survivors.

Keywords: criminal justice, gender, Facebook, sexual-assaults

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