Search results for: racial or ethnic politics

Authors: Raja Rodziah Binti Raja Zainal Hassan

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The development of Malaysian political cinema is rapidly taking shape in the local film industry. The paper focuses on the production of independent political documentary by two Malaysian filmmakers, Amir Muhammad and Fahmi Reza. Revolutionary cinema can be understood by utilizing the Third Cinema Theory in order to analyse the meaning and its impact on the audience. The issue surrounding the political cinema in Malaysia is the question of national identity. The implementation of racial or ethnic based politics has resulted in hostility within Malaysia’s multiracial society. Amir Muhammad and Fahmi Reza revisit the Malaysian political history through their films in order to understand the reasons behind the hostility and conflict.

Keywords: Political cinema, third cinema theory, revolutionary cinema, national identity, racial or ethnic politics

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Authors: Elizabeth Russo, Angelica Terepka

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The present paper reviews literature examining trends among suicide, suicidal ideation, and mental illness rates in ethnic and racial minority student-athletes. While the rates of suicide amongst student athlete populations is lower than rates of suicide seen in the general student populations, there is a discrepancy amongst rates of suicide in student athletes; specifically, those identifying with racial and ethnic minority backgrounds endorse higher rates of suicidal ideation. The samples from the existing literature consisted of White, Black, Hispanic/Latinx, Asian/ Pacific Islander, Multiracial, and Native American student-athletes. Studies suggest that ethnic and racial minority students are more susceptible to suicide, depression, and other mental health concerns compared to their white counterparts. Across the literature, White student athletes appeared to have more social and academic support from fellow classmates, university administration and professors, and staff within their athletic departments. Student athletes who did not identify as White endorsed higher rates of loneliness, felt ethnically and racially underrepresented within their athletic department, and endorsed lack of appropriate medical treatment for injuries by athletic department medical staff. Additionally, non-White student athletes receive less peer support and must balance additional stressors such as discrimination in contrast to their White/non-Latinx peers. Recommendations for athletic departments and mental health providers supporting student athletes who identify as racial and ethnic minorities are discussed.

Keywords: racial and ethnic minority, suicide, student-athlete, suicidal ideation

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Authors: Adekunle Saheed Ajisebiyawo

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This paper examines the influence of identity politics on the development of electoral democracy in Nigeria. The paper was anchored on a theory of African democracy adopted the qualitative methodology and deployed data from secondary sources to evaluate the 2023 presidential election, and found that ethnicity, religion, and regional sentiments played a major role in the election. The practical implications of this paper are that while Nigeria’s democracy is tending towards consolidation, if the unexpected does not happen, e.g., military takeover, religious and ethnic identities can mar the country’s development as competent candidates that have good policies will be voted out based on religious and ethnic sentiments. Thus, there is a need to de-emphasize religion and ethnicity in the Nigerian polity. Candidates and parties that campaign based on racial or religious narratives should be barred from contesting elective positions. The paper concluded that identity politics is inimical to Nigeria’s democratization process as well as efforts aimed at uniting and integrating the country; it, therefore, recommended that to establish a sound electoral democracy and a strong united country, the menace of ethnic, religious, and regional cleavages should be addressed. To achieve this, efforts should be intensified towards providing a set of principles for nation-building which should be included in the constitution. In addition, the paper urges the media to support the formation of an inclusive government, cutting across tribes and religions in the country to reduce the negative impact of ethnicity and religion in the country.

Keywords: cleavages, democracy, ethnicity, election, identity politics, religion

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Authors: Dorcas Matowe

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Inequality in health care for racial and ethnic minorities continues to be a growing concern for many Americans. Some of the barriers hindering the elimination of health disparities include lack of insurance, socioeconomic status (SES), and racism. This study will specifically focus on the association between some of these factors- health care access, which includes insurance coverage and frequency of doctor visits, race, ethnicity, and health status. The purpose of this study will be to address the following questions: is having health insurance associated with increased doctor visits? Are racial and ethnic minorities with health insurance more or less likely to see a doctor? Is the association between having health insurance moderated by being an ethnic minority? Given the current implications of the 2010 Affordable Care Act, this study will highlight the need to prioritize health care access for minorities and confront institutional racism. Critical Race Theory (CRT) will demonstrate how racism has reinforced these health disparities. This quantitative study design will analyze secondary data from the 2015 Behavioral Risk Factor Surveillance System (BRFSS) questionnaire, a telephone survey conducted annually in all 50 states and three US territories by state health departments in conjunction with the Center for Disease Control (CDC). Non-identifying health-related data is gathered annually from over 400,000 adults 18 years and above about their health status and use of preventative services. Through Structural Equation Modeling (SEM), the relationship between the predictor variables of health care access, race, and ethnicity, the criterion variable of health status, and the latent variables of emotional support and life satisfaction will be examined. It is hypothesized that there will be an interaction between certain racial and ethnic minorities who went to see a doctor, had insurance coverage, experienced racism, and the quality of their health status, emotional support, and life satisfaction.

Keywords: ethnic minorities, health disparities, health access, racism

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Authors: Emmanuel Ayobami Adesiyan

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Political theorists have identified ethnicity as an obstacle to democratic stability in deeply divided societies. Nigeria belongs to the categories of problematic states labeled divided or deeply divided societies, as such post-independence politics is characterized by ethnicity with its ruinous effect on democratic governance and development. Institutional Engineering, the purposive manipulation of the electoral rule relating to party organization and the electoral formula has been established in comparative political studies as a policy measure for managing ethnicity in order to stabilize politics in divided societies. This paper examines the use of electoral engineering tools in managing ethnic politics in Nigeria’s Fourth Republic. The study is guided by rational institutional theory. Secondary data on electoral rules and disaggregated results of presidential elections were collected from archival documents. Data were subjected to content analysis. Institutional changes in electoral rules have promoted the development of inter-ethnic bargaining and compromises within the party system. Presidential Electoral Formula aided the emergence of national rather parochial parties. Electoral engineering tools moved Nigerian Politics from ethnic parochialism to inclusion and accommodation. These innovations should be strengthened to enhance democratic stability.

Keywords: Nigeria, presidential-elections, ethnic politics, institutional engineering

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Authors: Shelley Zion

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This study examines the longitudinal impact (10 years) of a course for education leaders designed to encourage the development of critical consciousness surrounding issues of equity, oppression, power, and privilege. The ability to resist and challenge oppression across social and cultural contexts can be acquired through the use of transformative pedagogies that create spaces that use the practice of exploration to make connections between pervasive structural and institutional practices and race and ethnicity. This study seeks to extend this understanding by exploring the longitudinal influence of participating in a course that utilizes transformative pedagogies, course materials, exercises, and activities to encourage the practice of exploration of student experiences with racial and ethnic discrimination with the end goal of providing them with the necessary knowledge and skills that foster their ability to resist and challenge oppression and discrimination -critical action- in their lives. To this end, we use the explanatory power of the theories of critical consciousness development, sociopolitical development, and social identity construction that view exploration as a crucial practice in understanding the role ethnic and racial differences play in creating opportunities or barriers in the lives of individuals. When educators use transformative pedagogies, they create a space where students collectively explore their experiences with racial and ethnic discrimination through course readings, in-class activities, and discussions. The end goal of this exploration is twofold: first, to encourage the student’s ability to understand how differences are identified, given meaning to, and used to position them in specific places and spaces in their world; second, to scaffold students’ ability to make connections between their individual and collective differences and particular institutional and structural practices that create opportunities or barriers in their lives. Studies have found the formal exploration of students’ individual and collective differences in relation to their experiences with racial and ethnic discrimination results in developing an understanding of the roles race and ethnicity play in their lives. To trace the role played by exploration in identity construction, we utilize an integrative approach to identity construction informed by multiple theoretical frameworks grounded in cultural studies, social psychology, and sociology that understand social-cultural, racial, and ethnic -identities as dynamic and ever-changing based on context-specific environments. Stuart Hall refers to this practice as taking “symbolic detours through the past” while reflecting on the different ways individuals have been positioned based on their roots (group membership) and also how they, in turn, chose to position themselves through collective sense-making of the various meanings their differences carried through the routes they have taken. The practice of exploration in the construction of ethnic-racial identities has been found to be beneficial to sociopolitical development.

Keywords: political polarization, civic participation, democracy, education

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Authors: Hugo M. Gonzales, Ke Ni Chai, Deanne Mary King

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International students are underrepresented in Australian health literature, and this population is especially vulnerable to the well-documented negative impacts associated with racial microaggressions in their adjustment to settling in the new society, as well as to the many challenges they already face as international students. This study investigated the prevalence of racial microaggressions among international students and their impact on stress and psychological well-being. This research was conducted during the COVID-19 pandemic, which has been documented to contribute to anti-Asian racism. Participants included 54 international students, of which 72% were Asian. The Racial and Ethnic Microaggressions Scale (REMS), Perceived Stress Scale (PSS), and the Perceived General Wellbeing Indicator (PGWBI) were used to measure the participants’ responses. All participants reported experiencing racial microaggression in the last six months, and significant correlations and regression models were found between REMS, certain elements of the PSS scale, and time in Australia. Despite the small sample size, this research corroborated outcomes from recent studies and provided insight into the prevalence and impact of racial microaggressions among such populations, highlighting the need for further exploration.

Keywords: racial microaggressions, international students, racism, REMS, microaggressions in Australia, stress, psychological wellbeing

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Authors: Cindy Agyemang

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This study seeks to find out if racial sentiment toward immigrants still matters in the United States with COVID-19 present. It is argued that previous studies on immigration and racial attitudes or race conducted do not consider how health-related pandemics influence public opinion on immigration and the racial attitudes of people during severe health-related pandemics. In doing so, this paper hypothesizes that respondents' racial sentiment towards immigrants during this pandemic will influence their views on opposing immigration, those that believe the president handled cases on COVID-19 better are more likely to oppose immigration, and party affiliation affects respondents' views on immigration and COVID-19. For testing these hypotheses, the 2012, 2016, and 2020 American National Election Studies data was used. In accordance with the expectations of this study, it was observed that there was a statistically significant relationship between all my estimated models. This paper concludes that racial sentiment toward immigrants still matters even more in the United States, especially with the existence of health-related pandemics.

Keywords: COVID-19, immigration, racial attitudes, partisanship

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Authors: Shantol McIntosh

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Due to environmental and underlying health disparities, the COVID-19 pandemic has caused an added set of economic implications worldwide. Black and Hispanic individuals are more susceptible to contract COVID-19, and if they do, they are more likely to have a severe case that necessitates hospitalization or results in death (Altarum et al., 2020). The literature shows that disparities in health and health treatment are nothing new as they have been recorded for decades and indicate systemic and structural imbalances rooted in racism and discrimination. The purpose of this study is to determine the frequency with which these populations have access to healthcare and treatment. The study will also highlight the key drivers of health disparities. Findings and implications for research and policy will be discussed.

Keywords: COVID-19, racial and ethnic disparities, discrimination, policy

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Authors: Brianna Z. Ross, Jonathan N. Livingston

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Given that discussions of racism and racial tensions have become more salient, there is a need to evaluate the impacts of racialization among Black individuals. Racial discrimination has become one of the most common experiences within the Black American population. Likewise, Black individuals have indicated a need to address their racial identities at an earlier age than their non-Black peers. Further, Black individuals have been found at the forefront of multiple social and political movements, including but not limited to the Civil Rights Movement, Black Lives Matter, MeToo, and Say Her Name. Moreover, the present study sought to explore the predictive relationships that exist between racial discrimination, racial identity, and activism in the Black community. The results of standard and hierarchical regression analyses revealed that racial discrimination and racial identity significantly predict each other, but only racial discrimination is a significant predictor for the relationship to activism. Nonetheless, the results from this study will provide a basis for social scientists to better understand the impacts of racialization on the Black American population.

Keywords: activism, racialization, racial discrimination, racial identity

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Authors: Faguna Barmahalia

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Politics of ethnic identity in the north-east India is well-known phenomenon. The ethnic assertion in this region is mostly linguistic and cultural in nature. Most of the ethnic groups in the north-east region have been demanding either autonomous or separate state to maintain their socio-cultural identity. After the Indian Independence, the ethnic groups of people think that they have not developed till. Despite having many natural resources, North East India remained backward in terms of economic, education as well as politics. In this scenario, many educated and middle-class elite people have involved in working for the all-round development of their community. The Bodos are one of the major tribes in North Eeast India. In Assam, the Bodos are assumed by themselves to be exploited and suppressed by the Assamese Hindu society. Consequently, the socio-cultural identity movement has emerged among the Bodos.The main aims of my study are: i. to focus on how the Bodos of Assam are using the folk media in their political movement and iii. To analyse the role of folklore towards serving the ethnic unity and nationalism among the Bodos. Methodology: The study is based on the primary and secondary sources. Interview and observation method was conducted for collecting the primary data. For secondary source, some printed books, magazines and others materials published by the distinguished publishers and websites have been used.

Keywords: media, culture, nationalism, politics

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Authors: Saeb Farhan Al Ganideh

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We draw on insights from theories of group threat and identity to explore how soccer rivalries can decode the relationship between ethnic minorities and local societies. How ethnic minorities used soccer, in the Arab countries of the Middle East, to express their racial-ethnic heritage is the main question that this paper grapples with at its most general level. The rhetoric around soccer and minorities in the Middle East show that ethnic minorities’ soccer clubs have faced varying degrees of discrimination. The paper relies on an analysis of 4 ethnic minorities’ soccer clubs, namely, Circassians in Jordan, Kurds in Syria, Sahrawis in Morocco, and Amazighs in Algeria, focusing on previous and current performance of these clubs. Ethnic minorities’ soccer clubs were the pinnacle in the Middle East region a few decades ago. Nonetheless, these soccer clubs, currently, fighting for not only their place in their countries’ local competitions but also for their existence as soccer clubs. Minorities’ soccer clubs have been plagued with challenges related to the change in political and social contexts in these countries.

Keywords: minorities, rivalries, soccer, middle east

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Authors: Mette Evelyn Bjerre

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Nordic Exceptionalism is a racial paradigm that inhibits a critical examination of structural discrimination and the daily experiences of minority-racialised Danes. As a result, the category ethnic-Danish is a White hegemonic construct that limits access for multiracial ethnic Danes irrespective of their multigenerational Danish heritage. An anti-immigrant public discourse and frequent racialisation as ‘other’ in social interactions are part of a boundary-making process that sustains White hegemony and excludes multiracial ethnic Danes from a collective national identity. With an analysis of interview data with 40 multiracial ethnic Danes, this research finds that the understanding of race as a category and the salience of race for multiracial ethnic Danes has changed over time concurrently with demographic changes and a heightened awareness of racialisation processes. The older generation is more likely to conform to White hegemony by trivialising racialised experiences. In contrast, younger multiracial ethnic Danes have the knowledge and cultural capital to challenge Whiteness actively. They do this by claiming their multiracial identity as a crucial part of their Danish identity and acknowledging race as a social fact that impacts their lives. Many young multiracial participants also dispute that the public immigration debate is race-neutral and is active in organisations supporting immigrants and refugees. These findings suggest that young multiracial Danes are uniquely positioned to push public discourse toward a better understanding of how Whiteness is integral to national identity and advocate for a broader Danish identity type that challenges White hegemony and Nordic exceptionalism.

Keywords: multiracial Danes, nordic exceptionalism, racial identity, white hegemony

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Authors: A. E. Agbogu

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While scholars have predicted that identity politics (or what is euphemistically referred to as ethnic politics in Nigeria) were a dying phenomenon in other parts of the world, in Nigeria, it has remained the basis of political activity and has indeed become not only the unwritten law of all calculations in the political firmament of the country but also the ultimo ratio. We intend in the paper that follows to explore the reason for this unhealthy development. The paper seeks to offer explanations for the paradoxical reality of the upsurge of ethnic politics in Nigeria when in fact, the phenomenon is apparently on a downward spiral elsewhere in the world, particularly in countries that are at par with Nigeria in terms of national development. The paper is descriptive and qualitative and has relied on available data for its source of materials. Among other things, the paper locates identity politics as a tool in the hands of a national elite that has not transcended the limitations imposes by the shackles of the parsonian particularistic polar attributes which have tended to fixate their weltanschauung or world view on attachments that are unpardonably primordial. In the event, ethnicity becomes a veritable instrument not only for cheap sectional mobilization but also a means for seeking access to the so-called national cake. It is recommended that a way out of this socio-politico malady is the creation of a political arrangement that conduces to the gravitational tendency which will lead to the transfer of loyalties away from the extant ethno-nationalities to the centre.

Keywords: ethnicism, development, crisis, identity politics

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Authors: Zikun Li, Regine Talleyrand

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Negative body image is one of the most common causes of eating disorders, and it is not only happening to women. Regardless of the increasing attention that researchers and practitioners have been paying to the male population and their body image concerns, men of color have yet to be fully represented or studied. Given the consensus that the sociocultural experiences of people of color may play a significant role in their health and well-being, this study focused on assessing the mechanism through which sociocultural factors may influence men of color’s perceptions of body image. In particular, this study focused on untangling how interpersonal and media pressure, as well as ethnic-racial identities and perceptions, would impact body dissatisfaction in terms of muscularity, body fat, and height in men of color and how this mechanism is moderated across different ethnic-racial groups. The structural equation modeling approach was therefore applied to achieve the research goal. With the sample size of 181 self-identified Black, Indigenous, and People of Color male participants aged 20-50 (M=33.33, SD=6.9) through surveying on Amazon’s MTurk platform, the proposed model achieved a modestly acceptable model fit with the pooled sample, X2(836) = 1412.184, CFI = 0.900, RMSEA = 0.062 [0.056, 0.067]. And SRMR = 0.088, And it explained 89.5% of the variance in body dissatisfaction. The results showed that of all the direct effects on body dissatisfaction, interpersonal appearance pressure exhibited the strongest effect (β = 0.410***), followed by media appearance pressure (β = 0.272**) and self-hatred feeling (β = 0.245**). The ethnic-racial related factors (i.e., stereotype endorsement, ethnic-racial salience, and nationalistic assimilation) statistically influenced body dissatisfaction through the mediators of media appearance pressure and/or self-hatred feeling. Furthermore, the moderation analysis between Black/African American men and non-Black/African American men revealed the substantial differences in how ethnic/racial identity impacts one’s perception of body image, and the Black/African American men were found to be influenced by sociocultural factors at a higher level, compared with their counterparts. The impacts of demographic characteristics (i.e., SES, weight, height) on body dissatisfaction were also examined. Instead of considering interpersonal appearance pressure and media pressure as two subscales under one construct, this study considered them as two separate and distinct sociocultural factors. The good model fit to the data indicates this rationality and encourages scholars to reconsider the impacts of two sources of social pressures on body dissatisfaction. In addition, this study also provided empirical evidence of the moderation effect existing within the population of men of color, which reveals the heterogeneity existing across different ethnic-racial groups and implies the necessity to study individual ethnic-racial groups so as to better understand the mechanism of sociocultural influences on men of color’s body dissatisfaction. These findings strengthened the current understanding of the body image concerns exciting among men of color and meanwhile provided empirical evidence for practitioners to provide tailored health prevention and treatment options for this growing population in the United States.

Keywords: men of color, body image concerns, sociocultural factors, structural equation modeling

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Authors: Hare Krishna Doley

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Drawing upon empirical data, this paper tries to examine how ethnic groups like Ahom, Moran, Motok, and Chutia creates and recreates ethnic boundaries while making claims for recognition as Scheduled Tribes (STs) under the Sixth Schedule of the Constitution of India, in the state of Assam. Underlying such claim is the distinct identity consciousness amongst these groups as they assert themselves originally as tribe drawing upon primordial elements. For them, tribal identity promises social justice and give credence to their claims of indigeneity while preserving their exclusivity within the multifarious society of Assam. Having complex inter-group relationships, these groups under study displays distinct as well as overlapping identities, which demonstrate fluidity of identities across groups while making claims for recognition. In this process, the binary of ‘us’ and ‘them’ are often constructed amongst these groups, which are in turn difficult to grasp as they share common historical linkages. This paper attempts to grapple with such complex relationships the studied groups and their assertion as distinct cultural entities while making ethnic boundaries on the basis of socio-cultural identities. Such claims also involve frequent negotiation with the Sate as well as with other ethnic groups, which further creates strife among indigenous groups for tribal identity. The paper argues that identity consciousnesses amongst groups have persisted since the introduction of resource distribution on ethnic lines; therefore, issues of exclusive ethnic identity in the state of Assam can be contextualised within the colonial and post-colonial politics of redrawing ethnic and spatial boundaries. Narrative of the ethnic leaders who are in the forefront of struggle for ST status revealed that it is not merely to secure preferential treatment, but it also encompasses entitlement to land and their socio-cultural identity as aboriginal. While noting the genesis of struggle by the ethnic associations for ST status, this paper will also delineate the interactions among ethnic groups and how the identity of tribe is being performed by them to be included in the official categories of ST.

Keywords: ethnic, identity, sixth schedule, tribe

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Authors: Olufemi Adedamola Oyedele

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Infrastructure provision in Nigeria is now at its lowest ebb in spite of its being critical to the socio-economic and political development of any nation. This is partly because the policy that will ensure its adequate provisioning is missing and partly because politics is affecting its provision. Policy is the basic principles by which a government is guided. Infrastructural development is the basis for measuring the performance of governments and it is the foundation of good governance. Demand for infrastructural development is higher and resources used in its provision are limited. Ethnic-interest agitation and lobbying for infrastructure provision are common things in multi-ethnic state like Nigeria. Most infrastructures are now decayed and need repair or replacement. Government is the system that organizes, control and sensitizes the people in a society in other for all to have an acceptable level of living. Governments have the power to put in place all measures that they deem fit will make an environment conducive for living for everybody. Infrastructure development in any environment requires needs assessment, feasibility and viability studies and carrying out physical development of the project. The challenge in Nigeria is largely carrying out development where they are not needed but where the people are loyal. There are numerous abandoned projects because they were started due to politics and not because they are feasible. Policies and politics greatly affect infrastructure provisioning in Nigeria and this is the premise of this paper.

Keywords: infrastructure challenges, infrastructure development, policy making, politics, project finance

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Authors: Cagdas Agirdas

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Background: The Affordable Care Act (ACA) requires non-grandfathered private insurance plans, starting with plan years on or after September 23rd, 2010, to provide certain preventive care services without any cost sharing in the form of deductibles, copayments or co-insurance. This requirement may affect racial and ethnic disparities in preventive care as it provides the largest copay reduction in preventive care. Objectives: We ask whether the ACA’s free preventive care benefits are associated with a reduction in racial and ethnic disparities in the utilization of four preventive services: cholesterol screenings, colonoscopies, mammograms, and pap smears. Methods: We use a data set of over 6,000 individuals from the 2009, 2010, and 2013 Medical Expenditure Panel Surveys (MEPS). We restrict our data set only to individuals who are old enough to be eligible for each preventive service. Our difference-in-differences logistic regression model classifies privately-insured Hispanics, African Americans, and Asians as the treatment groups and 2013 as the after-policy year. Our control group consists of non-Hispanic whites on Medicaid as this program already covered preventive care services for free or at a low cost before the ACA. Results: After controlling for income, education, marital status, preferred interview language, self-reported health status, employment, having a usual source of care, age and gender, we find that the ACA is associated with increases in the probability of the median, privately-insured Hispanic person to get a colonoscopy by 3.6% and a mammogram by 3.1%, compared to a non-Hispanic white person on Medicaid. Similarly, we find that the median, privately-insured African American person’s probability of receiving these two preventive services improved by 2.3% and 2.4% compared to a non-Hispanic white person on Medicaid. We do not find any significant improvements for any racial or ethnic group for cholesterol screenings or pap smears. Furthermore, our results do not indicate any significant changes for Asians compared to non-Hispanic whites in utilizing the four preventive services. These reductions in racial/ethnic disparities are robust to reconfigurations of time periods, previous diagnosis, and residential status. Conclusions: Early effects of the ACA’s provision of free preventive care are significant for Hispanics and African Americans. Further research is needed for the later years as more individuals became aware of these benefits.

Keywords: preventive care, Affordable Care Act, cost sharing, racial disparities

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Authors: Madeline Phillips, Luis Mendez

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The 21st century has seen an increase in the amount and variety of psychological research on Latinx, the largest minority group in the U.S., with great variability from the individual’s cultural origin (e.g., ethnicity) to region (e.g., nationality). We were interested in exploring how scientists recruit, conduct and report research on Latinx samples. Ethnicity and race are important components of individuals and should be addressed to capture a broader and deeper understanding of psychological research findings. In order to explore Latinx/Hispanic work, the Journal of Latinx Psychology (JLP) and Hispanic Journal of Behavioral Sciences (HJBS) were analyzed for 1) measures of ethnicity and race in empirical studies 2) nationalities represented 3) how researchers reported ethnic-racial demographics. The analysis included publications from 2013-2018 and revealed two common themes of reporting ethnicity and race: overrepresentation/underrepresentation and overgeneralization. There is currently not a systematic way of reporting ethnicity and race among Latinx/Hispanic research, creating a vague sense of what and how ethnicity/race plays a role in the lives of participants. Second, studies used the Hispanic/Latinx terms interchangeably and are not consistent across publications. For the purpose of this project, we were only interested in publications with Latinx samples in the U.S. Therefore, studies outside of the U.S. and non-empirical studies were excluded. JLP went from N = 118 articles to N = 94 and HJBS went from N = 174 to N = 154. For this project, we developed a coding rubric for ethnicity/race that reflected the different ways researchers reported ethnicity and race and was compatible with the U.S. census. We coded which ethnicity/race was identified as the largest ethnic group in each sample. We used the ethnic-racial breakdown numbers or percentages if provided. There were also studies that simply did not report the ethnic composition besides Hispanic or Latinx. We found that in 80% of the samples, Mexicans are overrepresented compared to the population statistics of Latinx in the US. We observed all the ethnic-racial breakdowns, demonstrating the overrepresentation of Mexican samples and underrepresentation and/or lack of representation of certain ethnicities (e.g., Chilean, Guatemalan). Our results showed an overgeneralization of studies that cluster their participants to Latinx/Hispanic, 23 for JLP and 63 for HJBS. The authors discuss the importance of transparency from researchers in reporting the context of the sample, including country, state, neighborhood, and demographic variables that are relevant to the goals of the project, except when there may be an issue of privacy and/or confidentiality involved. In addition, the authors discuss the importance to recognize the variability within the Latinx population and how it is reflected in the scientific discourse.

Keywords: Latinx, Hispanic, race and ethnicity, diversity

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Authors: Julia Indongo - Haiduwa

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The study looks at the attitudes of Angolan migrants in the informal sectors towards their ethnic languages. The assumption is most Angolan migrants speak Portuguese instead of their ethnic languages as they lack interest in their ethnic languages. The study was qualitative in nature, and 20 Angolan migrants who are operating in the informal sector where purposively selected for the semistructured interviews. The study revealed that many Angolan has negative attitudes towards their ethnic language because even prior to their migration to Namibia, they use Portuguese to communicate as opposed to their ethnic languages. The ethnic languages are associated with old people and the ethnic languages do not offer the migrants any economic benefits. The study recommends that there is a need for the revitalization of Angolan ethnic languages in Namibia in order to maintain the language and prevent them from dying.

Keywords: ethnic languages language attitude, language, choice, language maintenance, multilingualism

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Authors: Ansarullah Omari

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This article examines the intercultural sensitivities of ethnic groups (Tajik and Pashtun) in Afghan society. Afghanistan is known as a multi-ethnic society due to its many ethnic groups. Intercultural sensitivities among ethnic groups have been the basis for the formation of conflicts, divisions and discrimination in this country for many years, whose destructive effects include civil wars, immigration and the lack of sustainability of Afghan governments. One of the ways to achieve unity and social interaction with peace and comfort in the multi-ethnic society of Afghanistan is to identify intercultural sensitivities between ethnic groups, especially two large ethnic groups (Tajik and Pashtun) and related factors through intercultural communication. Therefore, the research is conducted with the question of what factors have caused intercultural sensitivities between the Tajik and Pashtun people. And for its scientific understanding, the theory of intercultural sensitivities is used. The current research is participative research that is done with qualitative and quantitative methods. In the qualitative method, by conducting in-depth semi-structured interviews, the components of intercultural sensitivities of the Tajik and Pashtun ethnic groups are identified, and then in the quantitative method, these components are measured in a survey in the society. The expected findings are that the level of intercultural sensitivities among the general public is relatively low, but the most important factors that increase intercultural sensitivities between the Tajik and Pashtun ethnic groups are, firstly, politics, secondly, the self-praise of the Pashtun people and in the language issue.

Keywords: intercultural communication, intercultural sensitivity, Tajik people, Pashtun people, in-depth interview

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Authors: Su-Lin Yu

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Coalition politics has been one of feminists’ persistent concerns. Following recent feminist discussion on new modes of affiliation across difference, she will explore how the process of female subject formation depends on alliances across different cultural locations. First, she will examine how coalition politics is reformulated across difference in contemporary feminist literature. In particular, the paper will identify the particular contexts and locations in which coalition building both enables and constrains the female subject. She will attempt to explore how contemporary feminist literature highlights the possibilities and limitations for solidarity and affiliations. To understand coalition politics in contemporary feminist works, she will engage in close readings of two texts: Rebecca Walker’s Black, White and Jewish: Memoir of a Shifting Self and Danzy Senna’s Caucasia. Both Walker and Senna have articulated the complex nodes of identity that are staged by a politics of location as they refuse to be boxed into simplistic essentialist positions. Their texts are characterized by the characters’ racial ambiguity and their social and geographical mobility of life in the contemporary United States. Their experiences of living through conflictual and contradictory relationships never fully fit the boundaries of racial categorization. Each of these texts demonstrates the limits as well as the possibilities of working with diversity among and within persons and groups, thus, laying the ground for complex alliance formation. Because each of the protagonists must negotiate a set of contradictions, they will have to constantly shift their affiliations. Rather than construct a static alliance, they describe a process of moving ‘beyond boundaries,’ an embracing of multiple locations. As self-identified third wavers, Rebecca Walker and Danzy Senna have been identified and marked with the status of ‘leader’ by the feminist establishment and by mainstream U.S. media. Their texts have captured both mass popularity and critical attention in the feminist and, often, the non-feminist literary community. By analyzing these texts, she will show how contemporary American feminist literature reveals coalition politics which is fraught with complications and unintended consequences. Taken as a whole, then, these works provide an important examination not only of coalition politics of American feminism, but also a snapshot of a central debate among feminist critique of coalition politics as a whole.

Keywords: coalition politics, contemporary women’s literature, identity, female subject

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Authors: Michael J. Kristiono

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This paper attempts to investigate the reasons behind the negative sentiments directed towards Chinese Indonesians from International Relations (IR) perspective. By tracing back the treatment of the New Order government towards ethnic Chinese, it was found that such demonization initially happened due to two politically motivated reasons. Firstly, as part of de-Soekarnoization done by the New Order, the Chinese were outcast because Chinese identity does not conform to the 'Indonesian identity', which was in essence, the Javanese identity. Secondly, the condition reflected the change in Indonesian foreign policy which drifted apart from People’s Republic of China (PRC) as the latter was suspected to be involved in September 30 Movement. Then, this paper argues that due to those reasons, coupled by blatant maltreatment from the New Order Government, Chinese Indonesians were constructed as the Others, that is, as non-Indonesians. Such construct has been deeply embedded such that reconciliation attempts done by the Reformation Era government were not sufficient enough to stop ethnic discrimination towards Chinese Indonesians from happening even until the present.

Keywords: Chinese Indonesians, ethnic discrimination, identity, New Order

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Authors: Annamarie Rannou, Horace Bartilow

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Global concerns about xenophobic activity are on the rise across developed and developing countries. And yet, social science scholarship has almost exclusively examined xenophobia as a prejudice of advanced western nations. This research argues that the fields of study related to xenophobia must be re-conceptualized within a framework of ethnicity in order to level the playing field for cross-regional inquiry. This study develops a new concept of ethnic xenophobia and integrates existing explanations of anti-migrant expression into theories of ethnic threat. We argue specifically that political elites convert economic, political, and social threats at the national level into ethnic xenophobic activity in order to gain or maintain political advantage among their native selectorate. We expand on Stuart Kaufman’s theory of symbolic politics to underscore the methods of mobilization used against migrants and the power of elite discourse in moments of national crises. An original dataset is used to examine over 35,000 cases of ethnic xenophobic activity targeting refugees. Wordscores software is used to develop a unique measure of anti-migrant elite rhetoric which captures the symbolic discourse of elites in their mobilization of ethnic xenophobic activism. We use a Structural Equation Model (SEM) to test the causal pathways of the theory across seventy-two developed and developing countries from 1990 to 2016. A framework of Most Different Systems Design (MDSD) is also applied to two pairs of developed-developing country cases, including Kenya and the Netherlands and Lebanon and the United States. This study sheds tremendous light on an underrepresented area of comparative research in migration studies. It shows that the causal elements of anti-migrant activity are far more similar than existing research suggests which has major implications for policy makers, practitioners, and academics in fields of migration protection and advocacy. It speaks directly to the mobilization of myths surrounding refugees, in particular, and the nationalization of narratives of migration that may be neutralized by the development of deeper associational relationships between natives and migrants.

Keywords: refugees, ethnicity, symbolic politics, elites, migration, comparative politics

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Authors: Morolake Josephine Adeagbo

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South Africa is one of those countries that openly rejected racism, and this is entrenched in its Bill of Rights. Despite the acceptance and incorporation of racial integration into the South Africa Constitution, the implementation within some sectors, most especially the educational sector, seems difficult. Recent occurrences of racism in some higher institutions of learning in South Africa are indications that racial integration / racial transformation is still farfetched in the country’s higher educational sector. It is against this background that this study was conducted to understand how gender and residential background influence racial integration in a South African university which was predominantly a white Afrikaner institution. Using a quantitative method to test the attitude of different categories of undergraduate students at the university, this study found that the factors- residential background and gender- used in measuring student’s attitude do not necessarily have a significant relationship towards racial integration. However, this study concludes with a call for more research with a range of other factors in order to better understand how racial integration can be promoted in South African institutions of higher learning.

Keywords: racial integration, gender, residential background, transformation

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Authors: Jahnu Bharadwaj

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In the third decade of the 19th century, the political landscape of the Brahmaputra valley changed at many levels. The establishment of East India Company’s authority in ‘Assam’ was complete with the Treaty of Yandaboo. The whole phenomenon of the annexation of Assam into the British Indian Empire led to several administrative reorganizations and reforms under the new regime. British colonial rule was distinguished by new systems and institutions of governance. This paper broadly looks at the historical proceedings of the introduction of the Rule of Law and a new legal structure in the region of ‘Assam’. With numerous archival data, this paper seeks to chiefly examine the trajectory of an important element in the new legal apparatus, i.e. the jury in the British criminal courts introduced in the newly annexed region. Right from the beginning of colonial legal innovations with the establishment of the panchayats and the parallel courts in Assam, the jury became an important element in the structure of the judicial system. In both civil and criminal courts, the jury was to be formed from the learned members of the ‘native’ society. In the working of the criminal court, the jury became significantly powerful and influential. The structure meant that the judge or the British authority eventually had no compulsion to obey the verdict of the jury. However, the structure also provided that the jury had a considerable say in matters of the court proceedings, and their verdict had significant weight. This study seeks to look at certain important criminal cases pertaining to the nineteenth century and the functioning of the jury in those cases. The power play at display between the British officials, judges and the members of the jury would be helpful in highlighting the important deliberations and politics that were in place in the functioning of the British criminal legal apparatus in colonial Assam. The working and the politics of the members of the jury in many cases exerted considerable influence in the court proceedings. The interesting negotiations of the British officials or judges also present us with vital insights. By reflecting on the difficulty that the British officials and judges felt with the considerable space for opinion and difference that was provided to important members of the local society, this paper seeks to locate, with evidence, the racial politics at play within the official formulations of the legal apparatus in the colonial rule in Assam. This study seeks to argue that despite the rhetorical claims of legal equality within the Empire, racial consideration and racial politics was a reality even in the making of the structure itself. This in a way helps to enrich our ideas about the racial elements at work in numerous layers sustaining the colonial regime.

Keywords: criminal courts, colonial regime, jury, race

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Authors: Mary Edokpa Fadal, Frances Agweda

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Considering the volatile and evolving nature of the political environment in the developing countries, it is important that the subject of effective leadership practices that focus on transformational and systematic political development and values be reviewed. If the attitude towards partisan politics and the played politics by political parties is relatively deviated from expected adherence to acceptance, safe, efficient and practical standard, the political parties will continue to struggle endlessly in an effort to maintain a system that works. The analysis is situated in the context of political parties and partisan political behavior in contemporary societies and developing nations. Recent research of empirical evidence shows that most of the political parties are more or less, not too active in playing their instrumental role in the political system, such as unifying, simplifying and stabilizing the political process. This is however traced to the problem of ethnic politics that have been dominated by tribalism. The rising clamor for political development needs re-structuring and correcting the abnormalities in the center of the polity to address the flaws in our political system. The paper argues that political parties and political actors are some of the vital instrument of attaining societal goals of democratic principles for peace and durability. Issues of ethnic and partisan politics are also discussed, as it relates to question pertaining to political ideologies. It is in the findings that this paper examines some of the issues that have been seen revolving the true practice of political parties and its activities towards the democratic trend of a society, that help to resolve questions surrounding the issues of politics and governance in developing countries. These issues are seen as an aberration that have characterized politics and political behavior especially in the aspect of transparency and fulfilling its purpose of existence. The paper argues that the transition of the developing nature of states largely depends on the political structures and party politics and the nature of constitutionalism following the democratic awakening. The paper concludes that politics and political behavior are all human factors that play a vital role in the development of contemporary societies. They drive the wheel of nations towards its goal attainment. This paper relies on documentary, primary sources of data collection and empirical analysis.

Keywords: development, ethnicity, partisan politics, political behavior, political parties

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Authors: Aliyu Aminu Baba

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Ethnic entrepreneurship is defined as a set of connections and regular patterns of interaction among people sharing common national background or migration experience. The disadvantage faced by ethnic minority on paid labour induced them to become self-employed. Also, enclaves motivates trading, creativity, innovation are all to provide specific service or products to certain people. These ethnic minorities are African –Caribbean, Indians, Pakistanis, Banghaladashi and Chinese. For policy development ethnic diversity was among the problem of developing policy in United Kingdom. The study finds that there is a danger in treating all ethnic minority businesses as homogeneous rather than heterogeneous. The diversity is due to religious beliefs, culture and race. This indicates that there is a wide range have shortfall in addressing the peculiarities of ethnic minority businesses in policy formulation. Also, there are differences between ethnic minorities in accessing finance. It is recommended that diversity and peculiarities between ethnic minorities should be considered in policy formulation.

Keywords: ethnic entrepreneurship, finance, policy implication, diversity

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Authors: Tabbye Chavous, Felecia Webb, Bridget Richardson, Gloryvee Fonseca-Bolorin, Seanna Leath, Robert Sellers

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There has been recent renewed attention to Black students’ experiences at predominantly White U.S. universities (PWIs), e.g., the #BBUM (“Being Black at the University of Michigan”), “I too am Harvard” social media campaigns, and subsequent student protest activities nationwide. These campaigns illuminate how many minority students encounter challenges to their racial/ethnic identities as they enter PWI contexts. Students routinely report experiences such as being ignored or treated as a token in classes, receiving messages of low academic expectations by faculty and peers, being questioned about their academic qualifications or belonging, being excluded from academic and social activities, and being racially profiled and harassed in the broader campus community due to race. Researchers have linked such racial marginalization and stigma experiences to student motivation and achievement. One potential mechanism is through the impact of college experiences on students’ identities, given the relevance of the college context for students’ personal identity development, including personal beliefs systems around social identities salient in this context. However, little research examines the impact of the college context on Black students’ racial identities. This study examined change in Black college students’ (N=329) racial identity beliefs over the freshman year at three predominantly White U.S. universities. Using cluster analyses, we identified profile groups reflecting different patterns of stability and change in students’ racial centrality (importance of race to overall self-concept), private regard (personal group affect/group pride), and public regard (perceptions of societal views of Blacks) from beginning of year (Time 1) to end of year (Time 2). Multinomial logit regression analyses indicated that the racial identity change clusters were predicted by pre-college background (racial composition of high school and neighborhood), as well as college-based experiences (racial discrimination, interracial friendships, and perceived campus racial climate). In particular, experiencing campus racial discrimination related to high, stable centrality, and decreases in private regard and public regard. Perceiving racial climates norms of institutional support for intergroup interactions on campus related to maintaining low and decreasing in private and public regard. Multivariate Analyses of Variance results showed change cluster effects on achievement motivation outcomes at the end of students’ academic year. Having high, stable centrality and high private regard related to more positive outcomes overall (academic competence, positive academic affect, academic curiosity and persistence). Students decreasing in private regard and public regard were particularly vulnerable to negative motivation outcomes. Findings support scholarship indicating both stability in racial identity beliefs and the importance of critical context transitions in racial identity development and adjustment outcomes among emerging adults. Findings also are consistent with research suggesting promotive effects of a strong, positive racial identity on student motivation, as well as research linking awareness of racial stigma to decreased academic engagement.

Keywords: diversity, motivation, learning, ethnic minority achievement, higher education

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Authors: Fatemeh Havas Beigi

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The purpose of this study is to identify the objectives of a multicultural curriculum for the primary education period from the perspective of ethnic teachers and education experts and cultural professionals. The research paradigm is interpretive, the research approach is qualitative, the research strategy is content analysis, the sampling method is purposeful and it is a snowball, and the sample of informants in the research for Iranian ethnic teachers and experts until the theoretical saturation was estimated to be 67 people. The data collection tools used were based on semi-structured interviews and individual interviews and focal interviews were used to collect information. The data format was also in audio format and the first period coding and the second coding were used to analyze the data. Based on data analysis 11 Objective: Paying attention to ethnic equality, expanding educational opportunities and justice, peaceful coexistence, anti-ethnic and racial discrimination education, paying attention to human value and dignity, accepting religious diversity, getting to know ethnicities and cultures, promoting teaching-learning, fostering self-confidence, building national unity, and developing cultural commonalities for a multicultural curriculum were identified.

Keywords: objective, multicultural curriculum, connect, elementary education period

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