Search results for: queer politics

Authors: Cangul Altundas Akcay

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With the beginning of the mass movement called as the Arab Uprising, Middle Eastern politics has demonstrated an influential shift which has been threatening the existence of the ruling regimes. In this environment, in particular, regional powers have desired to control regional politics, and to expand their regional influence. Bearing that in mind, Turkey and Iran, two significant regional powers, have engaged in competition so as to affect the shifted regional geopolitics. In this context, this paper aims to investigate how regional powers, especially non-Arab ones, have viewed each other in the Arab Uprising, whereby focusing on Turkish perspectives towards Iran. In other words, it will shed light on how Turkey has conducted foreign policy towards Iran during the Arab Uprising. To analyse this, Turkey’s ideological and identity politics towards Iran will be examined as one of its foreign policy approaches. The question is thus that how ideological and identity politics have determined Turkish foreign policy towards Iran in the Arab Uprising. To answer that, the Syrian civil war will be analysed as the case study in this qualitative study, hypothesising that Turkey, which has both Turkish identity and Sunni sect, has competed with Iran, which has both Farsi identity and Shia sect, over the Syrian civil war.

Keywords: Arab uprising, ideological and identity politics, Iran, Turkey, Syrian civil war

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Authors: Monika Kulikowska-Pawlak, Katarzyna Bratnicka-Myśliwiec, Tomasz Ingram

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This study seeks to contribute to the literature on firm competitiveness by advancing the perspective of organizational politics that views this process as a driver which creates identifiable differences in firm performance. The hypothesized relationships were tested on the basis of data from 355 Polish medium and large-sized enterprises. Data were analyzed using correlation analysis, EFA and robustness tests. The main result of the conducted analyses proved the coexistence, previously examined in the literature, of corporate entrepreneurship and firm performance. The obtained research findings made it possible to add organizational politics to a wide range of elements determining corporate entrepreneurship, followed by competitive advantage, in addition to antecedents such as strategic leadership, corporate culture, opportunity-oriented resource-based management, etc. Also, the empirical results suggest that four dimensions of organizational politics (dominant coalition, influence exertion, making organizational changes, and information openness) are positively related to firm competitiveness. In addition, these findings seem to underline a supposition that corporate entrepreneurship is an important mediator which strengthens the competitive effects of organizational politics.

Keywords: corporate entrepreneurship, firm competitiveness, organizational politics, sensemaking

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Authors: Mahmoud Salari

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Corruption and gender inequality are the main topics of interest for both economists and policymakers. This study develops various static and dynamic estimation models to examine the impact of gender inequality in politics and the labor market on corruption using data of 170 countries from 1998 to 2014. This study uses two most reliable corruption indexes, including Corruption Perceptions Index (CPI) and Corruption Control (CC), to evaluate corruption levels across countries. The results indicate that gender inequality in politics has a strong impact on corruption level, and those countries that have larger/smaller gender inequality in their parliaments are faced with higher/lower corruption, respectively. Meanwhile, there is no enough evidence that supports the relationship between gender inequality in the labor market and corruption, and the results indicate that gender inequality in the labor market is not directly linked to the corruption level.

Keywords: corruption, female labor force participation, politics, gender inequality

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Authors: Djehich Mohamed Yousri

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This research deals with an important issue in Islamic political thought, which is the relationship of ethics to the Islamic political system. This is done by following the legal politics books and analyzing their texts in order to reach the moral values on which the political system in Islam is based, starting from the concept of politics to the political principles and conditions of the ruler and the reasons for his removal and the conditions of those authorized to choose him, and ending with the ruler’s relationship with his people, and the relationship of the Islamic state with other countries. The research concluded that moral values are the basis of the political system in Islam, and the reason for this is due to the fact that Islam is a religion and a global and realistic human system that embraces morals and higher values in order to preserve its lofty message and calls for brotherhood, love, and justice and does not harm human morals. And if the reality of politics in the Islamic world today is not related to the moral values and the lofty message of Islam, this research tries to show the origins of political theory in Islam, and the purpose of the Islamic political system, towards the morality of politics.

Keywords: moral, politics, islam, political system, islamic political system

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Authors: Mariam Arif

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The objective of the current study is to find out the electoral violence against women and its implications on their political participation. This paper is a qualitative study to get an in-depth analysis of the phenomenon. This study used questionnaires and interviews for findings. This paper attempts to study electoral violence and women in politics in Pakistan. The study concluded that women are subjected to different categories of violence defined as physical violence that involves sexual and bodily harm to a politically active woman or to people associated with her. Social and psychological violence includes class difference, stress, social limitations, family pressure and character assassination. Economic violence is defined as a systematic restriction of access to economic resources available to women thus hinder women active participation in politics (elections). All these violence against women in elections are threat to the integrity of the electoral process of the country that eventually affects women’s participation as voters, party candidates, election officials and political party leaders. It also undermines the free and fair democratic process. This qualitative paper shows a significant negative relationship between electoral violence and women participation in politics.

Keywords: elections, politics, violence, women

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Authors: Karen Butler

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The LGBTQ youth of color face stigma related to both race and gender identity. Effectively dealing with racial/ethnic discrimination requires strong connections to family and one’s racial/ethnic group. However, LGBTQ youth of color seldom receive support from family, peer groups or church groups. Moreover, ethnic communities often perceive LGBTQ identities as a rejection of ethnic heritage. Thus, stigma places these young people at greater risk for substance use, violence, risky sexual behaviors, suicide, and homelessness. Offering a Queer Studies (QS) class is one way to facilitate a safer and more inclusive environment for LGBTQ students, faculty and staff. The discipline of Queer Studies encompasses theories and thinkers from numerous fields: cultural studies, gay and lesbian studies, race studies, women's studies, media, postmodernism, post-colonialism, psychoanalysis and more. We began our course development by researching existing programs and classes. Several course syllabi were examined and course materials such as readings, videos, and guest speakers were assessed for possible inclusion. We also employed informal survey methods with students and faculty in order to gauge interest in the course. We then developed a sample course syllabus and began the process of new course approval. Feedback thus far indicates that students of various sexual orientations and gender identities are interested in the course and understand the need to offer it; faculty in Psychology, Social Work, and Interdisciplinary Studies are interested in cross-listing the course; library staff is willing to assist with course material acquisition, and the administration is supportive. The purpose of this session is to 1) explore the various health and wellness issues facing LGBTQ students of color and 2) share our experience of developing a QS course in health education in order to address these needs. This process, from initial recognition of the need to a course offering, will be described and discussed in the hopes that participants will increase their awareness of the issues. A QS course would be an appropriate requirement for any number of majors as well as an elective for any major.

Keywords: black colleges, health education, LGBTQ, queer studies

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Authors: Tulasi Acharya

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The paper is a qualitative analysis of status of women and women in politics and administration in Nepal Himalaya. The paper reviews data of women in civil service and in administrative levels. Looking at the Nepali politics and administration from the social constructivist perspective, the paper highlights some social and cultural issues that have othered women as “second sex.” As the country is heading towards modernity, gender friendly approaches are being instituted. Although the data reflects on the progress on women’s status and on women’s political and administrative participation, the data is not enough to predict the democratic gender practices in political and administrative levels. The political and administrative culture of Nepal Himalaya should be changed by promoting gender practices and deconstructing gender images in administrative culture through representative bureaucracy and by introducing democratic policies.

Keywords: politics, policy, administration, culture, women, Nepal, democracy

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Authors: Shalini Attri

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Silence has been 'scriptured' in women within dominating social structures, as the modes of speaking and behaving which deny women free investiture to language. A woman becomes the product of ideological constructions as language substantiates andro-centric bias. Constrained from writing/speaking in the public sphere, women have traditionally been confined to expressing themselves in writing private poetry, letters or diaries. The helplessness of a woman is revealed in the ways in which she is expected to speak a language, which, in fact, is man-made. There are visible binaries of coloniser- colonised; Western-Eastern; White-Black, Nature-Culture, even Male-Female that contribute significantly to our understanding of the concept of representation and its resultant politics. Normally, an author is labeled as feminist, humanist, or propagandist and this process of labeling correspond to a sense of politics besides his inclination to a particular field. One cannot even think of contemporary literature without this representational politics. Thus, each and every bit of analysis of a work of literature demands a political angle to be dealt with. Besides literature, the historical facts and manuscripts are also subject to this politics. The image of woman as someone either dependent on man or is exploited by him only provides half the picture of this representational politics. The present paper is an attempt to study Panchali’s (Draupadi of Mahabharata) voiceless articulation and her representation as a strong woman in Chitra Divakurani’s The Palace of Illusions.

Keywords: politics, representation, silence, social structures

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Authors: Emmanuel Ayobami Adesiyan

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Political theorists have identified ethnicity as an obstacle to democratic stability in deeply divided societies. Nigeria belongs to the categories of problematic states labeled divided or deeply divided societies, as such post-independence politics is characterized by ethnicity with its ruinous effect on democratic governance and development. Institutional Engineering, the purposive manipulation of the electoral rule relating to party organization and the electoral formula has been established in comparative political studies as a policy measure for managing ethnicity in order to stabilize politics in divided societies. This paper examines the use of electoral engineering tools in managing ethnic politics in Nigeria’s Fourth Republic. The study is guided by rational institutional theory. Secondary data on electoral rules and disaggregated results of presidential elections were collected from archival documents. Data were subjected to content analysis. Institutional changes in electoral rules have promoted the development of inter-ethnic bargaining and compromises within the party system. Presidential Electoral Formula aided the emergence of national rather parochial parties. Electoral engineering tools moved Nigerian Politics from ethnic parochialism to inclusion and accommodation. These innovations should be strengthened to enhance democratic stability.

Keywords: Nigeria, presidential-elections, ethnic politics, institutional engineering

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Authors: Camille Intson

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This paper endeavors to explore the opportunities, challenges, and ethics of reconstructing and re-enacting archives of memory through virtual reality (VR) performance, using Jordan Tannahill’s Draw Me Close as an exemplary case study. Draw Me Close is a 1:1 virtual reality (VR) performance in which the artist’s childhood memories, experiences, and interactions with his mother are reconstructed in the wake of her passing. Solo audience members are positioned as Jordan (the subject and character) and taken through a series of narratives, (virtual) spaces, and interactions with his “mother,” played by a live actor. Piece by piece, audiences are brought into the world of the “shifting” archive, inhabiting Jordan’s reconstructed virtual world from his early explorations of queer sexuality through to his mother’s cancer diagnosis and passing. This paper will explore how the world of Draw Me Close represents a “touching” and/or “queering” of time within its archive, blurring and transgressing the boundaries between the animate and the inanimate, life and death. On a philosophical level, considering foundational queer performance scholarship and archival theory, it will also examine how performance’s ephemerality rewards its artists with the dual advantages of visibility and protection, allowing for an ethical exploration of traumatic memory and loss within a disappearing medium. Finally, this provocation will use Draw Me Close as a point of departure from which to outline future possibilities for performance and emerging technologies’ engagements with archival theory and practice. By positioning virtual reality (VR) as an archive-constructing medium, it aims to move beyond the question of how we can take performances seriously as archives towards how personal archive construction is itself a performative act.

Keywords: intermedial theatre, new media arts, queer performance, virtual reality

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Authors: A. E. Agbogu

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While scholars have predicted that identity politics (or what is euphemistically referred to as ethnic politics in Nigeria) were a dying phenomenon in other parts of the world, in Nigeria, it has remained the basis of political activity and has indeed become not only the unwritten law of all calculations in the political firmament of the country but also the ultimo ratio. We intend in the paper that follows to explore the reason for this unhealthy development. The paper seeks to offer explanations for the paradoxical reality of the upsurge of ethnic politics in Nigeria when in fact, the phenomenon is apparently on a downward spiral elsewhere in the world, particularly in countries that are at par with Nigeria in terms of national development. The paper is descriptive and qualitative and has relied on available data for its source of materials. Among other things, the paper locates identity politics as a tool in the hands of a national elite that has not transcended the limitations imposes by the shackles of the parsonian particularistic polar attributes which have tended to fixate their weltanschauung or world view on attachments that are unpardonably primordial. In the event, ethnicity becomes a veritable instrument not only for cheap sectional mobilization but also a means for seeking access to the so-called national cake. It is recommended that a way out of this socio-politico malady is the creation of a political arrangement that conduces to the gravitational tendency which will lead to the transfer of loyalties away from the extant ethno-nationalities to the centre.

Keywords: ethnicism, development, crisis, identity politics

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Authors: Shivani Yadav

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The paper will first elaborate on the concept of soft power as formulated by Joseph Nye, who argues that soft power is as important as hard power in international politics as it replaces coercion with non-coercive forms of co-optation and attraction. The central tenet of the paper is to extrapolate the continued relevance of soft power in international relations in the 21st century. It is argued that the relevance of soft power, in concurrence with hard power, is on the rise in the international system. This is found to be emanating out of two factors. First, the state-centric practice of international relations has expanded to allow other actors to participate in policymaking. This has led to the resources for power generation to become varied, largely move away from the control of governments, and to produce both hard and soft power attributes. Second, as the currency of coercive power seems to be devaluing in global politics, the role of intangible factors like soft power is getting more important in policymaking. The paper will then go on to elaborate on the critiques of the formulation of soft power from various perspectives, as well as the defenses to these critiques presented by soft power proponents. The paper will reflect on the continued relevance of soft power in international politics by giving the example of India, and how soft power has continued to serve its policy objectives over the years. It is observed that even as India is recognized as a rising superpower today, yet it has made a continuous effort in cultivating its soft power resources, which have proven to be its assets in furthering its foreign policy interests. In conclusion, the paper makes the point that soft power, in conjunction with hard power, will shape international politics in the coming times.

Keywords: foreign policy, India’s soft power, international politics, smart power, soft power

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Authors: Nicole Cervenka

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On the question of norms in international politics, scholars are divided over whether norms are a tool for power politics or a genuine reflection of an emergent international society. The line is drawn between rationalism and idealism, but this dialectical relationship needs to be broken down if we hope to come to a comprehensive understanding of how norms play out in international society. The concept of an elusive international society is a simplification of a more pluralistic, cosmopolitan, and diverse collection of international societies. The English School effectively overcomes realist-idealist dichotomies and provides a pluralistic, comprehensive explanation and description of international societies through its application to two distinct areas: human rights as well as security and war. We argue that international norms have always been present in human rights, war, and international security, forming international societies that can be complimentary or oppositional, beneficial or problematic. Power politics are present, but they can only be regarded as partially explanatory of the role of norms in international politics, which must also include history, international law, the media, NGOs, and others to fully represent the normative influences in international societies. A side-by-side comparison of international norms of war/security and human rights show how much international societies converge. World War II was a turning point in terms of international law, these forces of international society have deeper historical roots. Norms of human rights and war/security are often norms of restraint, guiding appropriate treatment of individuals. This can at times give primacy to the individual over the sovereign state. However, state power politics and hegemony are still intact. It cannot be said that there is an emergent international society—international societies are part of broader historical backdrops. Furthermore, states and, more generally, power politics, are important components in international societies, but international norms are far from mere tools of power politics. They define a more diverse, complicated, and ever-present conception of international societies.

Keywords: English school, international societies, norms, pluralism

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Authors: Aidana Arynbek

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This paper attempts to offer an alternative to the explanation of the politics of great powers in Caspian politics. Since many researchers have analysed the politics of great powers in the region with the focus on materialism, this paper attempts to bring a sociological inquiry into analysing inter-state behaviour. The constructivist concept of Alexander Wendt will be applied to analyse Russia’s relation with The United States, China and Iran; the main argument is emphasis on the power of ideational forces over material ones. Moreover, the innovative contribution of Wendt regarding the understanding of anarchy to the study of International Relations (IR) will be applied; in his words, ‘anarchy is what states make of it’. A neo-realist perspective implies that with the structure of international politics, Russia treats all great powers as rivals through engagement in power politics; however, Wendt’s approach is able to explain the reason behind the state’s behaviour towards power politics, and this is about not only international structure, but also identity. The understanding of identity answers the question of how Russia came about to follow different actions in relation to Iran and China in contrast to The United States. This paper will be divided into five chapters. The first chapter will explain the constructivism of Alexander Wendt; the second chapter will give a brief background to The Caspian Sea Region (CSR); the third chapter will explain the formation of Russia’s identity towards The United States, and this will be applied to analyse Russia’s relation to The U.S in The CSR. Similarly with China, the fourth chapter will explain Russia’s identity and its relations in The CSR, and finally, the fifth chapter will show Russia’s identity towards Iran and its relation to Iran in The CSR. It will be concluded that the analysis of the politics between great powers in seeking to access one of the richest regions, The Caspian Basin, will show that international politics is not fixed, but constructed by human action and cognition. Reality in the politics of great powers in The Caspian Sea Region is socially constructed. This paper is not interested in how things are, but how they became what they are. That is to say, how Russia’s foreign policies towards great powers became what they are.

Keywords: Alexander Wendt, Caspian sea, identity, Russia, socially constructed

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Authors: Hana Drštičková

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The paper describes the findings of a qualitative, engaged research focused on the intersection between transgender and autistic identity in a politically engaged setting of activist (trans, queer, crip, disability justice or any combination thereof) groups. It explores the relationship that autistic and trans people have towards activism and how do they feel their identity(ies) impact the kind of political action they take. Geographically, the research terrain is located mainly in Czechia; however, there are important overlaps with other Eastern European countries. The basis of the research’s approach is built on the interconnected principles of the feminist theory of intersectionality, queer/trans studies, disability studies and the concept of the Neurodiversity Paradigm. This paper argues that the social phenomenon of autism and transness is formed differently in Czechia/Eastern Europe and, therefore, deserves additional attention. Nevertheless, it points out that, even though the socio-political context is different, the fact that these identities have a radical political potential to disrupt normative structures in society remains the same. The measure of oppression these structures generate, and the near absence of any public discourse beyond the pathological paradigm in the chosen terrain contributes to the emergence of mainly queer and trans-activist, and to a lesser extent crip, disability justice or mad activist groups, that attract trans and autistic membership. The subsections of the research focus on the topics of the mutual influence of both identities in flux within individual participants, the perceived (dis)connection of networks of oppression or, conversely, support and identification with the community or communities, and the question of how the trans* and autistic members feel their presence affects the activity, internal dynamics, thematic scope and general values of the activist groups they participate in. The research methodology includes participant observation and active participation in groups where the researcher acts as a partial insider, semi-structured in-depth interviews and a critical participatory methodology. Also included is the reflection of not only the combination of researcher and insider roles but also the combination of research and activist intent.

Keywords: activism, autism, queer, neurodiversity, neuroqueer, transgender

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Authors: Olufemi Adedamola Oyedele

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Infrastructure provision in Nigeria is now at its lowest ebb in spite of its being critical to the socio-economic and political development of any nation. This is partly because the policy that will ensure its adequate provisioning is missing and partly because politics is affecting its provision. Policy is the basic principles by which a government is guided. Infrastructural development is the basis for measuring the performance of governments and it is the foundation of good governance. Demand for infrastructural development is higher and resources used in its provision are limited. Ethnic-interest agitation and lobbying for infrastructure provision are common things in multi-ethnic state like Nigeria. Most infrastructures are now decayed and need repair or replacement. Government is the system that organizes, control and sensitizes the people in a society in other for all to have an acceptable level of living. Governments have the power to put in place all measures that they deem fit will make an environment conducive for living for everybody. Infrastructure development in any environment requires needs assessment, feasibility and viability studies and carrying out physical development of the project. The challenge in Nigeria is largely carrying out development where they are not needed but where the people are loyal. There are numerous abandoned projects because they were started due to politics and not because they are feasible. Policies and politics greatly affect infrastructure provisioning in Nigeria and this is the premise of this paper.

Keywords: infrastructure challenges, infrastructure development, policy making, politics, project finance

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Authors: Collins Nkapnwo Formella

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The democratic wave of the 1980s and 1990s brought a lot of hopes to the politics of African states as many nation-states adopted ‘democracy.’ The end of the Cold War ushered in, with a lot of rush, pro-democracy movements, which led to multi-party politics, following constitutional reviews. For the very first time since independence, Africans revolted against personalized dictatorship and adopted the idea of limited office terms for the presidents. This paper dives deep into the history of Africa post-independence with the aim of allowing the readers to understand the nature of the differences in the political setups that currently govern the continent and the central region in particular. Time has proven the euphoria that characterized post-Cold War African politics at least for many countries short-lived, as their leaders were unable to re-design the institutions of governance from the compromise and interest-oriented structures handed down after independence. The result has been that politics in many of the countries have been tailored down along the lines of winner takes all approach, with the accumulation of state power being the sole objective of the leaders. The paper contends that 21ˢᵗ Century African politics is exactly the politics of inclusion/exclusion based on ethnic and interest groups, leading to the flourishing of patrimonial authoritarian regimes. It also puts to the test, whether authoritarian responses to delivering growth (economic, political, social) and peace as has been the model adopted by many leaders is superior compared to democracy. This paper then concludes by adding that the practice of democracy in the Central African region in its current form is inherently flawed from its foundations, thus incapable of rooting out the crises faced in the region.

Keywords: authoritarianism, democracy, development, power, institutions

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Authors: Ratih Andaruni Widhiantari

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The combination of the expanding population of aid agencies and the act of politicization in humanitarian intervention blurred the distinction between what humanitarianism accept as universal human rights in theory and their practices in humanitarian intervention. Humanitarian organizations were now venturing into the formerly taboo territory of politics that place individuals at risk, for examples, cooperating and coordinating with the intervening states, considering moments of destruction as opportunities for political change and even taking on functions that had once been the exclusive preserve of government. Hence, aid agencies were becoming involved in matters of local or even international politics. This study focuses on the comparison between Oxfam and Médecins Sans Frontières (MSF) or Doctor without Borders different attitudes against political influences in humanitarian aid. It aims to untangle the bewilderment whether the contradictory approach to politics will becoming a barrier to performing their principles as humanitarian actors and also the consequences of taking that one particular position. The analysis of quantitative data and qualitative literature analysis are presented. The findings indicated Oxfam is actively engaged with politics. It welcomed government and private sector to shared cooperation to reach its goals to alleviate global inequalities. On the other hand, MSF has always taken a strong position to refuse any politics influence within their aid programmes. With no financial assistance from any government, MSF is free from any direct politics intervention. Hence, it can work efficiently with a clear objective to respond the demand side pressures from the people in needs. It is still publicly against politic involvement in the humanitarian activity, but practically, it has been moving forward to politicization in its own definition.

Keywords: humanitarian agencies, humanitarian intervention, humanitarian principles, politicization of humanitarianism

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Authors: Jamilu Adamu

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Radical political activities among the people of Northern Nigeria and Sabon Birni, in particular from the formation of the Northern Element Progressive Union (NEPU) and Northern People Congress (NPC) in the last decade of colonial rule, led to the dramatic spread of radical ideas that were expressed through party politics. The above two parties were said to be more prominent in each of the movements throughout the period covered by this study. The NEPU and NPC were said to have opposed one another in an attempt to establish their political control in the area. What is apparent about the nature of the opposition is that the earlier NEPU and People Redemption Party (PRP) emerged from the idea of liberating the common man (Talakawa) against all forms of oppression, thereby rejecting a contrary idea of supporting the native elites and their colonial collaborators as envisaged in the ideology of the later NPC and National Party of Nigeria (NPN). This laid the ground for ideological confrontation between the supporters of the two opposing wings all over the northern emirates and the Sabon Birni district in particular. The study used a qualitative method of data collection. This study examines the historical developments of radical party politics among the Gobirawa people of the Sabon Birni District of Sokoto. It also investigates the factors that inspired opposition politics among the Gobirawa people of Sabon Birni. These were analyses side-by-side with the role of the traditional leaders in the area in suppressing the activities of the opposition party.

Keywords: NEPU, NPC, radical politics, Sabon-Birni District

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Authors: Ly Quyet Tien

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Starting in the 1990s and growing in tandem with the LGBTQI movement in Vietnam, Modern Saigon Lottery Show is one of the most popular Vietnamese drag queen shows in Ho Chi Minh City, Vietnam. Transgender by nature, underprivileged by status, avoided by the family, and despised by society for decades, these queer artists came out of the closet and decided to change their own destiny by organizing lottery music shows. Unprofessionally in the start, they gradually appeared professionally on stage in big cities and won the heart of the larger public. Their success affirms themself, promotes their gender right, and assures their life in a proud way: honest, independent, and sustainable. This paper aims to give the readers a full portrait of Modern Saigon’s activities through musical bingo. It examines the background into which the drag queen show was born and developed: its styles, themes as well as own particularity. It also studies its identity, diversity in the entertainment industry, and its revolutionary role in the promotion of the welfare of Vietnamese transgender citizens and the local popular queer culture in Vietnam and Asia.

Keywords: transgender, lottery show, equality, culture

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Authors: Mary Edokpa Fadal, Frances Agweda

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Considering the volatile and evolving nature of the political environment in the developing countries, it is important that the subject of effective leadership practices that focus on transformational and systematic political development and values be reviewed. If the attitude towards partisan politics and the played politics by political parties is relatively deviated from expected adherence to acceptance, safe, efficient and practical standard, the political parties will continue to struggle endlessly in an effort to maintain a system that works. The analysis is situated in the context of political parties and partisan political behavior in contemporary societies and developing nations. Recent research of empirical evidence shows that most of the political parties are more or less, not too active in playing their instrumental role in the political system, such as unifying, simplifying and stabilizing the political process. This is however traced to the problem of ethnic politics that have been dominated by tribalism. The rising clamor for political development needs re-structuring and correcting the abnormalities in the center of the polity to address the flaws in our political system. The paper argues that political parties and political actors are some of the vital instrument of attaining societal goals of democratic principles for peace and durability. Issues of ethnic and partisan politics are also discussed, as it relates to question pertaining to political ideologies. It is in the findings that this paper examines some of the issues that have been seen revolving the true practice of political parties and its activities towards the democratic trend of a society, that help to resolve questions surrounding the issues of politics and governance in developing countries. These issues are seen as an aberration that have characterized politics and political behavior especially in the aspect of transparency and fulfilling its purpose of existence. The paper argues that the transition of the developing nature of states largely depends on the political structures and party politics and the nature of constitutionalism following the democratic awakening. The paper concludes that politics and political behavior are all human factors that play a vital role in the development of contemporary societies. They drive the wheel of nations towards its goal attainment. This paper relies on documentary, primary sources of data collection and empirical analysis.

Keywords: development, ethnicity, partisan politics, political behavior, political parties

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Authors: Mohammed Mutala Surazu

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The origin of Islam is traced back to the time of Prophet Mohammed (SAW), 571 AD, who thought the six main articles of faith and the five pillars of the region. Today, Islam is regarded as one of the fastest growing religions in the world, another peaceful one and very accommodating to other religions. Politics dominates in Islam and, as a result, divisions into various groupings, including the Ahmadiyah, Tijania, Suni and many others. Despite all believing the Qur’an as the only holy book used, they are all affiliated with different types of hadiths, including the al-Nawawi’s. These divisions are the reasons for tension in Islam, and it is necessary to conduct this research to investigate political situations in Islam within the society. Over the past three or two decades, there have been diverse and divided opinions about politics and religion (Islam). Many believe that politics and religion are inherently subjective and should be accepted as such, and the further argument for a relativistic approach is that individuals' and communities’ beliefs and values should be acknowledged and respected since no single political or religious ideology can claim absolute truth and superiority over the other. The perspective view is that emphasis is placed on tolerance and coexistence between different political and religious views; moreover, society is comprised of individuals with different backgrounds, opinions and interests, so it is necessary to find common ground and create space where diverse ideas can peacefully coexist in order to promote dialogue, understanding and mutual respect to maintain social harmony and peaceful relation in the society. Also, some individuals in society argue about the universalism of certain moral principles, which should be certain and agreed upon by all. For example, the Jewish people believe that eating pork is wrong, and if someone of another religion is asked if they agree with that, objectively, the non-Jewish would be comfortable with that. Others still argue that a continuous relativistic approach to politics and religion can lead to a breakdown of shared moral standards, loss of ethical principles, doubting faith or loyalty and uprising against agencies of politics and religion. And within the political groupings, they believe in the same ideologies to propagate their message, likewise the religious belongings (Christianity, Islam, Judaism and others) who also ensure that their religious perspectives or beliefs are deeply rooted in the society. This forms the basis for research about the perspective of politics and religious relativism in this modern era to respond to the questions and the challenges of religious politics in Islam.

Keywords: relativism, religion, universality, politics

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Authors: Tugba Ayas Onol

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The paper revisits Jean-François Lyotard’s interpretation of the Kantian Sublime as a tool for understanding politics after modernity. In 1985 Lyotard announces the end of rational politics based on consensus and claims that new strategies are urged to recognize the political imperatives of marginalized groups. The charm of the sublime as a reflective judgment is grounded on the fact that the judgment of sublime is free from any notion of consensus or common sense in particular. Lyotard interprets this feature of the sublime as a respect for heterogeneity and for him aesthetic judgments can be a model for understanding justice in postmodern times, in which it seems hard to follow a single universal law among different phrase regimes. More importantly, the Kantian sublime speaks to what Lyotard addresses as the incommensurability of phase genres. The present paper shall try to evaluate Lyotard’s employment of the Kantian notion of the sublime in relation to its possible political import.

Keywords: Kant, Lyotard, sublime, politics

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Authors: Djehich Mohamed Yousri

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This paper aims to address the dialectic of law and politics in the philosophy of the state of the philosopher Hegel by addressing the concept of law, which refers to its general meaning to the set of rules and legislation that man sets to apply them within society, as it is considered one of the primary and necessary conditions for the functioning of And organizing social life, when it defines the rights and duties of every individual belonging to the state, by approaching it with central concepts in political philosophy, such as the state, freedom and the people. The most prominent result that we reached through our analysis of the details of the problematic research is the relationship between law and politics in the philosophical system of Hegel; on the one hand, We find that the state is rational only to the extent that it resorts to the law and works under it, and the latter does not realize its essence and effectiveness unless it is extracted from the customs, traditions, and culture of the people so that it does not conflict with the ideal goal of its existence, which is to achieve freedom and protect it from all possible. A state does not mean at all to reduce the freedom of the people, so there is no conflict between law and freedom.

Keywords: hegel, the law, country, freedom, citizen

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Authors: Poonam Mishra, Shiv Kumar Sharma, Sanjeev Swami

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Purpose: The Purpose of this paper is to investigate the relationship of percieved organizational politics with three levels of antecedents (i.e., organizational level, work environment level and individual level)and its consequents simultaneously. The study addresses antecedents and consequents of percieved political behavior in the higher education sector of India with specific reference to a central university. Design/ Methodology/ Approach: A conceptual framework and hypotheses were first developed on the basis of review of previous studies on organizational politics. A questionnaire was then developed carrying 66 items related to 8-constructs and demographic characteristics of respondents. Jundegemental sampling was used to select respondents. Primary data is collected through structured questionnaire from 45 faculty members of a central university. The sample constitutes Professors, Associate Professors and Assistant Professors from various departments of the University. To test hypotheses data was analyzed statistically using partial least square-structural equations modeling (PLS-SEM). Findings: Results indicated a strong support for OP’s relationship with three of the four proposed antecedents that are, workforce diversity, relationship conflict and need for power with relationship conflict having the strongest impact. No significant relationship was found between role conflict and perception of organizational politics. The three consequences that is, intention to turnover, job anxiety, and organizational commitment are significantly impacted by perception of organizational politics. Practical Implications– This study will be helpful in motivating future research for improving the quality of higher education in India by reducing the level of antecedents that adds to the level of perception of organizational politics, ultimately resulting in unfavorable outcomes. Originality/value: Although a large number of studies on atecedents and consequents of percieved organizational politics have been reported, little attention has been paid to test all the separate but interdependent relationships simultaneously; in this paper organizational politics will be simultaneously treated as a dependent variable and same will be treated as independent variable in subsequent relationships.

Keywords: organizational politics, workforce diversity, relationship conflict, role conflict, need for power, intention to turnover, job anxiety, organizational commitment

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Authors: A. K. O’Loughlin

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Identity doesn’t exist in discrete categories as it is defined. Kevin Kumashiro reveals the phrase 'an impossibility of identity' in Troubling Education (2000), an investigation of the intersections of culture and gender and the impact of erasure for queer POC identity. This underscores the essentiality of an insider or an outsider identity and the appearance of 'contradiction' or impossibility of these identities. The contradictions between us as subject in our own stories and in the stories of others are often silenced. This silencing of complex, 'contradicting' identity has unmissable implications in the classroom; the developing student in question is done a serious disservice, from which they may never recover. There is no more important point of contact than the teacher, for willingness to encounter a developing person as they are, not as we already think they are, or 'know' them to be, or think they should be. To decide how to regard them based on our own unilateral identity and its associated exhortations and injunctions is, as Hannah Arendt writes in The Origins of Totalitarianism (1951), to sell off our ability to rise, human-like, to the challenge of investigating things as they are. A re-reading of Kumashiro’s impossibility of identity becomes possible through the investigation of pluralism. Identities become possible and un-paradoxical by the notion that contradictions are not problems that an individual is not unilateral, but plural. In this paper, we investigate how philosophies of pluralism can inform our understanding of impossibility of identity in classroom curriculum and pedagogy.

Keywords: identity, gender, culture, pluralism, education, philosophy of education, queer theory, philosophy of mind, adolescent development

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Authors: Hsiao-Yung Wang

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This study aims to explore the visual roots of classical rhetoric and its implication for gender politics by the constant reference to Mikhail Bakhtin’s theory of novelist time. First, it attempts to clarify the argument that “visuality always has been integral to rhetorical consciousness” by critically re-reading the rhetorical theories of roman rhetorician such as Cicero and Quintilian. Thereby, the vague clues of visuality would be realized from the so-called ‘five canons of rhetoric’ (invention, arrangement, style, memory, and delivery), which originally deriving from verbal and spoken rhetorical tradition. Drawing on Mikhail Bakhtin’s elaboration of novelist time in contrast to epic time, it addresses the specific timeline inherent in the dynamics of visual rhetoric involves the refusing the ‘absolute past’, the focusing on unfinalized contemporary reality, and the expecting for open future. Taking the primary visions of Taipei LGBT parade over the past 13 years as research cases, it mentions that visuality could not only activate the rhetorical functions of classical rhetoric, but also inspire gender politics in the contemporary era.

Keywords: classical rhetoric, gender politics, Mikhail Bakhtin, visuality

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Authors: Su-Lin Yu

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Coalition politics has been one of feminists’ persistent concerns. Following recent feminist discussion on new modes of affiliation across difference, she will explore how the process of female subject formation depends on alliances across different cultural locations. First, she will examine how coalition politics is reformulated across difference in contemporary feminist literature. In particular, the paper will identify the particular contexts and locations in which coalition building both enables and constrains the female subject. She will attempt to explore how contemporary feminist literature highlights the possibilities and limitations for solidarity and affiliations. To understand coalition politics in contemporary feminist works, she will engage in close readings of two texts: Rebecca Walker’s Black, White and Jewish: Memoir of a Shifting Self and Danzy Senna’s Caucasia. Both Walker and Senna have articulated the complex nodes of identity that are staged by a politics of location as they refuse to be boxed into simplistic essentialist positions. Their texts are characterized by the characters’ racial ambiguity and their social and geographical mobility of life in the contemporary United States. Their experiences of living through conflictual and contradictory relationships never fully fit the boundaries of racial categorization. Each of these texts demonstrates the limits as well as the possibilities of working with diversity among and within persons and groups, thus, laying the ground for complex alliance formation. Because each of the protagonists must negotiate a set of contradictions, they will have to constantly shift their affiliations. Rather than construct a static alliance, they describe a process of moving ‘beyond boundaries,’ an embracing of multiple locations. As self-identified third wavers, Rebecca Walker and Danzy Senna have been identified and marked with the status of ‘leader’ by the feminist establishment and by mainstream U.S. media. Their texts have captured both mass popularity and critical attention in the feminist and, often, the non-feminist literary community. By analyzing these texts, she will show how contemporary American feminist literature reveals coalition politics which is fraught with complications and unintended consequences. Taken as a whole, then, these works provide an important examination not only of coalition politics of American feminism, but also a snapshot of a central debate among feminist critique of coalition politics as a whole.

Keywords: coalition politics, contemporary women’s literature, identity, female subject

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Authors: Payal Sudhan

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Popular films in India, Bollywood, and other local industries make a range of commercial films that attract vast viewership. Love, Heroism, Action, Adventure, Revenge, etc., are some of the dearest themes chosen by many filmmakers of various popular film Industries across the world. However, sexuality has become an issue to address within the cinema. Such films feature in small numbers compared to other themes. One can easily assume that homosexuality is unlikely to be a favorite theme found in Indian popular cinema. It doesn’t mean that there is absolutely no film made on the issues of homosexuality. There have been several attempts. Earlier, some movies depicted homosexual (gay) characters as comedians, which continued until the beginning of the 21st century. The study aims to explore how modern homophobia and stereotype are represented in the films and how it affects homosexuality in the recent Malayalam Cinema. The study wills primarily focusing on Mumbai Police (2013) and My Life Partner (2014). The study tries to explain social space, the idea of a cure, and criminality. The film that has been selected for the analysis Mumbai Police (2013) is a crime thriller. The nonlinear narration of the movie reveals, towards the end, the murderer of ACP Aryan IPS, who was shot dead in a public meeting. In the end, the culprit is the enquiring officer, ACP Antony Moses, himself a close friend and colleague of the victim. Much to one’s curiosity, the primary cause turns out to be the sexual relation Antony has. My Life Partner generically can be classified as a drama. The movie puts forth male bonding and visibly riddles the notions of love and sex between Kiran and his roommate Richard. Running through the same track, the film deals with a different ‘event.’ The ‘event’ is the exclusive celebration of male bonding. The socio-cultural background of the cinema is heterosexual. The elements of heterosexual social setup meet the ends of diplomacy of the Malayalam queer visual culture. The film reveals the life of two gays who were humiliated by the larger heterosexual society. In the end, Kiran dies because of extreme humiliation. The paper is a comparative and cultural analysis of the two movies, My Life Partner and Mumbai Police. I try to bring all the points of comparison together and explain the similarities and differences, how one movie differs from another. Thus, my attempt here explains how stereotypes and homophobia with other related issues are represented in these two movies.

Keywords: queer cinema, homophobia, malayalam cinema, queer films

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Authors: Majeed Mohammed Midhin, Clare Finburgh

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To maintain a healthy balanced loyalty between art and politics posits a debatable issue. The artist is always on the look out for the potential tension between those two realms. Therefore, one of the most painful dilemmas the artist finds is how to function in a society without sacrificing the aesthetic values of his/her work. In other words, the life-long awareness of failure which derives from the concept of the artist as caught between unflattering social realities and the need to invent genuine art forms becomes a fertilizing soil for the artists to dig deep into its origin. Thus, within the framework of this dilemma, the question of the responsibility of the artist and the relationship of the art to politics will be illuminating. The present paper tackles the idea of the amorality of the artist in selected plays by Tom Stoppard. However, Stoppard’s awareness of his situation as a refugee has led him to keep at a distance from politics. He tried hard to avoid any intervention into the realms of political debate, especially in his earliest work. On the one hand, it is not meant that he did not interest in politics as such, but rather he preferred to question it than to create a fixed ideological position. On the other hand, Stoppard’s refusal to intervene in politics is ascribed to his feeling of gratitude to Britain where he settled. As a result, Stoppard has frequently been criticized for a lack of political engagement and also for not leaning too much for the left when he does engage. His reaction to these public criticisms finds expression in his self-conscious statements which defensively stressed the artifice of his work. He, like Oscar Wilde thinks that the responsibility of the artist is devoted to the realm of his/her art. Consequently, his consciousness for the role of the artist is truly reflected in his two plays, Artist Descending a Staircase(1972) and Travesties(1974).

Keywords: amorality, dilemma, aesthetic, responsibility of the artist, political theatre

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