Search results for: politicization

Authors: Raiya Kishwar Ashraf

Abstract:

The National University, the largest public educational institution in Bangladesh, recently made it mandatory for all students to study a course in Bangladesh‘s history of the 1971 Liberation War. This introduction was accompanied by massive political, financial and academic movement that allocated resources towards achieving greater awareness of the country‘s spirit, goals of liberation and patriotism among the youth. This study argues that the infrastructure and political economy around the course heavily politicizes the education system and more specifically the teaching and learning the process. By conducting a qualitative study in three affiliated colleges under the National University, this study aimed to explore the extent to which politicization affected higher education curriculum, especially history education in Bangladesh. The findings revealed significant levels of politicization and structural constraints present in the process that restricts the teacher and student engagement with course materials. The results of this study are useful for curriculum designers and higher education teachers and staffs who wish to develop content and deliver education that promotes critical inquiry among students. The findings further shed light on the importance of identifying and addressing political influences in education curriculum and programme development.

Keywords: Bangladesh higher education, critical thinking, curriculum politicization, history curriculum, National University, teaching-learning method

Procedia PDF Downloads 314

Authors: Ratih Andaruni Widhiantari

Abstract:

The combination of the expanding population of aid agencies and the act of politicization in humanitarian intervention blurred the distinction between what humanitarianism accept as universal human rights in theory and their practices in humanitarian intervention. Humanitarian organizations were now venturing into the formerly taboo territory of politics that place individuals at risk, for examples, cooperating and coordinating with the intervening states, considering moments of destruction as opportunities for political change and even taking on functions that had once been the exclusive preserve of government. Hence, aid agencies were becoming involved in matters of local or even international politics. This study focuses on the comparison between Oxfam and Médecins Sans Frontières (MSF) or Doctor without Borders different attitudes against political influences in humanitarian aid. It aims to untangle the bewilderment whether the contradictory approach to politics will becoming a barrier to performing their principles as humanitarian actors and also the consequences of taking that one particular position. The analysis of quantitative data and qualitative literature analysis are presented. The findings indicated Oxfam is actively engaged with politics. It welcomed government and private sector to shared cooperation to reach its goals to alleviate global inequalities. On the other hand, MSF has always taken a strong position to refuse any politics influence within their aid programmes. With no financial assistance from any government, MSF is free from any direct politics intervention. Hence, it can work efficiently with a clear objective to respond the demand side pressures from the people in needs. It is still publicly against politic involvement in the humanitarian activity, but practically, it has been moving forward to politicization in its own definition.

Keywords: humanitarian agencies, humanitarian intervention, humanitarian principles, politicization of humanitarianism

Procedia PDF Downloads 278

Authors: Narender Banwala

Abstract:

The study critically evaluates that the politics of foreign aid and its effect on Afghanistan. The study argues that dynamics of foreign aid to Afghanistan are not driven solely by the Afghan political, social, and economic realities but much more by the ephemeral political goals of international donor countries. The objective of this paper is to find out the political reality of foreign aid given to Afghanistan in a post 9/11 era. The study analyses the gap between the donor countries' interests and the Afghan government's priorities in aid coordination and management. The aid given to Afghanistan has been accompanied by the political interests of the major powers and therefore violated the core principles of humanitarianism, i.e., humanity, impartiality, neutrality, and independence. This research attempts to explain the areas which are of high priority, extremely vulnerable, and have been a neglected part since 2001. The study focuses on how as a result of politicization, foreign aid could not yield the expected results even after prolong presence of international donors in Afghanistan. Methodologically, the study includes both qualitative and quantitative data, which are collected by interviews with government officials and other government documents.

Keywords: Afganistan, aid, politics, security

Procedia PDF Downloads 126

Authors: Mohamed Faslan

Abstract:

This research examines the impact of the politicization of the fishing dispute on India-Sri Lanka relations, particularly the influence of internal and party politics. The maritime border is clearly demarcated between India and Sri Lanka. India and Sri Lanka signed bilateral agreements on maritime boundaries in 1974 and 1976 respectively. They signed the United Nations Law of the Sea- III as well. Despite this, fishing disputes persist between the two nations. Tamil Nadu politics is closely linked with Sri Lankan Tamil issues and Tamil Nadu has been playing a significant role in Indo-Lanka relations. This is due to the fact that many Indian trawlers involved in fishing activities in Sri Lankan waters are from Tamil Nadu. The Government of Tamil Nadu is also very concerned about the issue of fishing in Sri Lankan waters. During the ethnic war, Sri Lankan fishermen were restricted on fishing activities in the Northern sea by the Sri Lankan Government and Liberation Tigers of Tamil Elam (LTTE). This created a vacuum in the Northern sea of Sri Lanka, and Indian trawlers filled the vacuum with the support of the LTTE. After the end of the war, Northern fishermen of Sri Lanka recommenced their fishing activities and realized that the Tamil Nadu trawlers had scooped their fishing resources. The Northern fishermen started to protest the invasion of Indian trawlers and pushed the Sri Lankan Government to stop the Indian trawlers. When Sri Lanka arrested Indian fishermen and confiscated their fishing boats, the Tamil Nadu Government used this as an opportunity to accuse Sri Lanka as having a Sinhalese government, to express feelings of hatred towards Sri Lanka due to the ethnic war against Tamils and tried to increase the voting bank by selling Tamil feelings. Thus, this research finds that Tamil Nadu does not associate this fishing dispute with Tamils in Sri Lanka but with the Sinhalese despite the status quo. This research has covered the Northern fishermen and stakeholders of Sri Lanka and could not do any field research in India due to visa restrictions. However, the researcher tries to balance the gap by referring to secondary sources and a few interviews with Indian scholars.

Keywords: Indo Lanka relations, fishing dispute, maritime border, Tamil Nadu & Sri Lankan waters

Procedia PDF Downloads 295

Authors: Sagnik Mridul

Abstract:

This paper examines the evolving semiotics of the figure of Rama within the contexts of Indian mythology, cultural history, and contemporary politics. Tracing the transformation of Rama from a human protagonist in Valmiki's Ramayana to a divine figure in later Sanskrit and vernacular retellings, the study explores the shifting paradigms of his portrayal. It highlights how successive reinterpretations have inscribed new layers of meaning onto the signifier ‘Rama,’ reflecting diverse socio-religious and political agendas. Drawing on theoretical frameworks from Roland Barthes, Saussure, Sheldon Pollock, and contemporary postcolonial scholars, the study traces Rama's metamorphosis from a literary character in classical Sanskrit texts to a powerful nationalist symbol in contemporary political discourse. The analysis begins with the portrayal of Rama as an ideal human being, embodying virtues central to his identity as a son, prince, husband, warrior, and king. The text highlights the duality of Rama's character, oscillating between human and divine traits, particularly in the context of his association with Vishnu as an incarnation. The paper also examines the politicization of Rama's image, particularly during the 12th century, when regional kings began to identify themselves with Rama to legitimize their rule amidst external threats, such as invasions by Turkic rulers. The research critically examines the transformation of Rama's narrative in modern times, how right-wing Hindu nationalist movements, particularly the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) and Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS), have transformed Rama from a complex mythological figure into a potent political signifier of This appropriation illustrates Barthes' concept of myth-making, where complex historical realities are simplified into narratives that serve contemporary ideological needs.

Keywords: ramayana, myth, politicization, semiotics, deification

Procedia PDF Downloads 7

Authors: Richard Grünwald, Wenling Wang, Yan Feng

Abstract:

The presented paper explores the changing dynamics of regional water security in the Mekong River Basin and examines the contemporary water-related challenges from a critical hydropolitical perspective. By drawing on the Lancang-Mekong Cooperation and Conflict Database (LMCCD) recording more than 3000 water-related events within the basin in the last 30 years, we identified several trends changing the dynamics of the regional water security in the Mekong River Basin. Firstly, there is growing politicization of water that is no longer interpreted as abundant. While some scientists blame the rapid basin development, particularly in upstream countries, other researchers consider climate change and cumulative environmental impacts of various water projects as the main culprit for changing the water flow. Secondly, there is an increasing securitization of large-scale hydropower dams with questionable outcomes. Despite hydropower dams raise many controversies, many riparian states push the development at all cost. Such water security dilemma can be especially traced to Laos and Cambodia, which highly invest in the hydropower sector even at the expense of the local environment and good relations with neighbouring countries situated lower on the river. Thirdly, there is a lack of accountable transboundary water governance that will effectively face a looming water crisis. To date, most of the existing cooperation mechanisms are undermined by the geopolitical interests of foreign donors and increasing mistrust to scientific approaches dealing with water insecurity. Our findings are beneficial for the policy-makers and other water experts who want to grasp the broader hydropolitical context in the Mekong River Basin and better understand the new water security threats, including misinterpretation of the hydrological data and legitimization of the pro-development narratives.

Keywords: critical hydropolitics, mekong river, politicization of science, water governance, water security

Procedia PDF Downloads 215

Authors: Bakari Mohammed

Abstract:

Sports performance and achievements have been the avenue through which great nations of the world exhibit their supremacy over others through sports development strategy. Effective sports development, therefore, requires variables like sports policy, sports funding, sports programme, sports facilities and sponsorship. The extent to what these variables are met shall no doubt affects the effectiveness of any sports development. Two distinguishing features of the Nigerian sports system are its central organization and its employment for specific socio-political objectives, it is against this backdrop that this paper will x-ray the politicization of sports which parallels sports development in the enhanced role of sports and in contrast with developed nations system and management.

Keywords: sport development, sport policy, personnel, program, facilities, funding, sponsorship

Procedia PDF Downloads 524

Authors: Stephen Clear

Abstract:

Brexit, the relationship between devolved administrations, and Westminster, as well as recent Supreme Court judgments, all evidence that traditional paradigms in the divide between legal and political constitutionalism are changing within the United Kingdom. Whilst not mutually exclusive concepts, these latest constitutional developments suggest that the UK is about to embark upon radical constitutional reform over the course of the next decade. Such will systematically redefine the roles and relationships of each of the three arms of the State. In mapping these three latest events, this paper starts by defining constitutionalism as a jurisprudential concept, from the Age of Enlightenment, through to its present day manifestations in 2020. Such thereafter explains why the UK is seeking to move further away from political constitutionalism, and instead towards an increased reliance on newly defined laws and rules, particularly given that the UK now has a government with a stronger working majority following the general election results in 2019. In doing so, this paper concludes by commenting upon recent concerns surrounding the potential for the politicization of the judiciary within the United Kingdom, at a time when the UK Prime Minister is seeking to redefine the country’s constitutional rulebook.

Keywords: United Kingdom, Brexit, constitutionalism, law, politics, constitutional reform, separation of powers

Procedia PDF Downloads 139

Authors: Sara Dragisic

Abstract:

Using the theoretical analysis of the birth of biopolitics that Foucault performed through the history of liberalism and neoliberalism, in this paper we will try to show how, precisely through problematizing the role of international institutions, the model of governance differs from previous ways of objectifying body and life. Are the state and its mechanisms still a Leviathan to fight against, or can it be even the driver of resistance against the proponents of modern governance and the biopolitical power? Do paradigmatic examples of biopolitics still appear through sovereignty and (international) law, or is it precisely this sphere that shows a significant dose of incompetence and powerlessness in relation to, not only the economic sphere (Foucault’s critique of neoliberalism) but also the new politics of freedom? Have the struggle for freedom and human rights, as well as the war on terrorism, opened a new spectrum of biopolitical processes, which are manifested precisely through new international institutions and humanitarian discourse? We will try to answer these questions, in the following way. On the one hand, we will show that the views of authors such as Agamben and Hardt and Negri, in whom the state and sovereignty are seen as enemies to be defeated or overcome, fail to see how such attempts could translate into the politicization of life like it is done in many examples through the doctrine of liberal interventionism and humanitarianism. On the other hand, we will point out that it is precisely the humanitarian discourse and the defense of the right to intervention that can be the incentive and basis for the politicization of the category of life and lead to the selective application of human rights. Zizek example of the killing of United Nations workers and doctors in a village during the Vietnam War, who were targeted even before police or soldiers, because they were precisely seen as a powerful instrument of American imperialism (as they were sincerely trying to help the population), will be focus of this part of the analysis. We’ll ask the question whether such interpretation is a kind of liquidation of the extreme left of the political (Laclau) or on this basis can be explained at least in part the need to review the functioning of international organizations, ranging from those dealing with humanitarian aid (and humanitarian military interventions) to those dealing with protection and the security of the population, primarily from growing terrorism. Based on the above examples, we will also explain how the discourse of terrorism itself plays a dual role: it can appear as a tool of liberal biopolitics, although, more superficially, it mostly appears as an enemy that wants to destroy the liberal system and its values. This brings us to the basic problem that this paper will tackle: do the mechanisms of institutional struggle for human rights and freedoms, which is often seen as opposed to the security mechanisms of the state, serve the governance of citizens in such a way that the latter themselves participate in producing biopolitical governmental practices? Is the freedom today "nothing but the correlative development of apparatuses of security" (Foucault)? Or, we can continue this line of Foucault’s argumentation and enhance the interpretation with the important question of what precisely today reflects the change in the rationality of governance in which society is transformed from a passive object into a subject of its own production. Finally, in order to understand the skills of biopolitical governance in modern civil society, it is necessary to pay attention to the status of international organizations, which seem to have become a significant place for the implementation of global governance. In this sense, the power of sovereignty can turn out to be an insufficiently strong power of security policy, which can go hand in hand with freedom policies, through neoliberal governmental techniques.

Keywords: neoliberalism, Foucault, sovereignty, biopolitics, international organizations, NGOs, Agamben, Hardt&Negri, Zizek, security, state power

Procedia PDF Downloads 207

Authors: Rasha Salameh

Abstract:

In light of the tense relationship between Saudi Arabia and Iran, this research paper sheds some light on Al-Arabiya’s reporting of Coronavirus in the Gulf. Particularly because most of the cases, in the beginning, were coming from Iran, some programs of this Saudi channel embraced a conspiracy theory. Hate speech has been used in talking about the topic and discussing it. The results of these discussions will be detailed in this paper in percentages with regard to the research sample, which includes five programs on Al-Arabiya channel: ‘DNA’, ‘Marraya’ (Mirrors), ‘Panorama’, ‘Tafaolcom’ (Your Interaction) and the ‘Diplomatic Street’, in the period between January 19, that is, the date of the first case in Iran, and April 10, 2020. The research shows the use of a conspiracy theory in the programs, in addition to some professional violations. The surveyed sample also shows that the matter receded due to the Arab Gulf states' preoccupation with the successively increasing cases that have appeared there since the start of the pandemic. The results indicate that hate speech was present in the sample at a rate of 98.1% and that most of the programs that dealt with the Iranian issue under the Corona pandemic on Al Arabiya used the conspiracy theory at a rate of 75.5%.

Keywords: Al-Arabiya, Iran, Corona, hate speech, conspiracy theory, politicization of the pandemic

Procedia PDF Downloads 136

Authors: Tien-Hui Chiang, Q. Zhou

Abstract:

For structural-functionalism, one set of the common traits of traditional professionals, such as medical practitioners and engineers, can be viewed as the criteria for evaluating whether a given occupation has the right of claiming its professional status or not. Under the influence of this professionalism, teaching practitioners have devoted themselves to acquiring this right as evidenced by the fact that initial training has been extended to even the level of postgraduate. However, for interactionalists, professionalism adopts a predetermined assumption so that it ignores the dynamic nature of social development, which is able to regulate the professional status of a given occupation. Such an interactive approach highlights the concept of professionalization. Furthermore, Marxists argue that structural-functionalists have ignored the impact of proletarianization on the white collar. While professionals gradually lose their control over their practices, the title of profession functions as a self-regulated icon that prevents them from collaborating with the working class and, in turn, creates the ideology of de-politicization sustaining the interests of the ruling class. This article adopts a theoretical analysis on these contradictory arguments. It argues that these criticisms neglect the influence of the institutionalized value system on social operation, which is the core element in sustaining the notion of the profession.

Keywords: teaching profession, professionalism, professionalization, proletarianialization, institutionalized value system

Procedia PDF Downloads 337

Authors: Laila Vivas

Abstract:

Fossil Health is proposed as a value-concept to describe the hegemonic health paradigms that underpin health enactment. Such representation is justified by Foucaldian and related ideas on biopower and biosocialities, calling for the politicization of health and signalling the importance of narratives. This approach, hence, enables contemplating health paradigms as reflexive or co-constitutive of health itself or, in other words, conceiving health as a verb. Fossil health is a symbolic representation, influenced by Andreas Malm’s concept of fossil capitalism, that integrates environment and health as non-dichotomic areas. Fossil Health sustains that current notions of human and non-human health revolve around fossil fuel dependencies. Moreover, addressing disequilibria from established health ideals involves fossil-fixes. Fossil Health, therefore, represents causes and consequences of a health conception that has the agency to contribute to the functioning of a particular structural eco-social model. Moreover, within current capitalist relations, Fossil Health expands its meaning to cover not only fossil implications but also other dominant paradigms of the capitalist system that are (re)produced through health paradigms, such as the burgeoning of technoscience and biomedicalization, privatization of health, expertization of health, or the imposing of standards of uniformity. Overall, Fossil Health is a comprehensive approach to environment and health, where understanding hegemonic health paradigms means understanding our (human-non-human) nature paradigms and the structuring effect these narratives convey.

Keywords: fossil health, environment, paradigm, capitalism

Procedia PDF Downloads 123

Authors: Iulia Elena Gîță

Abstract:

According to the sociological theory of literature, constraints on the creation and share of cultural works can be placed between two extremes: one with a high level of politicization and the other with a high level of commercialization. The overall objective of the present research is to follow the principles of Sociology of Translation to closely map and analyse the publishing activity of Romania concerning China and Chinese literature during four stages of Romanian history between 1948-2018. This paper proposes, thus, an extended approach to literature, to its cultural, political and economic reception. In achieving the proposed objectives, the research expands far beyond the literary text itself, to its macro context, analysing, through quantitative research methods, a statistical database created based on two phases - the first part containing literary and non-fictional works that address and discuss issues related to China; the second part includes literary translations of Chinese literature into Romanian, either by direct translation or by an intermediate language. Throughout this paper we will map not only the number of works, but also the topics approached by writers along the two periods of the political life of Romania.

Keywords: bilateral relations, Chinese literature, intercultural understanding, international relations, socio-cultural reception, socio-political constraints, publishing

Procedia PDF Downloads 135

Authors: Lucile Richard

Abstract:

Contemporary thinkers studying biopolitics and its lethal logic find little interest in Foucault's "vague sketch of the pastorate.” Despite pastoral power being depicted as the matrix of governmentality in the genealogy of biopower, most post-Foucauldian theorists disregard its study. Sovereign power takes precedence in the examination of the governmental connection between care, violence, and death. Questioning this recurring motif, this article advocates for a feminist exploration of pastoral power. It argues that giving attention to the genealogy of the pastorate is essential to account for the carelessness that runs today's politics. Examining Foucault's understanding of this "power to care" uncovers the link between care work and politics, a facet of governmentality often overlooked in sovereignty-centered perspectives. His description of “pastoral insurrections”, in so far as it highlights that caring, far from being excluded from politics, is the object of competing problematizations, also calls for a more nuanced and complex comprehension of the politicization of care and care work than the ones developed by feminist theorists. As such, it provides an opportunity to delve into under-theorized dimensions of the "care crisis" in feminist accounts. On one hand, it reveals how populations are disciplined and controlled, not only through caregiving obligations, but also through being assigned or excluded from receiving care. On the other, it stresses that the organization of the public sphere is just as important as the organization of the private sphere, which is the main focus for most feminists, in preventing marginalized perspectives on caring from gaining political momentum.

Keywords: Foucault, feminist theory, resistance, pastoral power, crisis of care, biopolitics

Procedia PDF Downloads 54

Authors: Tolu Lawal

Abstract:

The genuine development of the grassroots particularly in the developing societies depends largely on the participation of the rural populace in policy conception and implementation, especially in the area of development policies, fundamentally, the rural people play a vital and significance role in economic and political development of the nation. This is because the bulk of the economic produce as well as votes come from these areas. However, the much needed development has continued to elude the rural communities inspire of the various development policies carried out by successive governments in the state. The exclusion of rural communities from planning and implementation of facilities meant to benefit them, and the international debate on sustainable rural development led Ondo State government to re-think its rural development policy with a view to establishing more effective strategies for rural development. The 31s initiatives introduced in 2009 emphasizes the important role of communities in their own development. The paper therefore critically assessed the 31s initiative of the present government in Ondo State with a view to knowing its impact on rural people. The study adopted both primary and secondary data to source its information. Interviews were conducted with the key informants, and field survey (visit) was also part of method of collecting data. Documents, reports and records on 31s initiatives in the selected villages and from outside were also consulted. The paper submitted that 31s initiative has not impacted positively on the lives of rural dwellers in Ondo-State, most especially in the areas of infrastructure and integrated development. The findings also suggested that 31s initiatives is not hopeless, but needs a different kind of investment, for example introducing measures of accountability, addressing the politicization of the initiative and exploiting key principles of development and service delivery.

Keywords: development, infrastructure, rural development, participation

Procedia PDF Downloads 307

Authors: Bamlaku Tadesse Mengistu

Abstract:

Resource-based inter-ethnic conflicts are common in eastern Ethiopia among the Afar, Ittu-Oromo, and Issa-Somali pastoral groups. The qualitative data required for the study were collected from community leaders, ordinary members of the communities, and administrative and political bodies at various levels through one-on-one interviews, focus group discussions and field observations. The quantitative data were also collected through a household survey from the 128 households drawn from the three districts of Meiso-Mullu, Meiso, and Amibara. This research tried to assess the triggering factors of inter-ethnic violent conflicts and tensions observed and other motivating factors that encourage the rival groups to instigate the recent conflicts. The research revealed some of the triggering factors that instigate violent conflicts among the rival groups such as the bad actions of conflict entrepreneurs/rent seekers, the incidence of plunder (banditry), the encroachment of farmers’ to pastoral lands/vice versa, the destruction of farmers’ crops by pastoralists’ livestock, and among others. The roles of conflict entrepreneurs such as low and medium level administrators/leaders, illicit arms traffickers, local level elites, and among others are very much significant in fueling up inter-ethnic conflicts and tensions. Leaders of various levels wrongly agitate the politicization of ethnicity and ethnic identity as well as regional boundaries as they are political boundaries rather than administrative boundaries.

Keywords: eastern ethiopia, resource competition, ethnic conflict, AFAR, ISSA and ITTU.

Procedia PDF Downloads 157

Authors: Opeyemi Awau Adepoju

Abstract:

The task of nation-building for Nigeria, like other developing nations, has continued to be riddled with audacious challenges that kept threatening to consume the state itself. Among the destabilizing factors that are sometimes mutually reinforcing are poverty and insecurity. Nigeria has been bedeviled with poverty since the onset of the 1980s when the country metamorphosed from an agricultural to an oil-based economy coupled with unbridled political corruption and wasteful management of resources by successive governments. The crippling poverty started manifesting in the scourge of criminalities and a general state of insecurity. Poverty gradually becomes the breeder of insecurity and threats to human life in Nigeria. Interestingly, successive governments tended to recognize the destructive tendencies of poverty and took several interventionist initiatives towards abating or slowing down the spate of poverty so as to reverse the trend of insecurity, but none of those initiatives can be adjudged good or enduring legacies. The emergence of the Buhari administration in 2015 provided a new opportunity to tackle poverty and, in turn, insecurity that had permeated every aspect of national life before that year’s presidential elections. Expectedly, the government took ambitious steps through its innovative ideas of intervention through its National Social Intervention Programmes (NSIP). Therefore, this paper is an assessment of the Buhari administration’s initiatives in poverty eradication in Nigeria as one of its strategies to fight insecurity, and the paper adopted a qualitative approach. The theoretical arguments put up by this paper are with respect to the connection between poverty and insecurity sourced from the theory of Relative Deprivation. The paper found that the Buhari administration has done better than any government since 1999 in inventing a social intervention program and that the poverty of the people has been addressed to a notable extent. However, the problem of politicization of intervention programs has continued to be the practice under the administration, and if this is not abated, the post-Buhari era may as well be like the eras before it. The paper recommends legislation that can make poverty ameliorating programs permanent, at least for some years to come, so as to avoid the usual policy summersault at every instance of political transition, which has limited the sustainability of public policies and indeed hindered nation-building efforts in Nigeria.

Keywords: insecurity, poverty alleviation, public policies, social intervention

Procedia PDF Downloads 58

Authors: Amrisha Pandey

Abstract:

Indian constitution has distributed the powers to govern and legislate between the centre and the state governments based on the list of subject-matter provided in the seventh schedule. By that schedule, the states are authorized to regulate the water resource within their territory. However, the centre/union government is authorized to regulate the inter-state water disputes. The powers entrusted to the union government mainly deals with the sharing of river water which flows through the territory of two or more states. For that purpose, a provision enumerated in Article 262 of the Constitution of India which empowers the parliament to resolve any such inter-state river water dispute. Therefore, the parliament has enacted the - ‘Inter-State River Water Dispute Tribunal, Act’, which allows the central/union government to constitute the tribunal for the adjudication of the disputes and expressly bars the jurisdiction of the judiciary in the concerned matter. This arrangement was intended to resolve the dispute using political or diplomatic means, without deliberately interfering with the sovereign power of the states to govern the water resource. The situation in present context is complicated and sensitive. Due to the change in climatic conditions; increasing demand for the limited resource; and the advanced understanding of the freshwater cycle, which is missing from the existing legal regime. The obsolete legal and political tools, the existing legislative mechanism and the institutional units do not seem to accommodate the rising challenge to regulate the resource. Therefore, resulting in the rise of the politicization of the inter-state water disputes. Against this background, this paper will investigate the inter-state river water dispute in India and will critically analyze the ability of the existing constitutional, and institutional units involved in the task. Moreover, the competence of the tribunal as the adjudicating body in present context will be analyzed using the long ongoing inter-state water dispute in India – The Cauvery Water Dispute, as the case study. To conduct the task undertaken in this paper the doctrinal methodology of the research is adopted. The disputes will also be investigated through the lens of sovereignty, which is accorded to the states using the theory of ‘separation of power’ and the ‘grant of internal sovereignty’, to its federal units of governance. The issue of sovereignty in this paper is discussed in two ways: 1) as the responsibility of the state - to govern the resource; and 2) as the obligation of the state - to govern the resource, arising from the sovereign power of the state. Furthermore, the duality of the sovereign power coexists in this analysis; the overall sovereign authority of the nation-state, and the internal sovereignty of the states as its federal units of governance. As a result, this investigation will propose institutional, legislative and judicial reforms. Additionally, it will suggest certain amendments to the existing constitutional provisions in order to avoid the contradictions in their scope and meaning in the light of the advanced hydrological understanding.

Keywords: constitution of India, federalism, inter-state river water dispute tribunal of India, sovereignty

Procedia PDF Downloads 155

Authors: Amunupura Kiriwandeiye Gedara, Asintha Saminda Gnanaratne

Abstract:

The security forces can be described as a workforce that goes beyond the role of ensuring the national security and contributes to the development process of the country. Soldiers are following combatant training courses during their tenure, they are equipped with a variety of vocational training courses to satisfy the needs of the army, to equip them with vocational training capabilities to achieve the development and reconstruction goals of the country as well as for the betterment of society in the event of emergencies. But with retirement, their relationship with the military is severed, and they are responsible for the future of their lives. The main purpose of this study was to examine how such professional capabilities can contribute to the development of the country, the current socio-economic status of the retired soldiers, and the current application of the vocational training skills they have mastered in the army to develop and rebuild the country in an effective manner. After analyzing the available research literature related to this field, a conceptual framework was developed and according to qualitative research methodology, and data obtained from Case studies and interviews are analyzed by using thematic analysis. Factors influencing early retirement include a lack of understanding of benefits, delays in promotions, not being properly evaluated for work, getting married on hasty decisions, and not having enough time to spend on family and household chores. Most of the soldiers are not aware about various programs and benefits available to retirees. They do not have a satisfactory attitude towards the retirement guidance they receive from the army at the time of retirement. Also, due to the lack of understanding about how to use their vocational capabilities successfully pursue their retirement life, the majority of people are employed in temporary jobs, and some are successful in post-retirement life due to their successful use of training received. Some live on pensions without engaging in any income-generating activities, and those who retire after 12 years of service are facing severe economic hardships as they do not get pensions. Although they have received training in various fields, they do not use them for their benefit due to lack of proper guidance. Although the government implements programs, they are not clearly aware of them. Barriers to utilization of training include an absence of a system to identify the professional skills of retired soldiers, interest in civil society affairs, exploration of opportunities in the civil and private sectors, and politicization of services. If they are given the opportunity, they will be able to contribute to the development and reconstruction process. The findings of the study further show that it has many social, economic, political, and psychological benefits not only for individuals but also for a country. Entrepreneurship training for all retired soldiers, improving officers' understanding, streamlining existing mechanisms, creating new mechanisms, setting up a separate unit for retirees, and adapting them to civil society, private and non-governmental contributions, and training courses can be identified as potential means to improve the current situation.

Keywords: development, reconstruction, retired soldiers, vocational capabilities

Procedia PDF Downloads 134