Search results for: political violence

Authors: J. D. Temperman

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Introduction: In particular, in relation to religion, the meaning and scope of freedom of expression have been tested in recent times. This paper investigates the legal justifications for restrictions that have been suggested in this area and asks whether they are sustainable from an international human rights perspective. The universal human rights instruments, particularly the UN International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR), are increasingly geared towards eradicating ‘incitement’ to contingent harms like violence or discrimination, whilst forms of extreme speech that fall short of such incitement are to be protected rather than countered by states. Human Rights Committee’s draft-General Comment on freedom of expression, adopted in 2011, provides another strong indication that this is the envisaged way forward: repealing anti-blasphemy and anti-religious defamation laws, whilst simultaneously increasing efforts to combat ‘incitement’. Within regional human rights frameworks, notably the European Convention system, judgments have in fact supported legal restrictions on both hate speech, holocaust denial, and blasphemy or religious defamation. Major contributions to scholarship: This paper proposes an actus reus for the offense of ‘advocacy of religious hatred that constitutes incitement to discrimination or violence’, as enshrined in Article 20(2) of the UN ICCPR. In underscoring the high threshold of ‘incitement’, the author distinguishes this offense from such notions as ‘blasphemy’ or ‘defamation of religions’. In addition to treating the said provision as a sui generis prohibition, the question is addresses whether a ‘right to be protected against incitement’ may be distilled from the ICCPR. Furthermore, the author will discuss the question of how to judge incitement; notably, is mens rea required to convict someone of incitement, and if so, what degree of mens rea? This analysis also includes the question how to balance content and context factors when addressing alleged instances of incitement, notably what factors make provide for a likelihood that imminent acts of violence or discrimination will ensue from an inciteful speech act? Methodology: This paper takes a double comparative approach: (i) it endeavours to compare and contrast monitoring bodies’ approach to incitement (notably, the UN Human Rights Committee, but also the UN Committee on the Elimination of Racial Discrimination which monitors states’ compliance with Article 4 of ICERD on incitement); and (ii) it endeavours to chart and compare and analyse from an international human rights perspective recent forms of state practice in the field of dealing with incitement (i.e. a comparative legal analysis and vertical human rights analysis of newly emerging incitement legislation in the light of the said international standards). Conclusion: This paper conceptualizes a legal notion – ‘incitement’ – encapsulated in international human rights law that may have a profound bearing on contemporary challenges of radicalization and religious strife.

Keywords: incitement, international human rights law, religious hatred, violence

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Authors: Fatemeh Abdollahi, Munn-Sann Lye, Jamshid Yazdani Charati, Mehran Zarghami

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Background: The negative consequences of intimate partner violence (IPV) on children have not been studied extensively. This study aimed to determine the prevalence of different types of IPV and its association with children’s growth and developmental problems. Methods: In a descriptive-analytical study, 596 mothers of one-year-old children referred to the primary health centers in Gonbad-e- Kavoos city were recruited (2018). The data were collected using the World Health Organization Domestic Violence, Ages and Stages Questionnaire-12 and the socio-economic, obstetrics, demographic and anthropometric characteristics related questionnaire. BMI Z-Score was categorized into three grades; thin (Z<-2), normal (-2≤Z<1), and overweight-obese (Z≥1). The data were analyzed using descriptive analysis, chi-square test, and regression. Results: The prevalence of physical, psychological, and sexual IPV was 7.4%, 29.5%, and 2.4%, respectively. Most of the children were of normal weight at one-year-old (91.7%). Similarly, the prevalence of overweight and obese was 13.3% and 8%, respectively. 2% of children had developmental problems at age one. There was a significant relationship between the father’s education and occupation and IPV and children’s delay in growth, respectively. There was no significant difference between BMI Z-Score and developmental disabilities in the children in women exposed and not exposed to all types of IPV. Conclusions: The prevalence of psychological IPV was common. IPV and children’s growth problems were influenced by the father’s socio-economic status. Preventing psychological IPV as a forerunner of other types of IPV and improving the economic situation may help in the reduction of these difficulties.

Keywords: children, development, growth, intimate partner violence

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Authors: Raja Rodziah Binti Raja Zainal Hassan

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The development of Malaysian political cinema is rapidly taking shape in the local film industry. The paper focuses on the production of independent political documentary by two Malaysian filmmakers, Amir Muhammad and Fahmi Reza. Revolutionary cinema can be understood by utilizing the Third Cinema Theory in order to analyse the meaning and its impact on the audience. The issue surrounding the political cinema in Malaysia is the question of national identity. The implementation of racial or ethnic based politics has resulted in hostility within Malaysia’s multiracial society. Amir Muhammad and Fahmi Reza revisit the Malaysian political history through their films in order to understand the reasons behind the hostility and conflict.

Keywords: Political cinema, third cinema theory, revolutionary cinema, national identity, racial or ethnic politics

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Authors: Muhammad Harya Ramdhoni, Nidzam Sulaiman, Muhammad Ridwan

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The Helsinki Agreement between the Indonesian Government (RI) and the Aceh Liberation Movement (GAM) on 15th Aug. 2005 fails to reconcile social and political turmoil in Aceh Darussalam (NAD). The political powers that were once unified in their struggle against Indonesian Government prior to this agreement have now become divided due to differences in political and economic interests. Using descriptive analysis and intellectual discourse, this paper proposes that the Aceh Sultanate be revived as an attempt to unite these divided political powers and to curtail potential conflicts in the area. This proposal is based on three assumptions. First, the Aceh Sultanate is the only Sultanate in Sumatera that did not fall victim to the social revolution post 1945 proclamation of independence. Second, the Acehnese still acknowledge the Sultanate as a sovereign political power even though it was defeated by the Dutch in 1904. Third, there are emotional, historical and cultural ties between the Acehnese and the Sultanate as they still perceived them to be their patron. Consequently, the Sultanate is the unifying element of all political powers in the area. This, however, is not an attempt to reinstate feudalism in Aceh. It only seeks to facilitate the political reconciliation process in Aceh Darussalam founded on sociological and historical background of locals.

Keywords: Sultanate Aceh, political reconciliation, political power, patron-client

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Authors: Chih-Lin Chang, Tzu-Ching Weng

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The purpose of this study is to explore the relationship between corporate political ties and independent directors' functions. With reference to the literature variables such as the characteristics of the relevant board of directors in the past, a single comprehensive function indicator is established as a substitute variable for the function of independent directors, and the impact of political connection on the independent board of directors is further discussed. This research takes Taiwan listed enterprises from 2014 to 2020 as the main research object and conducts empirical research through descriptive statistics, correlation and regression analysis. The empirical results show that companies with political connections will have a positive impact on the number of independent directors; political connections also have a significant positive relationship with the functional part of independent directors, which means that because companies have political connections, they have a positive impact on the seats or functions of independent directors. will pay more attention and increase their oversight functions.

Keywords: political, connection, independent, director, function

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Authors: Nurzarimah Jamil, Mohd Nazaruddin Jamil

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This paper is a preliminary study about The Importance of Political Advice in Islam: Ḥadīth Thematical Study by showing the concept and proper ways to advice to politician based on hadith Prophet Muhammad (PBUH). The unique of political advice in Islam that Muslim already have the strong and fulfil example that can be apply in nowadays governance that is the way of political and leadership Prophet Muhammad show in his time. As a political leader, the Prophet Muhammad (PBUH) established a great state whose capital was Madinah. However, his real political leadership was in the realm of morality and spirituality in which he conducted himself perfectly in situations of weakness as well as strength. His way of dealing in Makkah and Madinah indicates his great political leadership. Based on fact nowadays some of the country not practicing the proper way to advice to rulers or governance that make a lot of madness around them. This paper also aims the concept and the proper way that can be following to all Muslim to advising by the politeness, justice and kindness.

Keywords: Hadith, leadership, political advice, Prophet Muhammad

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Authors: Tabin Millo, Khoob Chand, Ashok Kumar Jaiswal

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Introduction: Various kinds of violence and offences are related to alcohol consumption by the offenders. The relationship between alcohol and violence is complex. But its study is important to achieve understanding of violence as well as alcohol related behavior. This study was done to know the blood alcohol concentration in people involved in various offences and its demographic pattern. The study was carried out in the forensic toxicology laboratory, department of Forensic Medicine, All India Institute of Medical Sciences, New Delhi, India. Material and methods: The blood samples were collected from the arrested people shortly after the commission of the offence by the emergency medical officers in the emergency department and forwarded to the forensic toxicology laboratory through the investigating officer. The blood samples were collected in EDTA vial with sodium fluoride preservative. The samples were analyzed by using gas chromatography with head space (GC-HS), which is ideal for alcohol estimation. The toxicology reports were given within a week. The data of seven years (2011-17) were analyzed for its alcohol concentration, associated crimes and its demographic pattern. Analysis and conclusion: Total 280 samples were analyzed in the period of 2011-2017. All were males except one female who was a bar dancer. The maximum cases were in the age group of 21-30 years (124 cases). The type of offences involved were road traffic accidents (RTA), assault cases, drunken driving, drinking in public place, drunk on duty, sexual offence, bestiality, eve teasing, fall etc. The maximum cases were of assault (75 cases) followed by RTA (64 cases). The maximum cases were in the alcohol concentration range of 101-150mg% (58 cases) followed by 51-100mg% (52 cases). The maximum blood alcohol level detected was 391.51 mg%, belonging to a security guard found unconscious. This study shows that alcohol consumption is associated with various kinds of violence and offences in society.

Keywords: alcohol, crime, toxicology, violence

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Authors: Hanaa Sameen Ameen Bajilan

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Human rights should be protected and promoted without regard to race, ethnicity, religion, political philosophy, or sexual orientation, following our firm convictions. Thus, any infringement of these rights or disdain for; any use of violence against women undermines the principles and human values of equality and endangers the entire society, including its potential to live in peace and to make growth and development. This paper represents the condition of the new Iraqi women regarding issues such as the gender wage gap, education, health, and violence against women. The study aims to determine the impact of traditions and customs on the legal position of Iraqi women. First, it seeks to assess the effects of culture as a historical agency on the legal status of Iraqi women. Second, the influence of cultural developments in the later part of the twentieth century on Iraqi women's legal standing, and third, the importance of cultural variety as a progressive cultural component in women's legal position. Finally, the study highlights the representation of women in Iraq: Gender wage Gap, Women's liberation between culture and law, and the role of women within Iraqi society based on an Iraqi novel named (Orange Light) in Arabic: برتقالو ضو. in her book, the Iraqi writer Nadia Al-Abru succeeds in portraying the post-war society's devotion to the sexual, emotional and mental marginalization of women in terms of the value of attendance. Since the study of Iraqi women's literature in Arabic-English translation is a new avenue of research that contributes to all three areas, this investigation aims to establish critical lines of engagement between contemporary Iraqi women's literature in English translation and feminist translation conceptual frameworks, and this is accomplished by first focusing on why analyzing Iraqi women writers' novels in Arabic-English translation is a timeline of inquiry that contributes to existing and emerging knowledge fields concerning Iraqi women writers' contemporary critical contexts and scholarship on Arab women's literature in Arabic-English translation.

Keywords: women in İraq, equality, violence, gender wage gap, Nadia Al-Abru, (orange light), women's liberation, İraqi women's literature,

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Authors: Najmuddin Rasul

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The purpose of this study is to determine whether media usage and change of citizenship norms influence trends of change of political participation of young voters in Indonesia. The focus of this study is to examine citizenship norms in the context of the development of information and communication technology influence political participation in the context of Indonesia's transition to democracy. The main theoretical framework is media and political participation. For data gathering, 384 young voters between the ages of 17 to 40 years were interviewed in Padang, West Sumatra, Indonesia. The results of this study reveal that gender, age and educational background of respondents did not influence significantly media usage and citizenship norms. The results also show that educational background is not a factor that distinguishes media usage but it becomes differentiating factor in citizenship norms. The results further show that media usage has a significant correlation with citizenship norms and citizenship norms has a significant relationship with political participation. In addition, media usage and citizenship norm significantly influence political participation. The sub-dimensions the citizenship norms (compliance, duty, and engaged citizenship) provides a significant contribution to the sub-dimensions of political participation (traditional political participation, modern political participation, civic political participation). Based on the findings it can be concluded that the political euphoria in the era of transition to democracy has changed pattern of media usage and citizenship norms among the young generation in Indonesia.

Keywords: political participation, media, citizenship norms, democracy, young voters, Indonesia

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Authors: Kyllie Cripps

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In Australia, not dissimilar to other jurisdictions with indigenous populations, indigenous women are more likely to experience violence than any other section of society. In recent years in response to horrific examples of Indigenous women’s deaths, Australian Coronial courts have investigated, wanting to know more about the circumstances that led to the deaths. This paper critically examined 12 Coronial Court investigations from around Australia, analyzing them thematically. The analysis highlighted the differential vulnerability of indigenous women to intimate partner homicides. In all the cases reviewed, it was evident that the women’s deaths, in most instances were entirely preventable. Evidence was also presented demonstrating that services were aware of the women’s heightened risks but were unable to sufficiently coordinate themselves to provide wrap around support to minimise the risk of violence and to maximise the women’s safety. Consequently, putting the women in environments where their deaths were both predictable and inevitable. The profound system failings at the intersections of law, policy, and practice have ultimately cost indigenous women their lives. This paper firstly explores the nuances of the Coronial Court findings – demonstrating the similarities and differences present within the cases. Part two interrogates the reported system failings, and part three considers potential improvements in system integration to prevent future deaths. The paper concludes recognizing that Indigenous women play important valued roles in indigenous communities, their loss has profound costs and consequences, and to honor their memory, we must learn from their deaths and improve responses to intimate partner violence.

Keywords: homicide, intimate partner violence, indigenous women

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Authors: Abdulmalik Adamu

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This study is premised on the assumption that language, particularly, English plays a significant role in the acquisition of power in Nigeria. This is against the backdrop of the fact that for the first time in the political history of Nigeria, an opposition party succeeded in dethroning an incumbent President and ruling political party in an election. Therefore the main objective was to investigate the role of language, particularly English in the acquisition of political power in Nigeria. The corpus generated for this study consisted of excerpts from the media exchange between the spokespersons of the two dominant political parties at the time of the elections in 2015; Olisa Metuh of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) and Lai Mohammed of the All Progressive Party (APC). The excerpts were analysed using Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA) as a research tool. The findings revealed the acceptance of the first proposition that English facilitates the acquisition of political power in Nigeria and the rejection of the second proposition that English is an instrument for the exclusion of the populist from political events in Nigeria. The study, therefore, concluded that language, particularly English played a significant role in the acquisition of political power in Nigeria.

Keywords: language, power, politics, Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA)

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Authors: Abdullahi Mohammed Auwal

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Formation and change or decamping from one political party to another have now become a common trend in Nigeria. Many of the parties’ members who could not secure positions and or win elections in their parties or are not very much satisfied with the trends occurring in the party’s internal democratic principles and mechanisms, change their respective parties. This paper developed/presented and analyzed the used of non linear mathematical model for defections between two political parties using epidemiological approach. The whole population was assumed to be a constant and homogeneously mixed. Equilibria have been analytically obtained and their local and global stability discussed. Conditions for the co-existence of both the political parties have been determined, in the study of defections between People Democratic Party (PDP) and All Progressive Congress (APC) in Nigeria using numerical simulations to support the analytical results.

Keywords: model, political parties, deffection, stability, equilibrium, epidemiology

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Authors: Godiya Atsiya Pius

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The recent dimension of terrorist attacks and violence in West Africa and Nigeria in particular has attracted both academic and global concerns. Children, young girls and women are now victims of violent attacks and insurgency in their own country. Today, we have a reverse situation where women and children were spared during violence in the past. Empirical evidence shows that millions of children, young girls and women are caught up in violent attacks in which they are not merely spectatorial, but victims of circumstance. Some fall victims of a general onslaught against civilians by the drivers of such conflicts. Others die as part of a calculated genocide. Still others are taken as hostages as part of a deliberate attack on them. With particular reference to over 200 Chibok school girls that were abducted by the Boko Haram Islamic sect in Maiduguri, Borno state, Nigeria, this study shall attempt a theoretical exploration of the circumstances surrounding the insurgency attacks on these categories of vulnerable groups in Nigeria. This paper also intends to examine the nature, dimensions, causes, effects as well as implications of these attacks on women and children in West Africa. The paper shall sum up with conclusion and possible recommendations that could help the region in the 21st century and beyond.

Keywords: insurgency, gender, violence, security, vulnerable groups

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Authors: Mary Edokpa Fadal, Frances Agweda

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Considering the volatile and evolving nature of the political environment in the developing countries, it is important that the subject of effective leadership practices that focus on transformational and systematic political development and values be reviewed. If the attitude towards partisan politics and the played politics by political parties is relatively deviated from expected adherence to acceptance, safe, efficient and practical standard, the political parties will continue to struggle endlessly in an effort to maintain a system that works. The analysis is situated in the context of political parties and partisan political behavior in contemporary societies and developing nations. Recent research of empirical evidence shows that most of the political parties are more or less, not too active in playing their instrumental role in the political system, such as unifying, simplifying and stabilizing the political process. This is however traced to the problem of ethnic politics that have been dominated by tribalism. The rising clamor for political development needs re-structuring and correcting the abnormalities in the center of the polity to address the flaws in our political system. The paper argues that political parties and political actors are some of the vital instrument of attaining societal goals of democratic principles for peace and durability. Issues of ethnic and partisan politics are also discussed, as it relates to question pertaining to political ideologies. It is in the findings that this paper examines some of the issues that have been seen revolving the true practice of political parties and its activities towards the democratic trend of a society, that help to resolve questions surrounding the issues of politics and governance in developing countries. These issues are seen as an aberration that have characterized politics and political behavior especially in the aspect of transparency and fulfilling its purpose of existence. The paper argues that the transition of the developing nature of states largely depends on the political structures and party politics and the nature of constitutionalism following the democratic awakening. The paper concludes that politics and political behavior are all human factors that play a vital role in the development of contemporary societies. They drive the wheel of nations towards its goal attainment. This paper relies on documentary, primary sources of data collection and empirical analysis.

Keywords: development, ethnicity, partisan politics, political behavior, political parties

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Authors: Henrique Rangel, Alexandre Fadel, Igor De Lazari, Bianca Neri, Carlos Bolonha

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This paper promotes a comparative analysis of American and Brazilian models of federalism assuming their levels of political centralization as main criterion. The central problem faced herein is the Brazilian approach of Unitarian regime. Although the hegemony of federative form after 1989, Brazil had a historical frame of political centralization that remains under the 1988 constitutional regime. Meanwhile, United States framed a federalism in which States absorb significant authorities. The hypothesis holds that the amount of alternative criteria of federalization – which can generate political centralization –, and the way they are upheld on judicial review, are crucial to understand the levels of political centralization achieved in each model. To test this hypothesis, the research is conducted by a methodology temporally delimited to 1994-2014 period. Three paradigmatic precedents of U.S. Supreme Court were selected: United States vs. Morrison (2000), on gender-motivated violence, Gonzales vs. Raich (2005), on medical use of marijuana, and United States vs. Lopez (1995), on firearm possession on scholar zones. These most relevant cases over federalism in the recent activity of Supreme Court indicates a determinant parameter of deliberation: the commerce clause. After observe the criterion used to permit or prohibit the political centralization in America, the Brazilian normative context is presented. In this sense, it is possible to identify the eventual legal treatment these controversies could receive in this Country. The decision-making reveals some deliberative parameters, which characterizes each federative model. At the end of research, the precedents of Rehnquist Court promote a broad revival of federalism debate, establishing the commerce clause as a secure criterion to uphold or not the necessity of centralization – even with decisions considered conservative. Otherwise, the Brazilian federalism solves them controversies upon in a formalist fashion, within numerous and comprehensive – sometimes casuistic too – normative devices, oriented to make an intense centralization. The aim of this work is indicate how jurisdictional federalism found in United States can preserve a consistent model with States robustly autonomous, while Brazil gives preference to normative mechanisms designed to starts from centralization.

Keywords: constitutional design, federalism, U.S. Supreme Court, legislative authority

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Authors: Vanessa L. Haro

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Beginning with a historical foundation of Mexico, this marks the start of a close examination of this major Latin American country by providing the context needed to understand the reasons for Mexico’s strengths and struggles today, specific to their response to the issue of gender violence. Responding to the challenge of combating gender violence and inequality, Mexico has created social programs and initiatives in hopes of addressing these issues and modernizing their gender norms, which currently disempower and dehumanize women, while simultaneously denying women the necessary tools needed to fight back or bring balance to the gender scales. Nevertheless, women in Mexico have made their voices heard with the most salient image of that of the mothers protesting while holding the photos of their young daughters who lost their lives. This case study on gender issues in Mexico works to acknowledge the diverse forces that contribute to the issue of gender violence, and to make a statement that this is a crisis that requires a more dynamic response within Mexico’s social welfare policies, and should not be allowed to continue to progress as a normative phenomenon. As the advocacy groups and protesters cry out, “Ni una menos! (Not one less), meaning we will not lose one more woman and making the statement that all women’s lives matter.

Keywords: gender issues, Mexico, poverty, social welfare

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Authors: Chiara Magliacane

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This project aims to analyse the relationship between the post-conflict Northern Irish environment and youth trauma in deprived areas. Using an anthropological perspective and methodology, the study investigates the possible contribution that a socio-cultural perspective can give to the current research on the field, with a special focus on the role of transgenerational trauma. The recognition of the role that socio-economic determinants have on health is usually a challenge for social researchers. In post-conflict Northern Ireland, the overall lack of research about connections between the social context and youth trauma opens the way to the present project. Anthropological studies on social implications of mental disorders have achieved impressive results in many societies; they show how conditions of sufferance and poverty are not intrinsically given, but are the products of historical processes and events. The continuum of violence and the politics of victimhood sustains a culture of silence and fear in deprived areas; this implies the need of investigating the structural and symbolic violence that lies behind the diffusion of mental suffering. The project refers to these concepts from Medical Anthropology and looks at connections between trauma and social, political and economic structures. Accordingly, the study considers factors such as poverty, unemployment, social inequality and gender and class perspectives. At the same time, the project problematises categories such as youth and trauma. 'Trauma' is currently debated within the social sciences since the 'invention' of the Post-Traumatic Stress Disorder (PTSD) in 1980. Current critics made to its clinical conception show how trauma has been mainly analysed as a memory of the past. On the contrary, medical anthropological research focuses on wider perspectives on society and its structures; this is a new and original approach to the study of youth trauma considering that, to author’s best knowledge, there is no research of this kind regarding Northern Ireland. Methods: Qualitative interviews, participant observation. Expected Impact: Local Northern Ireland organizations, i.e. specific charities that provide mental health support. Ongoing and present connections will ensure they will hear about this research.

Keywords: health and social inequalities, Northern Ireland, structural violence, youth

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Authors: Katharina Kargel, Frederic Vobbe

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Sexual online grooming is generally defined as digital interactions for the purpose of sexual exploitation of children or minors, i.e. as a process for preparing and framing sexual child abuse. Due to its conceptual history, sexual online grooming is often associated with perpetrators who are previously unknown to those affected. While the strategies of perpetrators and the perception of those affected are increasingly being investigated, the instrumentalisation of digital media has not yet been researched much. Therefore, the present paper aims at contributing to this research gap by examining in what kind of ways perpetrators instrumentalise digital media. Our analyses draw on 46 case documentations and 18 interviews with those affected. The cases and the partly narrative interviews were collected by ten cooperating specialist centers working on sexualized violence in childhood and youth. For this purpose, we designed a documentation grid allowing for a detailed case reconstruction i.e. including information on the violence, digital media use and those affected. By using Reflexive Grounded Theory, our analyses emphasize a) the subjective benchmark of professional practitioners as well as those affected and b) the interpretative implications resulting from our researchers’ subjective and emotional interaction with the data material. It should first be noted that sexualized online grooming can result in both online and offline sexualized violence as well as hybrid forms. Furthermore, the perpetrators either come from the immediate social environment of those affected or are unknown to them. The perpetrator-victim relationship plays a more important role with regard to the question of the instrumentalisation of digital media than the question of the space (on vs. off) in which the primary violence is committed. Perpetrators unknown to those affected instrumentalise digital media primarily to establish a sexualized system of norms, which is usually embedded in a supposed love relationship. In some cases, after an initial exchange of sexualized images or video recordings, a latent play on the position of power takes place. In the course of the grooming process, perpetrators from the immediate social environment increasingly instrumentalise digital media to establish an explicit relationship of power and dependence, which is directly determined by coercion, threats and blackmail. The knowledge of possible vulnerabilities is strategically used in the course of maintaining contact. The above explanations lead to the conclusion that the motive for the crime plays an essential role in the question of the instrumentalisation of digital media. It is therefore not surprising that it is mostly the near-field perpetrators without commercial motives who initiate a spiral of violence and stress by digitally distributing sexualized (violent) images and video recordings within the reference system of those affected.

Keywords: sexualized violence, children and youth, grooming, offender strategies, digital media

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Authors: Wesam Mohamed Abdel Khalek Ibrahim

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This paper examines the use of metaphors in Arabic political news discourse, focusing particularly on the headlines of the news articles relating to the Egyptian political situation in the period from June 2012 to October 2013. Metaphors are skilfully manipulated in the headlines to influence the public stance towards several events and entities including Egypt, Muslim Brotherhood (MB), Morsi, the June 30th uprising, Al-Sisi and the Armed Forces. The findings reveal that Arabic political news discourse shares basic features with its English counterpart, namely the use of metaphors as persuasive strategies and the presence of certain target domains. Insights gained from this study feed back into the conceptual metaphor theory by providing further evidence to the universality of metaphors.

Keywords: conceptual metaphor theory, political discourse, news discourse, Egyptian political situation

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Authors: Pardeep Singh, N. S. Johal

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In this research paper the level of subjectivity and objectivity adopted by journalists of different newspapers of the two provinces of the Jammu and Kashmir state has been analysed. This research paper emphasized upon the professionalism of the journalists of two provinces in catering to readers of particular province. In this study it was found that Kashmir based reporters are subjective in their reporting while covering Kashmir sentiments and use hard language against New Delhi, whereas Jammu based reporters are subjective only when it comes to defend security forces and are also bitterly critical of Pakistan, accusing it of being a sponsor of violence in Kashmir.

Keywords: conflict, Jammu and Kashmir, print media, reporter, critical, violence

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Authors: Ashley Andrew

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Over the years, there have been drastic developments in technology that have altered the ways we interact with and utilize technology. Social media platforms have expanded, access to information is easily accessible on cellular devices, ways of banking have changed, and virtual meetings/work have become the norm. The COVID-19 pandemic also highlighted the importance of pivoting and adapting to the benefits that technology provides, including Accessibility (services are more available to people living in remote areas and/or with mobility concerns), Convenience (technology has allowed easier options for booking appointments and connecting with loved ones), Availability (People can attend services that best meet their availability/schedule). Although there have been large improvements in accessibility to services and resources with the evolution of technology, there are also some major concerns that are not being addressed when it comes to technology and intimate partner violence. This study explores how the growth in technology has changed the way people are being abused and harmed and the sad reality that regulations and laws have not caught up with the advances in technology. The study will also explore cyberstalking, social media triggers, and location-tracking devices and applications. By exploring how technology impacts intimate partner violence, clinicians will learn how to better assess and safety plan for these risk factors.

Keywords: abuse, intimate partner violence, safety planning, technology

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Authors: Kathryn McMillan

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A recent study of 8500 adult Australians aged 16 and over revealed 62% had experienced childhood maltreatment. In response to multiple recommendations by bodies such as the Australian Law Reform Commission, parliamentary reports and stakeholder input, a number of key initiatives have been developed to grapple with the difficulties of a federal-state system and to screen and triage high-risk families navigating their way through the court system. The Lighthouse Project (LHP) is a world-first initiative of the Federal Circuit and Family Courts in Australia (FCFOCA) to screen family law litigants for major risk factors, including family violence, child abuse, alcohol or substance abuse and mental ill-health at the point of filing in all applications that seek parenting orders. It commenced on 7 December 2020 on a pilot basis but has now been expanded to 15 registries across the country. A specialist risk screen, Family DOORS, Triage has been developed – focused on improving the safety and wellbeing of families involved in the family law system safety planning and service referral, and ¬ differentiated case management based on risk level, with the Evatt List specifically designed to manage the highest risk cases. Early signs are that this approach is meeting the needs of families with multiple risks moving through the Court system. Before the LHP, there was no data available about the prevalence of risk factors experienced by litigants entering the family courts and it was often assumed that it was the litigation process that was fueling family violence and other risks such as suicidality. Data from the 2022 FCFCOA annual report indicated that in parenting proceedings, 70% alleged a child had been or was at risk of abuse, 80% alleged a party had experienced Family Violence, 74 % of children had been exposed to Family Violence, 53% alleged through substance misuse by party children had caused or was at risk of causing harm to children and 58% of matters allege mental health issues of a party had caused or placed a child at risk of harm. Those figures reveal the significant overlap between child protection and family violence, both of which are under the responsibility of state and territory governments. Since 2020, a further key initiative has been the co-location of child protection and police officials amongst a number of registries of the FCFOCA. The ability to access in a time-effective way details of family violence or child protection orders, weapons licenses, criminal convictions or proceedings is key to managing issues across the state and federal divide. It ensures a more cohesive and effective response to family law, family violence and child protection systems.

Keywords: child protection, family violence, parenting, risk screening, triage.

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Authors: Karolína Augustovaá

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Turkey’s eastern borders have been at the center of criticism by the European Commission who condemns restrictions against Kurdish civilians as the result of Turkey’s military operations against terrorist organizations (namely PKK). Yet, the Commission has launched economic and political support for numerous military projects along the Iran-Turkey border to fight cross-border crime (namely “illegal” migration) along its external borders. Whilst border externalization has been extensively examined in the EU’s wide neighborhood, its analysis from the ground in conflict zones is emerging. The existing analysis also rarely considers the impact of external border management beyond international migration - on the local context and its people. However, tough externalization policies at borders, where local wars are fought, are fundamental to scrutinize as they invite us to question the effects of EU’s migration management on diverse communities navigating their life along external borders. To fill this research lacunae, this article examines intersections between the local military operations and international (EU-Turkey) migration management at the Turkey’s border with Iran and questions their impact on the everyday struggles of people living at and migrating across the border. To do so, it applies critical feminist and military literature to border studies. Methodologically, the article draws upon ethnographic research in Van (Eastern Turkey), using participant observations and interviews with sixty participants. This article argues that the EU’s externalization policies add to the violence generated by the local militarized conflict and eventually (re-)produce it in the forms of push-backs and physical violence against people who daily cross the border irregularly for their physical/economic survival. By doing so, I suggest that (inter)national fears of terrorism and migration inter-sect, materialize and affect everyday sites of diverse racialized groups living at and moving across external borders, such as international migrants (Afghans) and the local residents (Kurds) at the Turkey-Iran border. This article highlights the need to analyze the local border context in tandem with international migration management in the EU’s wider neighborhood to understand how conflict and violence evolves there.

Keywords: european union border externalization, eastern turkey, migration, conflict, kurdish question

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Authors: Zubaidan Yushan, Hudayar Cıhan

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Turkiye and China are countries that have collective cultures, but they have different cultural backgrounds. They have different cultures, different religions, and different levels of economic development. The aim of this study is to test the moderation effect of caregiver bonding on the relationship between dating violence and coping strategies among unmarried emerging adults in China and Turkiye. Participants ages were 19 and 26 years (X=23.66, SD=3.66), unmarried emerging adults Turkish 171 participants (72.5% women, 24% men, 3.5% prefer not to say), Chinese 170 participants (71.8% women, 21.8% men, 6.5% prefer not to say). All participants had been in a relationship for more than six months. Participants completed The Conflict Tactics Scales—(CTS2), The Cope Inventory, and The Parental Bonding Instrument (PBI). Examining the dating violence and coping strategies of the participant's relationship through caregiver bonding moderation analysis was performed using the Jamovi. Significance was tested using the bootstrapping method with bias-corrected confidence estimates. The outcome variable for analysis was dating violence, and the predictor variable for the analysis was coping strategies. The moderator variable evaluated for the analysis was parent attachment. Before the analysis, the mean-centered scores of each variable and moderator were calculated. Furthermore, the moderation analysis was conducted separately for each outcome. The Moderation analysis results show that the sub-dimension of over-protection moderates psychological aggression perpetration and avoidance coping in China. The sub-dimension of care moderates injury victimization and avoidance management in Turkiye; also, over-protection moderates injury victimization and social support coping. Moreover, the sub-dimension of care moderates sexual coercion perpetration and avoidance coping. In the results, caregiver bonding moderates the relationship between coping strategies and dating violence, which may be explained by the fact that our ways of coping with problems are learned, and people are influenced by their parents when they face problems. Therefore, problem-solving is permanently fixed, and each person has his or her fixed solution, which leads to a habit of using solutions to problems. However, sometimes, these solutions become the justification for the injured or abusive person. The quality of the attachment between parents can regulate this state. The results are somewhat similar to and slightly different from those in the previous literature. These mixed results indicate the need for further exploration. Many other factors, such as alcohol, drug violence, and pathological problems, maybe the reasons for these differences. In addition, diverse factors such as the study environment and the applied measurement scales may also affect the results.

Keywords: caregiver bonding, coping strategies, dating violence, emerging adulthood, cross-cultural, comparison

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Authors: Raeda F. Abualrub, Amani Abdulnabi

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Aim: The aims of this study were to (a) examine the levels of nurses' political efficacy and involvement in health policy; and (b) explore the relationships between political efficacy, involvement in health policy, and participants’ background variables. Background: Nurses as citizens and health care providers have the right to express their opinions and beliefs in regard to issues that are concerned with the health care system or the public health domain. Methods: A descriptive, cross-sectional design using was utilized. A self-administered questionnaire (Political Efficacy Scale & Involvement in Health Policy Scale) was completed by a convenience sample of 302 nurses. Results: The results of this study showed low levels of involvement in health policy and political efficacy and a positive weak correlation between political efficacy and involvement in health policy. The perceived level of political efficacy was associated positively with nurses’ age and experience. Conclusions: Nurse administrators and managers may empower, support, and encourage nurses to enhance their involvement in health policy. Implications for Nursing Management: The findings have implications for nursing leaders and administrators to design appropriate strategies to enhance nurses’ involvement in health policy development.

Keywords: health policy, Jordan, nurses, political efficacy

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Authors: Suzanne Bouma

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In the Netherlands, the assumed causal relationship between employment, economic independence and individual freedom of choice has been extended to the approach of intimate partner violence (IPV). In the interests of combating IPV, it is crucial to further investigate this relationship. Based on a literature review, this article shows that the relationship between economic independence and IPV is highly complex. To unravel this complex relationship, a socio-ecological analysis framework has been applied. First, it is a layered relation, in where employment does not necessarily lead to economic independence, which can be explained by social inequalities. Second, the relation is bidirectional, where women do not by definition have access to their own financial recourses due to tactics of financial control by the intimate partner. This reveals the coexistence of IPV and economic abuse and the extent to which an intimate relationship affects the scope for individual choice. Third, there is a paradoxical relationship in which employment is both a protective and risk factor for IPV. This, in turn, cannot be separated from traditional norms about masculinity and femininity, where men occupy a position of power and derive status from being the breadwinner. These findings imply that not only the approach to IPV but also the labor market policy requires a gender-sensitive approach.

Keywords: intimate partner violence, economic independence, literature review, socio-ecological analysis framework

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Authors: Soliman Rosemary

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Despite the widespread movements towards democratization in most countries, women are still largely underrepresented at most levels of governments, especially in ministerial and other executive bodies. This paper is going to focus on the status quo of women political marginalization in Japan and the role social movements, feminist groups and campaigns play in raising the number of female politicians in administrative decision making process. The paper will raise some Japanese feminist groups such as ‘WIN WIN’ and ‘Q no Kai’ and other feminist groups as case studies. The study will help in furthering the understanding of women political empowerment in Japan and the strategies of contemporary social movements in raising the awareness of the importance of gender quota in the electoral system to be able to place new items on the political agenda that reflect and address women's gender-specific concerns, values and experiences, and providing new perspectives on mainstream political issues.

Keywords: feminist, political empowerment, quota, social movements

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Authors: Kuralay Kenzhekanova, Akmaral Dalelbekkyzy

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The article is devoted to the problem of political discourse and its reflection on mass cognition. This article is dedicated to describe the myth as one of the main features of political discourse. The dominance of an expressional and emotional component in the myth is shown. Precedent phenomenon plays an important role in distinguishing the myth from the linguistic point of view. Precedent phenomena show the linguistic cognition, which is characterized by their fame and recognition. Four types of myths such as master myths, a foundation myth, sustaining myth, eschatological myths are observed. The myths about the national idea are characterized by national specificity. The main aim of the political discourse with the help of myths is to influence on the mass consciousness in order to motivate the addressee to certain actions so that the target purpose is reached owing to unity of forces.

Keywords: cognition, myth, linguistic consciousness, types of myths, political discourse, political myth, precedent phenomena

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Authors: Gunendra Rathnawali Kumarihamy Dissanayake

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Research on parenting of both perpetrators and victims of domestic violence (DV) is growing but limited. Further, much of this research in the Asian context is limited to explorations of victim mothers' parenting capacities, not shedding much light on the parenting of the perpetrator fathers. The current qualitative study aimed to explore how both the perpetrators and victims of DV engaged in parenting in the Sri Lankan cultural context. Twenty case studies were conducted with a sample of help-seeking women aged 20 to 40 years representing working to upper-middle social class. Participants have interviewed about their own as well as their partners´ parenting behaviors. The majority of women reported that their partners were often aggressive, controlling and authoritarian, less consistent, and engaged in a variety of manipulative behaviors intending to harm the relationship between their child and them. Further, victim mothers' styles of parenting and authority as parents have been severely undermined by their partners through frequent criticism, ridicule, and insulting in front of the children. As a result, mothers experienced great difficulty specifically trying to discipline their adolescent children as the children have started to disregard the mothers' authority. Most of the children also have shown treatment similar to that of their fathers', treating the mother as a personal servant not worthy of being listened to, thereby increasing the mothers' parenting stress. The mothers were often blamed and held responsible for the problems of the children by their partners, encouraging the children to disrespect and blame the mother for their problems leading them to take the side of the father who had more power. Findings are similar to those of the western context. This study highlights the intersection between domestic violence and parenting, and specific implications and recommendations for DV service providers are offered.

Keywords: parenting, domestic violence, impact, children

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Authors: Sandiso Mahlala, Fulufhelo Netswera

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Anecdotes of corruption and clear-cut lines of patronage in political parties and the government are frequently featured in South African newspapers and news media. Such graft and favouritism have institutionalised themselves more and more, resulting in the phenomenon of governmental capture and the diversion of Covid-19 relief monies. In order to further their own interests, political elites and those working in the public and private sectors influenced government decisions in this way. This paper presents examples of state capture, Covid-19 corruption, and patronage, as well as how these have a negative impact on broader governance and society at large. The fact that such corruption and patronage are occurring at a time when the South African economy is stagnating is particularly troubling since it implies that more people are getting less and raises concerns about the country's future political stability. This article further examines how party patronage as one method by which political parties exploit the state. The conceptual nature of the study is supported by a survey of the relevant literature from a range of sources, such as government regulations, media excepts, and scholarly works.

Keywords: political corruption, political patronage, patronage, state capture, COVID-19, corruption, South Africa

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