Search results for: political campaign

Authors: Chupicai Manuel

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The purpose of this article is to examine the political economy and history of internal displacement, migration and human security in Zimbabwe from 1800 to present day. The article gives a timeline of major internal displacement, migration trends that took place in Zimbabwe before colonialism, through the colonial period up to the present day and examines the human security context of such periods. In view of the above, a political economy analysis will be employed to examine the different factors that promoted internal displacement and human movements from 1800 to the present day and explore the architecture of human security in Zimbabwe. The ultimate goal of this literature review is to provide a longitudinal analysis of internal displacement, migration and human security regimes that existed in Zimbabwe with the view of promoting social cohesion and nation building.

Keywords: human security, internal displacement, migration, political economy

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Authors: Bisola Olumegbon

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Globally, there were about 229 million cases of malaria in 2022. The sub-Saharan African region accounted for 92% of the reported cases and 94% of deaths. Nigeria had the highest number of malaria cases and deaths, representing 27% of global cases. This scholarly project was a case study guided by the political determinants of health. Triangulation of data using thematic analysis was used to identify the political determinants of malaria in Nigeria and to understand how the concept of interaction contributes to the persistence of the disease. The analysis involved a deductive and inductive approach based on the literature review and the evidence of political determinants gathered in the data. Participants’ in-depth interviews were used to collect data from frontline personnel. Data triangulation was done using thematic analysis, a method used to identify patterns and themes in qualitative data. The study findings revealed a correlation between political determinants of health and malaria management efforts in Nigeria. Some influencing factors included voting challenges, inadequate funding, lack of health priority from the government, noncompliance among patients, and hurdles to effective communication. The findings suggest a need to deliberately increase dedication to the political agenda, provide sufficient financial resources, enhance communication, and active community involvement to address the persistent malaria endemic effectively. Further study is recommended to identify interventions to address identified factors of political determinants of health to reduce malaria in Nigeria. Such intervention must involve collaboration with diverse stakeholders such as policymakers, healthcare professionals, community leaders, and researchers.

Keywords: malaria, malaria management, health worker, stakeholders, political determinant of health

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Authors: Radwan Hussien Alkebsee

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Under the argument that reputational costs deter firms from engaging in tax avoidance activities, this paper investigates the relationship between tax avoidance and forced CEO turnover. This study is based on a broad sample of Chinese listed companies spanning the period 2011 to 2018. The findings reveal that tax avoidance is positively associated with forced CEO turnover. This suggests that firms that engage in tax avoidance experience a high rate of leadership replacement. The findings also reveal that the positive association between tax avoidance and forced CEO turnover is pronounced for state-owned firms, firms with no political connections, and firms located in “more developed” regions with extensive tax enforcement action, while it is not for private firms, firms with political connections, and firms located in “less developed” regions with weak tax enforcement actions. The baseline results remain consistent and robust for endogeneity concerns.

Keywords: tax avoidance, CEO turnover, political connections, regional tax enforcement, China

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Authors: Yassir Yousfi

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The Ultras phenomena have become the most spectacular form of football fandom in the early twenty-first century. Yet, since their appearance in Morocco, they have been associated with violence and vandalism. This paper aims to explain the political dimension of Moroccan ultra group in terms of their chants in Morocco post-February 20thera. It seeks to analyze their narratives which have shifted to a form of social Hirak, or, using AsefBayat’s term, non-movement. The paper focuses on the dynamics of two nationally and universally notorious groups located in Casablanca, Morocco’s biggest and most densely populated city, namely the “Winners” (supporters of the Wydad Athletic Club) and the “Green Boys” (supporters of the Raja Club Athletic) of Casablanca. The paper adopts a critical perspective analysis that attempts to sketch out some examples of their “political” chants to understand their discourses, spaces of their activities, levels of their impact on the street protests, and their prospects in the political scene. It also seeks to deconstruct the concept of “social movement” while referring to the Ultras as well as discussing their political transition.

Keywords: ultra groups, transition, political chants, football violence, cultural movement

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Authors: Henar Martín-Sanz García, Eleni Chatzi, Eugen Brühwiler

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Located on the shore of Geneva Lake, in Switzerland, the Chillon Viaducts are two parallel structures consisted of post-tensioned concrete box girders, with a total length of 2 kilometers and 100m spans. Built in 1969, the bridges currently accommodate a traffic load of 50.000 vehicles per day, thereby holding a key role both in terms of historic value as well as socio-economic significance. Although several improvements have been carried out in the past two decades, recent inspections demonstrate an Alkali-Aggregate reaction in the concrete deck and piers reducing the concrete strength. In order to prevent further expansion of this issue, a layer of 40 mm of Ultra High Performance Fiber Reinforced cement-based Composite (UHPFRC) (incorporating rebars) was casted over the slabs, acting as a waterproof membrane and providing significant increase in resistance of the bridge structure by composite UHPFRC – RC composite action in particular of the deck slab. After completing the rehabilitation works, a Structural Monitoring campaign was installed on the deck slab in one representative span, based on accelerometers, strain gauges, thermal and humidity sensors. This campaign seeks to reveal information on the behavior of UHPFRC-concrete composite systems, such as increase in stiffness, fatigue strength, durability and long-term performance. Consequently, the structural monitoring is expected to last for at least three years. A first insight of the analyzed results from the initial months of measurements is presented herein, along with future improvements or necessary changes on the deployment.

Keywords: composite materials, rehabilitation, structural health monitoring, UHPFRC

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Authors: Isaac Alonge Olusola

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One of the major peculiarities of man is the ability to communicate and interact with language. The original Yoruba society, before the advent of the Europeans, was purely oral. That is the major means of inter- personal communication was through speaking. The abolition of slave trade by Britain marked the beginning of development of Yoruba alphabet and introduction of writing around 1800. However, most of the writing was Christian religion-focused. Later, the introduction of British colonial rule led to the introduction of writing that dwelt on political and economic emancipation. On October 1, 1960, Nigeria was granted independence by the British colonial masters and self-rule started in Nigeria. Unfortunately, the military and civilian administrations brought about political and economic oppression instead of comfort. The discomfort brought about by Nigerian political and military rulers turned the Yoruba poets to activists, reactionaries and critics. This paper will give a brief preamble on the history of Nigeria and how she got her political independence from the British in 1960. It will thereafter go further to mention some political and economic hardship brought about by Nigerian leaders. Using literary theories called semiotics and structuralism, the reactions and criticisms of some Yoruba poets will be mentioned and analyzed vis-à-vis the counter reactions of the governments in power. Moreover, the paper will bring about a conclusion on how to create a conducive atmosphere for the Yoruba poets to operate in Nigeria. Finally, suggestions will be offered on how the Nigerian government and Yoruba poets can co-exist positively to bring about a better standard of living to Nigerians and also promote good governance

Keywords: Yoruba, Yoruba language, Yoruba poets, political leaders

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Authors: Omar Abdillah, Mirna Adriani

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In this work, we perform new approach for analyzing public sentiment towards the presidential candidate in the 2014 Indonesian election that expressed in Twitter. In this study we propose such procedure for analyzing sentiment over Indonesian political message by understanding the behavior of Indonesian society in sending message on Twitter. We took different approach from previous works by utilizing punctuation mark and Indonesian sentiment lexicon that completed with the new procedure in determining sentiment towards the candidates. Our experiment shows the performance that yields up to 83.31% of average precision. In brief, this work makes two contributions: first, this work is the preliminary study of sentiment analysis in the domain of political message that has not been addressed yet before. Second, we propose such method to conduct sentiment analysis by creating decision making procedure in which it is in line with the characteristic of Indonesian message on Twitter.

Keywords: unsupervised sentiment analysis, political message, lexicon based, user behavior understanding

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Authors: Igbozuruike Chigozie Jude, Agwu Agwu Ejem

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This research examines the comparative influence of social media and TV campaigns on youth participation in the 2023 general elections in Nigeria. It interrogates the roles played by these two media in influencing youth participation, especially youths in Nigeria, while revealing the factors that influenced their exposure to the media and their participation. The study employed a survey design of quantitative research method to gather the data for this study. Data was collected through a questionnaire from 300 youths in Lagos. The sample size was selected using a multi-stage cluster sampling technique. Social media was the most media that was rated to have had the most impact on youth participation during the election period with its political campaigns. The elaborate likelihood model was used to underpin the study. The study concluded that social media campaigns played a major role in political participation among the youth during the 2023 general election. It revealed how social media contributed to the youths' participation and influenced them to engage in common forms of political participation. The main recommendation of this study is that since the majority of the youths are between the ages of 18 to 35, the media should work on coming up with more content around the year to sensitize them about their political rights and enlighten them socio-politically so that they grow up to become responsible citizens in the country both politically and socially.

Keywords: social media, general election, Nigeria, political apathy, youth

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Authors: Nancy Bartekian, Christine Reyna

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Republicans and Democrats are often polarized when it comes to important topics, but the portrayal of polarization of key issues might be distorted and exaggerated. We examined Republicans' and Democrats’ attitudes about police reform policy during the 2020 racial justice protests and calls to ‘defund the police’. We hypothesized that a) Republicans and Democrats will be polarized on the “defund police'' question; however, b) they will have similar overall attitudes towards specific police reform policies (will be on the same side of the scale--disagree vs. agree), but c) will differ in their extent of agreement or disagreement (main effect of political party ID, but located on the same side of the scale). Using one-way, Multivariate analysis of covariance (MANCOVA) controlling for race, education, and income, we found an overall effect of political party ID. Six out of the nine policies studied were, in fact, not polarizing; both groups were in consensus on whether they disagreed or agreed with the policy, including “defund police''. Results suggest that polarization might be exaggerated.

Keywords: political psychology, social, ideology, polarization

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Authors: Bihan Qaimari

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In many areas of the world there are political conflicts the consequences of which have an inevitable impact on the educational system. Palestine is one such country where the experience of political conflict, going back over many years, has had a devastating effect on the development and maintenance of a stable educational environment for children and their teachers. Up to now there have been few studies that have focussed on the effects of living and working in a war zone on the professional identity of teachers. The aim of this study is to explore how the formation of Palestinian teachers’ professional identity is affected by their experience of the current political conflict its impact on the school social culture. In order to gain an in-depth understanding of the impact of political violence on the formation of the professional identity of Palestinian teachers, a qualitative multiple case-study approach was adopted which draws on sociocultural theories of identity formation. An initial study was first conducted in six schools and this was followed by an in-depth study of teachers working in three further primary schools. Data sources included participant observation, a research diary, semi-structured group and individual interviews. Grounded theory, constant-comparative methods, and discourse analysis procedures were used to interpret the data. The findings suggest that the Palestinian primary school teachers negotiate multiple conflicting identities through their every day experiences of political conflict and the schools’ social culture. This tension is formed as a result of the historical cultural meaning that teachers construct about themselves and within the current unstable and unsettling conditions that exist in their country. In addition, the data indicate that the geographical location of the schools in relation of their proximity to the events of the political conflict also had an influence on the degree of tension inherent in teachers’ professional identity. The study makes significant theoretical, practical, and methodical contributions to the study of the formation of teachers’ professional identity in countries affected by political conflict.

Keywords: identity, political conflict, Palestine, teacher's professional identity

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Authors: Garance Liaboeuf, Alain Le Bot, Ali Daouadji, Antoine Martinet, Mohamed Bouteldja, Nicolas Grignard, Damien Pilet

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As every French road operator, Autoroutes et Tunnel du Mont Blanc (ATMB) conducts annual inspections of its infrastructures. Significant loss of skid resistance has been observed on some sections of his network, sometimes on recent pavements. In the way of making the mechanisms and factors that can lead to this loss of grip more understandable, ATMB has launched a study aimed at identifying the causes and developing solutions to prevent this phenomenon. To quantify the deterioration of different road surfaces subjected to controlled scraping with steel blades of snow removal machines, a field campaign was conducted. These operations are carried out during the winter period according to a strict protocol. In order to correct the skid-resistance values, a control panel is set up. In this way, only the effect of the scraping is taken into account. It allows us to exclude the influence of the environment (temperature, humidity, etc.) and of the surface state on the skid resistance values measured during the different sessions. Skid measurements after eight years of scraping cycles showed a 7% to 13% decrease in microtexture and a 2% to 12% decrease in macrotexture adhesion. These reductions are attributed to the phenomenon of polishing road surfaces by using steel blades. Also, regeneration phenomena occur after a certain number of blades pass. Differences in steel scraper blade resistance appear related to the intrinsic properties of the aggregate used in the pavement formulation and its type. Finally, the results of this campaign will allow the determination of the resistance characteristics of the pavement damage by the steel blade of snow plows. An evolution law of the surface condition as a function of the scraping operations will also be developed from this study.

Keywords: pavement, skid, surface, snow plow

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Authors: Nik Kamariah Nikmat, Noor Hasmini Abdghani

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The Malaysian government had consistently revived its campaign for “Buy Malaysian Goods” from time to time. The purpose of the campaign is to remind consumers to be ethnocentric and patriotic when purchasing product and services. This is necessary to ensure high demand for local products and services compared to foreign products. However, the decline of domestic investment in 2012 has triggered concern for the Malaysian economy. Hence, this study attempts to determine the drivers of actual purchasing behavior, intention to purchase domestic products and ethnocentrism. The study employs the cross-sectional primary data, self-administered on household, selected using stratified random sampling in four Malaysian regions. A nine factor driver of actual domestic purchasing behavior (culture openness, conservatism, collectivism, patriotism, control belief, interest in foreign travel, attitude, ethnocentrism and intention) were measured utilizing 60 items, using 7-point Likert-scale. From 1000 questionnaires distributed, a sample of 486 were returned representing 48.6 percent response rate. From the fit generated structural model (SEM analysis), it was found that the drivers of actual purchase behavior are collectivism, cultural openness and patriotism; the drivers of intention to purchase domestic product are attitude, control belief, collectivism and conservativeness; and drivers of ethnocentrism are cultural openness, control belief, foreign travel and patriotism. It also shows that Malaysian consumers scored high in ethnocentrism and patriotism. The findings are discussed in the perspective of its implication to Malaysian National Agenda.

Keywords: actual purchase, ethnocentrism, patriotism, culture openness, conservatism

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Authors: R. F. Mesquita Brandão

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Act Local, Think Global is the name of a campaign implemented at Superior Institute of Engineering of Porto (ISEP), one of schools of Polytechnic of Porto, with the main objective of increase the sustainability of the campus. ISEP has a campus with 52.000 m2 and more than 7.000 students. The campaign started in 2019 and the results are very clear. In 2019 only 16% of the waste created in the campus was correctly separate for recycling and now almost 50% of waste goes to the correct waste container. Actions to reduce the energy consumption were implemented with significantly results. One of the major problems in the campus are the water leaks. To solve this problem was implemented a methodology for water monitoring during the night, a period of time where consumptions are normally low. If water consumption in the period is higher than a determinate value it may mean a water leak and an alarm is created to the maintenance teams. In terms of energy savings, some measurements were implemented to create savings in energy consumption and in equivalent CO₂ produced. In order to reduce the use of plastics in the campus, was implemented the prohibition of selling 33 cl plastic water bottles and in collaboration with the students association all meals served in the restaurants changed the water plastic bottle for a glass that can be refilled with water in the water dispensers. This measures created a reduction of use of more than 75.000 plastic bottles per year. In parallel was implemented the ISEP water glass bottle to be used in all scientific meetings and events. Has a way of involving all community in sustainability issues was developed and implemented a vertical garden in aquaponic system. In 2019, the first vertical garden without soil was installed inside a large campus building. The system occupies the entire exterior façade (3 floors) of the entrance to ISEP's G building. On each of these floors there is a planter with 42 positions available for plants. Lettuces, strawberries, peppers are examples of some vegetable produced that can be collected by the entire community. Associated to the vertical garden was developed a monitoring system were some parameters of the system are monitored. This project is under development because it will work in a stand-alone energy feeding, with the use of photovoltaic panels for production of energy necessities. All the system was, and still is, developed by students and teachers and is used in class projects of some ISEP courses. These and others measures implemented in the campus, will be more developed in the full paper, as well as all the results obtained, allowed ISEP to be the first Portuguese high school to obtain the certification “Coração Verde” (Green Heart), awarded by LIPOR, a Portuguese company with the mission of transform waste into new resources through the implementation of innovative and circular practices, generating and sharing value.

Keywords: aquaponics, energy efficiency, recycling, sustainability, waste separation

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Authors: Deretha Bester

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This article explores the recent military coups in Mali (August 2020) and Burkina Faso (January 2022), utilizing qualitative case study analyses to examine the pre-coup domestic contextual conditions that precipitated the events. By framing the research through the conceptual lens of state fragility, the research identifies key political, economic, and societal factors that converge to create an environment conducive for coups to occur. From the analyses, the study discusses several patterns that emerged, all revealing the significance of the core functions of governance. Through an in-depth exploration that brings the state back into the coup debate, the study provides rich insights into the complex dynamics of military intervention in political affairs, highlighting the urgency of understanding the underlying domestic factors that can lead to radical political changes. By illuminating these intricate dynamics, the article seeks to provide detailed insights needed to fully understand the challenges moulding the region's political terrain.

Keywords: military coups, state fragility, governance failures, political dynamics, sahel region

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Authors: Renée Fregosi

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The contribution presently proposed will report on the beginnings of a Franco-Chilean study to be launched in 2015 by a multidisciplinary team of Renée Fregosi Political Science University Paris 3 / CECIEC, Norma Muñoz Public Policies University of Santiago of Chile, Jean-Daniel Lelievre, Medicine Paris 11 University, Marcelo WOLFF Medicine University of Chile, Cecilia Blatrix Political Science University Paris-Tech, Ernesto OTTONE, Political Science University of Chile, Paul DENY Medicine Paris 13 University, Rafael Bugueno Medicine Hospital Urgencia Pública of Santiago, Eduardo CARRASCO Political Science Paris 3 University. The problem of hidden populations challenges some criteria and concepts to re-examine: in particular the concept of target population, sampling methods to "snowball" and the cost-effectiveness criterion that shows the connection of political and scientific fields. Furthermore, if the pattern of homosexual transmission still makes up the highest percentage of the modes of infection with HIV, there is a continuous increase in the number of people infected through heterosexual sex, including women and persons aged 50 years and older. This group can be described as " unknown risk people." Access to these populations is a major challenge and raises methodological, ethical and political issues of prevention, particularly on the issue of screening. This paper proposes an inventory of these types of problems and their articulation, to define a new phase in the prevention against HIV refocused on women.

Keywords: HIV testing, hidden populations, difficult to reach PLWHA, women, unknown risk people

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Authors: Tinnaphop Sinsomboonthong

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The hashtag, #LoveWins, has been widely used for celebrating the victory of the LGBTQ movement since June 2015 when the US Supreme Court enacted the rights of same-sex marriage. Nowadays, the hashtag is generally used among active social media users in many countries, including Thailand. Amidst the political conflict between advocates of the junta-backed legislation related to same-sex marriage laws, known as ‘Thailand’s Civil Partnership Draft Bills,’ and its detractors, the hashtag becomes crucial for Thailand’s 2019 national election season and shortly afterward as it was one of the most crucial parts of a political campaign to rebrand many political parties’ image, create an LGBT-friendly atmosphere and neutralize the bi-polarized politics of the law. The use of the hashtag is, therefore, not just an online entertainment but a politico-discursive tool, used by many actors for many purposes. Behind the confrontation between supporters and opposers of the law, the hashtag is used by both sides to highlight the Western-centric normativity of homosexual love, closely associated with Eurocentric modernity and heteronormativity. As an online ethnographical study, this paper aims to analyze how #LoveWins is used among Thai social media users in late 2018 to mid-2019 and how it is signified by Thai social media users during the Drafted-Bills period and the 2019 national election. A number of preliminary surveys of data on Twitter were conducted in December 2018 and, more intensely, in January 2019. Later, the data survey was officially conducted twice during February and April 2019, while the data collection was done during May-June 2019. Only public posts on Twitter that include the hashtag, #LoveWins, or any hashtags quoting ‘love’ and ‘wins’ are the main targets of this research. As a result of this, the use of the hashtag can be categorized into three levels, including banal decoration, homosexual love celebration, and colonial discourse on homosexual love. Particularly in the third type of the use of the hashtag, discourse analysis is applied to reveal that this hashtag is closely associated with the discourse of development and modernity as most of the descriptive posts demonstrate aspirations to become more ‘developed and modernized’ like many Western countries and Taiwan, the LGBT capital in Asia. Thus, calls for the ‘right to homosexual love’ and the ‘right to same-sex marriage’ in Thailand are shaped and formulated within the discursive linkage between modernity, development, and love. Also, the use of #LoveWins can be considered as a de-queering process of love as only particular types of gender identity, sexual orientation, and relationships that reflect Eurocentric modernity and heteronormativity are acceptable and advocated. Due to this, more inclusive queer loves should be supported rather than a mere essentialist-traditionalist homosexual love. Homonormativity must be deconstructed, and love must no longer be reserved for only one particular type of relationship that is standardized from/by the West. It must become more inclusive.

Keywords: #LoveWins, homosexual love, LGBT rights, same-sex marriage

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Authors: Ye Tian

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Soft power has replaced hard power and become one of the most attractive ways nations pursue to expand their international influence. One of the ways to improve a nation’s soft power is to commercialise the country and brand or rebrand it to the international audience, and thus attract interests or foreign investments. In this process, translation has often been regarded as merely a tool, and researches in it are either in translating literature as culture export or in how (in)accuracy of translation influences the branding campaign. This paper proposes to analyse nation branding campaign with framing theory, and thus gives an entry for translation studies to come to a central stage in today’s soft power research. To frame information or elements of a text, an event, or, as in this paper, a nation is to put them in a mental structure. This structure can be built by outsiders or by those who create the text, the event, or by citizens of the nation. To frame information like this can be regarded as a process of translation, as what translation does in its traditional meaning of ‘translating a text’ is to put a framework on the text to, deliberately or not, highlight some of the elements while hiding the others. In the discourse of nations, then, people unavoidably simplify a national image and put the nation into their imaginary framework. In this way, problems like stereotype and prejudice come into being. Meanwhile, if nations seek ways to frame or reframe themselves, they make efforts to have in control what and who they are in the eyes of international audiences, and thus make profits, economically or politically, from it. The paper takes African nations, which are usually perceived as a whole, and the United Kingdom as examples to justify passive and active framing process, and assesses both positive and negative influence framing has on nations. In conclusion, translation as framing causes problems like prejudice, and the image of a nation is not always in the hands of nation branders, but reframing the nation in a positive way has the potential to turn the tide.

Keywords: framing, nation branding, stereotype, translation

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Authors: Francis Wargirai

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Since gaining independence in 1975, Papua New Guinea`s core challenge has been the consolidation of democracy against a backdrop of enormous social, political and territorial diversity. Consequently, the government has implemented several political reforms including decentralization. Constitutional planners believed that national unity, would be better achieved by sharing state power over centralization. They anticipated that this would institutionalize a democratic civic culture by providing opportunities to groups and individuals to make political decisions within their jurisdiction. This would then eventually lead to confidence and participation in the larger entity of the state. In retrospect, civil society and community based groups are largely underrated and have had minimal influence on decisions at the local level, consequently contributing to nepotism, patronism and cynicism. By applying an elitist approach to analyze how national political leaders exert their influence and power within the local government system and local communities, this paper argues that decentralization has fragmented local communities. With an absence of political party roots and deeply divided ethnic groups, national political leaders have used divide and rule tactics resulting in mistrust among citizens. Through their influence and power within local governments to dictate projects and services to certain areas, this has resulted in skepticism and divisions among civil society along different cultural cleavages. This has been a contributing factor to anomalies in democratic consolidation and democratic political culture in Papua New Guinea.

Keywords: civic culture, cultural cleavages, decentralization, democratic consolidation

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Authors: Zarine Avetisyan

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Both in language and literature there exists the theory of recurrence of text and talk chunks which brings us to the notion of precedence. It must be stated that precedence as a pragma-linguistic phenomenon is yet underknown and it is the main objective of the present research to revisit and reveal it thoroughly. In line with the main research objective, analysis of political text and talk provides abundant relevant data for the illustration of the phenomenon of precedence. The analysis focuses on certain pragmatic universals (e.g. intention) and categories (e.g. speech techniques) which lead to the disclosure of the present object of study.

Keywords: intention, precedence, political discourse, pragmatic universals

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Authors: Felix O. Akinboyewa

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To say that Nigeria is faced with the problem of domestic terrorism is to say the obvious. The spate of political assassination during the fourth republic (1999-2010) is representative of what has become a growing trend. In this research, an attempt was made to examine the problems of political assassination within the context of significant categories of domestic-related terrorism in Nigeria Democracy. The central questions are: What exactly are the nature of political violence and terrorist act in the Nigeria nascent democracy? Was there any factor responsible for the politics of violence and terrorist act in the Nigeria democracy? What implications can the political violence and terrorist act have on democratic consolidation, national peace, and security? What solutions can be proffered to eradicate terrorist act and political violence in the Nigeria democracy? The study adopted a descriptive survey design which falls within the empirical research methodology. The sample size of the study consisted of 220 subjects randomly selected. The main instruments used were questionnaire and interview schedule. Data generated from the study were analyzed using descriptive statistics such as percentage and tables. The research findings showed that unemployed youths and the members of Nigeria Union of Road Transport Workers (NURTW) were the major actors in political violence in Nigeria. They have access to weapons and ammunitions which they use to terrorize the populace. The research showed that factors responsible for the political violence and terrorism in Nigeria are: poor electoral administration; election rigging; poor security system; religious and ethnic sentiment; problems of poverty and unemployment; over-exuberance and low level of education. The study also showed that electoral violence affects smooth running democracy in Nigeria. On the measures to be taken to eradicate political violence and terrorism in Nigeria, the research showed that provision of employment opportunities would go a long way to solving the problem. Civil society as an important institution can help to reduce incidence of political violence in Nigeria. Also, government has greater role to play. The study concludes that adherence to the proffered suggestions would reduce the level of political violence and terrorist act in Nigeria.

Keywords: consolidation, democracy, peace, security, terrorism, violence

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Authors: Jose Carlos Montemayor, Kendrick Thomas Angelo Santos

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Filipinos have been divided on President Rodrigo Duterte’s leadership ever since his election in 2016. This study aimed to gain a thorough, in-depth understanding of the opinions of Filipinos from different age and income brackets on these issues in order to address the lack of studies analysing the current Philippine political landscape. An interview tackling relevant national issues were conducted with twelve respondents from the intersections of four age groups and three income brackets. The government’s handling of some issues received mixed opinions, some had neutral viewpoints, while others had more unfavorable ones. The responses differed on three levels: (1) the general stance on an issue; (2) the strength of a stance; and (3) the factoring in of an issue in forming an overall perception on the administration’s performance. Contrary to previous studies on political thought, opinions varied greatly such that no unique set of viewpoints could be attributed to any of the defined age or income groups. These results will be most useful to political science researchers, political analysts, and candidates shaping their platforms for the upcoming elections. Future studies are recommended to tackle more national issues and to consider other factors that may affect political opinions and behavior.

Keywords: age groups, opinion formation, socioeconomic brackets, Philippine politics, Rodrigo Duterte

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Authors: Amanda Aliende da Matta, Maria del Pilar Fogueiras Bertomeu, Valeria de Ormaechea Otalora, Maria Paz Sandin Esteban, Miriam Comet Donoso

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This communication presents the preliminary emerging themes in a research on political participation of young women. The study follows a qualitative methodology; in particular, the applied hermeneutic phenomenological method, and the general objective of the research is to give an account of the experience of political participation as young women. The study participants are women aged 18 to 35 who have experience in political participation. The techniques of data collection are the descriptive story and the phenomenological interview. With respect to the first methodological steps, these have been: 1) collect and select stories of lived experience in political participation, 2) select descriptions of lived experience (DLEs) in political participation of the chosen stories, 3) to prepare phenomenological interviews from the selected DLEs, 4) to conduct phenomenological thematic analysis (PTA) of the DLEs. We have so far initiated the PTA on 5 vignettes. Hermeneutic phenomenology as a research approach is based on phenomenological philosophy and applied hermeneutics. Phenomenology is a descriptive philosophy of pure experience and essences, through which we seek to capture an experience at its origins without categorizing, interpreting or theorizing it. Hermeneutics, on the other hand, may be defined as a philosophical current that can be applied to data analysis. Max Van Manen wrote that hermeneutic phenomenology is a method of abstemious reflection on the basic structures of the lived experience of human existence. In hermeneutic phenomenology we focus, then, on the way we experience “things” in the first person, seeking to capture the world exactly as we experience it, not as we categorize or conceptualize it. In this study, the empirical methods used were: Lived experience description (written) and conversational interview. For these short stories, participants were asked: “What was your lived experience of participation in politics as a young woman? Can you tell me any stories or anecdotes that you think exemplify or typify your experience?”. The questions were accompanied by a list of guidelines for writing descriptive vignettes. And the analytical method was PTA. Among the provisional results, we found preliminary emerging themes, which could in the advance of the investigation result in meaning structures of political participation of young women. They are the following: - Complicity may be inherent/essential in political participation as a young woman; - Feelings may be essential/inherent in political participation as a young woman; - Hope may be essential in authentic political participation as a young woman; - Frustration may be essential in authentic political participation as a young woman; - Satisfaction may be essential in authentic political participation as a young woman; - There may be tension between individual/collective inherent/essential in political participation as a young woman; - Political participation as a young woman may include moments of public demonstration.

Keywords: applied hermeneutic phenomenology, hermeneutics, phenomenology, political participation

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Authors: Rodrigo Antunes, Olga Borisevich, David Demange

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The Tritium Laboratory Karlsruhe (TLK) has identified zeolite membranes as most promising for tritium processes in the future fusion reactors. Tritium diluted in purge gases or gaseous effluents, and present in both molecular and oxidized forms, can be pre-concentrated by a stage of zeolite membranes followed by a main downstream recovery stage (e.g., catalytic membrane reactor). Since 2011 several membrane zeolite samples have been tested to measure the membrane performances in the separation of hydrogen and water vapor from helium streams. These experiments were carried out in the ZIMT (Zeolite Inorganic Membranes for Tritium) facility where mass spectrometry and cold traps were used to measure the membranes’ performances. The membranes were tested at temperatures ranging from 25 °C up to 130 °C, at feed pressures between 1 and 3 bar, and typical feed flows of 2 l/min. During this experimental campaign, several zeolite-type membranes were studied: a hollow-fiber MFI nanocomposite membrane purchased from IRCELYON (France), and tubular MFI-ZSM5, NaA and H-SOD membranes purchased from Institute for Ceramic Technologies and Systems (IKTS, Germany). Among these membranes, only the MFI-based showed relevant performances for the H2/He separation, with rather high permeances (~0.5 – 0.7 μmol/sm2Pa for H2 at 25 °C for MFI-ZSM5), however with a limited ideal selectivity of around 2 for H2/He regardless of the feed concentration. Both MFI and NaA showed higher separation performances when water vapor was used instead; for example, at 30 °C, the separation factor for MFI-ZSM5 is approximately 10 and 38 for 0.2% and 10% H2O/He, respectively. The H-SOD evidenced to be considerably defective and therefore not considered for further experiments. In this contribution, a comprehensive analysis of the experimental methods and results obtained for the separation performance of different zeolite membranes during the past four years in inactive environment is given. These results are encouraging for the experimental campaign with molecular and oxidized tritium that will follow in 2017.

Keywords: gas separation, nuclear fusion, tritium processes, zeolite membranes

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Authors: Ali Asghar Sotoudeh

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Mediation Diplomacy has emerged as one of the main pillars of China's foreign policy goals and practices, and Beijing has established itself as a peacekeeping force in regional conflicts and crises such as Afghanistan, Syria, Sudan, Yemen, and the Arab-Israeli peace process. China is deepening and intensifying its diplomatic interventions in the Middle East and trying to shape the security and political developments in the Middle East. On the other hand, economically, China has become one of the most important trading partners with Middle Eastern governments. China is also seeking to expand its foreign policy and economic interests in the Middle East through the New Silk Road initiative and has signed cooperation agreements with 17 Arab countries. In this regard, due to the importance of the subject, this research focuses on answering this question; what is the basis of China's political mediation and economic expansionism in the Middle East? In parallel with this question, this study follows the hypothesis that the mediating role of peace is a legitimate way for China to intervene in Middle East political crises, Without causing China to deviate from its traditional guiding principles based on non-interference in the internal affairs of other actors in the international system. This policy also promotes the security of economic interests and increases the country's political influence in the Middle East. The research method is descriptive-analytical based on the qualitative method, and the data collection method is library and internet resources.

Keywords: China, middle east, political mediation, economic expansionism

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Authors: Z. Zaman Asam, M. Ajmal, R. Saeed, H. Miraj, M. Muhammad Ahtisham, B. Hameed, A. -Sattar Nizami

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In Pakistan, environmental degradation and consequent human health deterioration has rapidly accelerated in the past decade due to solid waste mismanagement. As the situation worsens with time, establishment of proper waste management practices is urgently needed especially in semi urban and rural areas of Pakistan. This study uses a concept of Waste Bank, which involves a transfer station for collection of sorted waste fractions and its delivery to the targeted market such as recycling industries, biogas plants, composting facilities etc. The management efficiency and effectiveness of Waste Bank depend strongly on the proficient sorting and collection of solid waste fractions at household level. However, the social attitude towards such a solution in semi urban/rural areas of Pakistan demands certain prerequisites to make it workable. Considering these factors the objectives of this study are to: [A] Obtain reliable data about quantity and characteristics of generated waste to define feasibility of business and design factors, such as required storage area, retention time, transportation frequency of the system etc. [B] Analyze the effects of various social factors on waste generation to foresee future projections. [C] Quantify the improvement in waste sorting efficiency after awareness campaign. We selected Gujrat city of Central Punjab province of Pakistan as it is semi urban adjoined by rural areas. A total of 60 houses (20 from each of the three selected colonies), belonging to different social status were selected. Awareness sessions about waste segregation were given through brochures and individual lectures in each selected household. Sampling of waste, that households had attempted to sort, was then carried out in the three colored bags that were provided as part of the awareness campaign. Finally, refined waste sorting, weighing of various fractions and measurement of dry mass was performed in environmental laboratory using standard methods. It was calculated that sorting efficiency of waste improved from 0 to 52% as a result of the awareness campaign. The generation of waste (dry mass basis) on average from one household was 460 kg/year whereas per capita generation was 68 kg/year. Extrapolating these values for Gujrat Tehsil, the total waste generation per year is calculated to be 101921 tons dry mass (DM). Characteristics found in waste were (i) organic decomposable (29.2%, 29710 tons/year DM), (ii) recyclables (37.0%, 37726 tons/year DM) that included plastic, paper, metal and glass, and (iii) trash (33.8%, 34485 tons/year DM) that mainly comprised of polythene bags, medicine packaging, pampers and wrappers. Waste generation was more in colonies with comparatively higher income and better living standards. In future, data collection for all four seasons and improvements due to expansion of awareness campaign to educational institutes will be quantified. This waste management system can potentially fulfill vital sustainable development goals (e.g. clean water and sanitation), reduce the need to harvest fresh resources from the ecosystem, create business and job opportunities and consequently solve one of the most pressing environmental issues of the country.

Keywords: integrated solid waste management, waste segregation, waste bank, community development

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Authors: Zarine Avetisyan

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The process of speech production and transmission naturally implies the occurrence of certain defective assumptions and erroneous formulations which may be both spontaneous, caused by haste, carelessness, etc., or deliberate. Whether deliberate or not, fallacies always act by way of “faux pas”. In the latter case, we deal with fake or deceptive arguments which are the focus of the given paper. The paper departs from the assumption that fallacies are arguments that prove nothing. Additionally and more importantly, political discourse becomes the main domain for scholarly “cultivation” while pinning down fallacies. The fallacy of telling the truth but deliberately omitting important key details in order to falsify the larger picture called “the half truth” captures special attention in the given paper.

Keywords: break in the information chain, fallacy, half truth, political discourse

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Authors: Milene Magalhães Pinto, Irlen Antônio Gonçalves

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This paper is within the area of History of Education in Brazil, having a descriptive and exploratory nature. It has been built on the belief that professional education is organized under political guidelines and solidifies through institutionalized discourses, allowing to know its mission concerning the society in which it operates by studying these speeches. Our purpose is to analyze how the Republican political culture yielded changes in public education through reforms to professional education in the First Republic, based on seven procedures of law that occurred in the Legislature of State of Minas Gerais. The Republican effort to reform the teaching was the result of a conception of society that aspired to advance the country by way of the national worker.

Keywords: professional education, republican political culture, education reforms, Brazil

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Authors: Umar Ubandawaki

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Political participation involves voluntary and deliberate efforts by the members of a political system to determine the kinds of political institution and individuals that will govern them and equally influence the mobilization and allocation of the available societal resources. Over the years, youths in Nigeria participated actively in political party rallies and voting to elect their leaders and representatives in governance. This paper examines categories and nature of participation in politics as well as factors that derived youths into politics in Sokoto State. Through the use of qualitative and quantitative data generated from focus group discussions, interviews and questionnaire, the paper find out that youth, in Sokoto State, have been induced in participatory activities that encourage political thuggery and manipulation of electoral outcomes. Moreover, they are neglected in the mobilization and allocation of the available resources of the society i.e they are denied dividends of good governance. The paper recommends that youths should be engaged into positive participatory activities for ensuring inclusiveness and promotion of good governance in Nigeria. It is hoped that this will enlighten youth and policy implementers on the constructive strategies in controlling youth’s participation in politics in Nigeria.

Keywords: democracy, governance, inclusivenes, participation and politic

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Authors: Pedro Cardoso Alves, Ana Lucia Galinkin, José Carlos Ribeiro

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Political participation, can be a somewhat tricky subject to define, not in small part due to the constant changes in the concept fruit of the effort to include new forms of participatory behavior that go beyond traditional institutional channels. With the advent of the internet and mobile technologies, defining political participation has become an even more complicated endeavor, given de amplitude of politicized behaviors that are expressed throughout these mediums, be it in the very organization of social movements, in the propagation of politicized texts, videos and images, or in the micropolitical behaviors that are expressed in daily interaction. In fact, the very frontiers that delimit physical and digital spaces have become ever more diluted due to technological advancements, leading to a hybrid existence that is simultaneously physical and digital, not limited, as it once was, to the temporal limitations of classic communications. Moving away from those institutionalized actions of traditional political behavior, an idea of constant and fluid participation, which occurs in our daily lives through conversations, posts, tweets and other digital forms of expression, is discussed. This discussion focuses on the factors that precede more direct forms of political participation, interpreting the relation between informational habits, ideology, and political efficacy. Though some of the informational habits can be considered political participation, by some authors, a distinction is made to establish a logical flow of behaviors leading to participation, that is, one must gather and process information before acting on it. To reach this objective, a quantitative survey is currently being applied in Brazilian social media, evaluating feelings of political efficacy, social and economic issue-based ideological stances and informational habits pertaining to collection, fact-checking, and diversity of sources and ideological positions present in the participant’s political information network. The measure being used for informational habits relies strongly on a mix of information literacy and political sophistication concepts, bringing a more up-to-date understanding of information and knowledge production and processing in contemporary hybrid (physical-digital) environments. Though data is still being collected, preliminary analysis point towards a strong correlation between information habits and political efficacy, while ideology shows a weaker influence over efficacy. Moreover, social ideology and economic ideology seem to have a strong correlation in the sample, such intermingling between social and economic ideals is generally considered a red flag for political polarization.

Keywords: political efficacy, ideology, information literacy, cyberpolitics

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Authors: Mehdi Heydari Sanglaji

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The dramatic events of the 11 September, and their tragic repercussions, catapulted issues of the political violence in and from the ‘Muslim world’ onto the political discourse, be it in patriotic speeches of campaigning politicians or the TV and news punditry. Depending on what end of the political spectrum the politician/pundit pledges fealty to, the overall analyses of political violence in the West Asia and North Africa (WANA) tends towards two overarching categories: on the Right, the diagnosis has unanimously been, ‘they must hate our freedom.’ On the Left, however, there is the contention that the West has to be counted as the primary cause of such rage, for the years of plundering of lives and resources, through colonialism, the Cold War, coups, etc. All these analyses are premised on at least two presuppositions: the violence in and from the WANA region a) is always reactionary, in the sense that it happens only in response to something the West is or does; and b) must always already be condemned, as it is essentially immoral and wrong. It is the aim of this paper to challenge such viewpoints. Through a rigorous study of the historical discourses on political violence in the Leftist organizations active in Algeria and Lebanon, we claim there is a myriad of diverse reasons and justifications presented for advocating political violence in these countries that defy facile categorization. Inspecting such rhetoric for inciting political violence in Leftist discourses, and how some of these reasonings have percolated into other movements in the region (e.g., Islamist ones), will reveal a wealth of indigenous discourses on the subject that has been largely neglected by the Western Media punditry and even by the academia. The indigenous discourses on political violence, much of which overlaps with emancipatory projects in the region, partly follow grammar and logic, which may be different from those developed in the West, even by its more critical theories. Understanding so different epistemology of violence, and the diverse contexts in which political violence might be justifiable in the mind of ‘the other,’ necessitates a historical, materialist, and genealogical study of the discourse already in practice in the WANA region. In that regard, both critical terrorism studies and critical discourse analysis provide exemplary tools of analysis. Capitalizing on such tools, this project will focus on unearthing a history of thought that renders moot the reduction of all instances of violence in the region to an Islamic culture or imperialism/colonialism. The main argument in our research is that by studying the indigenous discourses on political violence, we will be far more equipped in understanding the reasons and the possible solutions for acts of terrorism in and from the region.

Keywords: political violence, terrorism, leftist organizations, West Asia/North Africa

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