Search results for: gendered politics

Authors: Mustafa Avsever

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Throughout history, states have attached great importance to seas in terms of economic and security. Advanced civilizations have always founded in coastal regions. Over time, human being has tended to trade and naturally always aimed get more and more. Seas by covering 71% of the earth, provide the greatest economic opportunities for access to raw material resources and the world market. As a result, seas have become the most important areas of conflict over the course of time. Coastal states, use seas as a tool for defense zone, trade, marine transportation and power transfer, they have acquired colonies overseas and increased their capital, raw materials and labor. Societies, have increased their economic prosperity, though their navies in order to retain their welfare and achieve their foreign policy objectives. Sometimes they have imposed their demands through the use or threat of limited naval force in accordance with their interests that is gunboat diplomacy. Today we can see samples of gunboat diplomacy used in the Eastern Mediterranean, during Ukraine crisis, in dispute between North Korea and South Korea and the ongoing power struggle in Asia-Pacific. Gunboat diplomacy has been and continues to be applied consistently in solving problems by the stronger side of the problem. The purpose of this article is to examine using navy under the gunboat diplomacy as an active instrument of foreign policy and security policy and reveal the strategic sea areas in which gunboat diplomacy is used effectively in the matrix of international politics in the 21st century.

Keywords: gunboat diplomacy, maritime strategy, sea power, strategic sea lands

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Authors: Antonia Stanojević, Agnes Akkerman

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In contemporary society, economically active people typically spend most of their waking hours doing their job. Having that in mind, this research examines how socialization at the workplace shapes political preferences. Innovatively, it examines, in particular, the possible relationship between employees’ voice suppression by the employer and the formation of their political preferences. Since the employer is perceived as an authority figure, their behavior might induce spillovers to attitudes about political authorities and authoritarian governance. Therefore, a positive effect of suppression of voice by employers on employees' preference for authoritarian governance is expected. Furthermore, this relation is expected to be mediated by two mechanisms: system justification and power distance. Namely, it is expected that suppression of voice would create a power distance organizational climate and increase employees’ acceptance of unequal distribution of power, as well as evoke attempts of oppression rationalization through system justification. The hypotheses will be tested on the data gathered within the first wave of Work and Politics Dataset 2017 (N=6000), which allows for a wide range of demographic and psychological control variables. Although a cross-sectional analysis to be used at this point does not allow for causal inferences, the confirmation of expected relationships would encourage and justify further longitudinal research on the same panel dataset, in order to get a clearer image of the causal relationship between employers' suppression of voice and workers' political preferences.

Keywords: authoritarian values, political preferences, power distance, system justification, voice suppression

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Authors: Tamas Bezsenyi, Noemi Katona

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Fighting Human Trafficking is a highly important issue worldwide that states need to deal with in international politics. In the EU combatting human trafficking is emphasized in international policy making and also in the work of international law enforcement, thus in the work of the EUROPOL. While the EU Directive against Human Trafficking prescribes how states should fight this transnational crime and also how victims should be assisted, the EUROPOL focuses on the effective cooperation between national law enforcement agencies. However, despite the aims of the common fight, human trafficking is regulated differently in the punitive law of various nation states. This deeply defines the work and possibilities of national law enforcement organizations. Among the manifold differences in this paper, we focus on the role of regulating asset recovery. We highlight that money, and the regulation and practice how the law enforcement deals with income gained from criminal activities, play essential role in combatting human trafficking. While doing research on the investigation of transnational human trafficking by the Hungarian Law Enforcement Agencies, we have found that the unfortunate regulation of asset recovery determines the lower effectiveness of eliminating criminal organizations. While i.e. in the Netherlands confiscation of property takes place in an early stage of the criminal procedure, in Hungary it can be conducted only if money laundering is also assumed. Our presentation builds on the comparison of criminal procedures which we analyse based on criminal files and interviews with coworkers of the National Bureau of Investigation.

Keywords: human trafficking, law enforcement, asset recovery, organized crime

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Authors: Chris Ogwu Attah, Okpanachi Linus Odiji

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An election is no doubt a universally accepted means of resolving societal problems, particularly those with political connotations. While the process has often been conducted in advanced democracies without attacks on opponents and the populace, that ambiance of political tranquillity has hardly been enjoyed in many African states. While the violent nature of polls on this part of the globe have for long been linked among other things to monetization and the zero-sum character of politics, emerging trends show how the increasing rate of electoral violence may not be unconnected to the broadcasts of violent acts in the media. Anchored on the age-long complaints about the possible deleterious effects of mass media and Plato’s concern about the effects of plays on the youth, this study aims to interrogate the relationship between media and electoral violence in Nigeria using Kogi State as a case study. While the Social Cognitive Theory is adopted to guide the study to fruition, data was elicited primarily from a multi-stage sampling arrangement in which respondents from three purposively selected locations (Anyigba, Lokoja, and Okene) were randomly selected. Using chi-square to test the assumption that media violence catalyzes electoral violence in Kogi State, it was discovered among other revelations that electoral violence increases numerically with the depiction of violence in the media. As a recommendation, therefore, this paper advocate that Civil Society Organisations, as well as relevant governmental agencies, should carry out mass political education which aims at instilling political morals on the populace, especially the youths.

Keywords: electoral violence, media, media violence, violence

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Authors: S. Dodd

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This presentation examines the gender gap in leadership positions at colleges and universities within the United States. Despite the fact that women now outnumber men in earning doctorate degrees, women continue to hold far fewer positions of educational leadership, and still, earn less money than men do at every level. Considering the lack of female representation in positions of leadership, there are clearly outside variables preventing women from attaining these positions, despite their educational attainment. Following this study, the American Council on Education (ACE) set a goal to achieve an equal percentage of females holding college presidency positions by the year 2030. This goal is particularly ambitious, especially when considering the gender disparity at all ranks in higher education. Men still hold nearly 70% of all full professorships at degree-granting institutions. Even when women are equally represented in numbers, men typically hold a higher rank and are more likely to be tenured. Across all four-year colleges and universities in the United States, men earn more money than women at every rank and in every discipline. There are over twice as many men than women represented on governing boards, who help formed and uphold campus policies. The fact that the low percentage of female presidents has remained static for many years deepens the challenge for the ACE. Although emphasizing the need to create greater opportunities for women in educational administration is admirable, it is difficult to simplify the social forces that create and uphold the status quo of male leadership. When aiming to ensure 'women' hold 50% of all college presidency positions, it is important to consider how the intersections of race, social class, and other factors also correlate with lower job status. This presentation explores how gendered notions of leadership begin in a child’s early years and are carried into future careers, and how these conceptualizations impact the creation and upholding of educational policies at every academic level. Current research that emphasizes the importance establishing a bottom-up approach to a gender equity infrastructure for children early in their educational careers will be discussed. A top-down approach starting with female college presidents is incomplete and insufficient if the mindsets of the youth who will one day be entering those institutions of higher education are not also taken into consideration. Although ACE has established this lofty goal for female college presidencies by the year 2030, a road map for this will ensue, has not yet been provided. The talent pool of women who are educated and experienced for such positions is vast, but acknowledging the social barriers existing for women in these positions will be crucial to making the changes necessary for these leadership opportunities to be long lasting and successful.

Keywords: equity, higher education, leadership, women

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Authors: Fehmeen Anwar, Ujala Liaqat

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For over half a century, U.S. and the Soviet Union have been at daggers drawn with each other. Both leading powers of the world have been struggling hard to surpass each other in military and other technological fields. This neck-to-neck competition turned in favour of U.S. in the early 1990s when USSR had to face economic stagnation and later dismemberment of several of its states. The predominance of U.S. is still evident to date, rather it continues to grow. With this proposed defence program i.e. Anti-Ballistic Missile System, the U.S. will have a considerable chance of intercepting any nuclear strike by Russia, which re-asserts U.S. dominance in the region and creating a security dilemma for Russia and other states. The question is whether America’s recent nuclear deterrence project is merely to counter nuclear threats from Iran and North Korea or is it purely directed towards Russia, thus ensuring complete military supremacy in the world. Although U.S professes to direct its Anti-Ballistic Missile System (ABMS) against the axis of evil (Iran and North Korea), yet the deployment of this system in the East European territory undermines the Russian nuclear strategic capability, as this enables U.S. to initiate an attack and guard itself from retaliatory strike, thus disturbing the security equilibrium in Europe. The implications of this program can lead to power imbalance which can lead to the emergence of fundamentally different paradigm of international politics.

Keywords: Anti-Ballistic Missile System (ABMS), cold-war, axis of evil, power dynamics

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Authors: Jingsong Ma

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In political translation, ideology plays an important role in conveying implications accurately. Ideological collisions can occur in political translation when there existdifferences of political environments embedded in the translingual political texts in both source and target languages. To reach an accurate translationrequires the translatorto understand the ideologies implied in (and often transcending) the texts. This paper explores the conditions, procedure, and purpose of processingideological collision and resolution of such issues in political translation. These points will be elucidated by case studies of translating English and Chinese political texts. First, there are specific political terminologies in certain political environments. These terminological peculiarities in one language are often determined by ideological elements rather than by syntactical and semantical understanding. The translation of these ideological-loaded terminologiesis a process and operation consisting of understanding the ideological context, including cultural, historical, and political situations. This will be explained with characteristic Chinese political terminologies and their renderings in English. Second, when the ideology in the source language fails to match with the ideology in the target language, the decisions to highlight or disregard these conflicts are shaped by power relations, political engagement, social context, etc. It thus is necessary to go beyond linguisticanalysis of the context by deciphering ideology in political documents to provide a faithful or equivalent rendering of certain messages. Finally, one of the practical issues is about equivalence in political translation by redefining the notion of faithfulness and retainment of ideological messages in the source language in translations of political texts. To avoid distortion, the translator should be liberated from grip the literal meaning, instead diving into functional meanings of the text.

Keywords: translation, ideology, politics, society

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Authors: Nadiya Didyk

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This thesis deals with the unique history of the emergence of the Ukrainian feminist movement. Ukrainian feminism is still in its making, so the field is under-investigated in general. Nevertheless, the perspective of political economy and the enabling and constraining effects of capitalist dynamics are almost absent from the research on the emergence and the development of the feminist movement in Ukraine. This research was inspired by Hetland and Goodwin’s approach and an attempt to test their approach on the case of the Ukrainian feminist movement. Hetland and Goodwin claim that many scholars tend to neglect political economy from analysis of feminism as a new social movements, namely because such movement are not about class or materialist concerns, and thus have no discernible connection to capitalism. Both scholars, however, point out that there at least four ways in which capitalism has been of high importance for any social movement. Accordingly, the following issues are analysed in this paper: capitalism as the facilitator of the emergence and development of Ukrainian feminism; the influence of class balance in society on the formation of the Ukrainian feminist movement, and the ways in which class divisions within the movement shape its goals and strategies. This paper also focuses on the role of capitalist institutions and free wage labour expansion in shaping collective feminist identities and solidarities. Specific attention is paid to the representativeness of women in the highest echelons in business and politics under the capitalist systems. This study shows that there is a significant hole in the literature regarding the feminist movement in Ukraine and aims to motivate further detailed research.

Keywords: feminism, hetland, goodwin, new soical movements, political economy

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Authors: Kaltrina Kusari

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Displaced populations have received increasing attention, yet the experiences of return migrants remain largely hidden within social sciences. Existing research, albeit limited, suggests that policies which impact return migrants, especially those forced to return to their home countries, do not reflect their voices. Specifically, the United Nations Hight Commissioner for Refugees has adopted repatriation as a preferred policy solution, despite research which substantiates that returning to one’s home country is neither durable nor the end of the migration cycle; as many of 80% of returnees decide to remigrate. This one-size-fits-all approach to forced displacement does not recognize the impact of intersecting identity categories on return migration, thus failing to consider how ethnicity, gender, and class, among others, shape repatriation. To address this, this qualitative study examined the repatriation experiences of return migrant women from Kosovo and the role of social workers in facilitating return. In 2015, Kosovars constituted the fourth largest group of asylum seekers in the European Union, yet 96% of them were rejected. Additionally, since 1999 Kosovo has ranked among the top 10 countries of origin for return migrants. Considering that return migration trends are impacted by global power dynamics, this study relied on a postcolonial and transnational feminist framework to contextualize the mobility of displaced peoples in terms of globalization and conceptualize migration as a gendered process. Postcolonial and feminist theories suggest that power is partly operationalized through language, thus, Critical Discourse Analysis was used as a research methodology. CDA is concerned with examining how power, language, and discourses shape social processes and relationships of dominance. Data collection included interviews with 15 return migrant women (eight ethnic minorities and seven Albanian) and 18 service providers in Kosovo. The main findings illustrate that both returnee women and service providers rely on discourses which 1) challenge the voluntariness and sustainability of repatriation; 2) construct Kosovo as inferior to EU countries; and 3) highlight the impact of patriarchy and ethnic racism on return migration. A postcolonial transnational feminist analysis demonstrates that despite Kosovars’ challenges with repatriation, European Union countries use their power to impose repatriation as a preferred solution for Kosovo’s government. These findings add to the body of existing repatriation literature and provide important implications for how return migration might be carried out, not only in Kosovo but other countries as well.

Keywords: migration, gender, repatriation, transnational feminism

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Authors: Prajwal Eachempati, Laurent Muzellec, Ashish Kumar Jha

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We use Facebook as a case study to investigate the complex relationship between the firm’s public discourse (and actions) surrounding data privacy and the performance of a business model based on monetizing user’s data. We do so by looking at the evolution of public discourse over time (2004–2021) and relate topics to revenue and stock market evolution Drawing from archival sources like Zuckerberg We use LDA topic modelling algorithm to reveal 19 topics regrouped in 6 major themes. We first show how, by using persuasive and convincing language that promises better protection of consumer data usage, but also emphasizes greater user control over their own data, the privacy issue is being reframed as one of greater user control and responsibility. Second, we aim to understand and put a value on the extent to which privacy disclosures have a potential impact on the financial performance of social media firms. There we found significant relationship between the topics pertaining to privacy and social media/technology, sentiment score and stock market prices. Revenue is found to be impacted by topics pertaining to politics and new product and service innovations while number of active users is not impacted by the topics unless moderated by external control variables like Return on Assets and Brand Equity.

Keywords: public discourses, data protection, social media, privacy, topic modeling, business models, financial performance

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Authors: Luciano E. Sewaybricker

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Psychology has faced many challenges in order to claim its right to study happiness. Probably the major issue has been to present a clear definition of happiness, which has a long history outside the scientific field and has been used imprecisely in the daily life. Even after years of great improvement, different meanings of happiness still have been seen in academic studies. This scenario allows to question if any definition is consistent enough to sustain the recent findings of the psychological processes behind happiness. Moreover, does it make sense to seek a single definition of happiness? By investigating the history of happiness and the theoretical foundations of Positive Psychology, it can be advocated that it’s proper for happiness to be polysemic. Since Ancient Greece most attempts to outline happiness consists of an appreciation of the "best way to live" and consequently requires a delineation of the most important things in life. Besides this generic definition, it’s hard to find consensus about happiness. In fact, what and how much something will be considered important to happiness depend on social influence. This compels happiness to vary between groups, historical periods, and even for the same person over time. Therefore, the same psychological processes will not necessarily be behind all forms of happiness. Consequently, three assumptions should be considered when studying happiness: it’s intrinsic of happiness to be transitory and socially influenced; happiness refers not only to what is possible in the present, but also to an ideal future; when someone (including a scientist) talks about happiness they describe and prescribe a better way to live. Because any attempt to define happiness will be limited in space and time, it's more suitable to study its variations than its universalities. This may have considerable consequences to political agenda on happiness evaluation and maximization, like Gross National Happiness and utilitarian initiatives. Happiness policies should be understood as an arbitrary choice amongst all kinds of happiness and as prescriptive of what “the best way to live” should be.

Keywords: happiness, politics, positive psychology, well-being

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Authors: Florence Nyemba, Rufaro Chitiyo

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This work features the voices of women as they describe their experiences living in the diaspora either with their families or alone. The contributing authors of this work pursued this project to understand how the women’s personal lives (and those of their families back home) changed (both positively and negatively). The work addressed the following important questions, what is female migration? What are the factors causing women to migrate? What types of migration do women engage in? What is the influence of family relationships on migration? What are the challenges of migration? How do migrant women maintain ties with their home countries? What is the role of social networks in migration? How can feminist theories and methodologies be incorporated in migration studies? Women continue to contribute significantly to mass movements of people across the yet, their voices silent in the literature on migration. History shows that women have always been on the move trying to make a living just like their male counterparts. Whether they migrate as spouses, daughters, or alone, women make up a sizeable portion of migration statistics around the world. These women are migrating independently without the accompaniment of male relatives. This calls for the need to expand research on women as independent migrants without generalizing their experiences as in the case with early studies on international migration. The goal of this work is to offer a rich and detailed description of the lives of immigrant women across the globe using theoretical frameworks that advance gender and migration research. Methodology: This work invited scholars and researchers from across the globe whose research interests were in gender and migration. The work incorporated a variety of methodologies for data collection and analysis, which included oral narratives, interviews, systematic literature reviews and interviews. Conclusion: There is a considerable amount of interest in various topics on gender, violence, and equality throughout social science disciplines in higher education. Therefore, the three major topics covered in this work, Women’s Immigration: Theories and Methodologies, Women as Migrant Workers, and Women as Refugees, Asylees, and Permanent Migrants, can be of interest across social sciences disciplines. Feminist theories can expand the curriculum on identity and gendered roles and norms in societies. Findings of this work advance knowledge of population movements across the globe. This work will also appeal to students and scholars wanting to expand their knowledge on women and migration, migration theories, gender violence, and women empowerment. The topics and issues presented in this work will also assist the international community and lawyers concerned with global migration.

Keywords: gender, feminism, identity formation, international migration

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Authors: Vinicius Marzall, Jussanã Milograna

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The urban drainwatering remains a major challenge for most of the Brazilian cities. Not so different of the most part, Goiania, a state capital located in Midwest of the country has few legislations about the subject matter and only one registered solution of compensative techniques for drainwater. This paper clam to show some solutions which are adopted in other Brazilian cities with consolidated legislation, suggesting technics about detention tanks in a building sit. This study analyzed and compared the legislation of Curitiba, Porto Alegre e Sao Paulo, with the actual legislation and politics of Goiania. After this, were created models with adopted data for dimensioning the size of detention tanks using the envelope curve method considering synthetic series for intense precipitations and building sits between 250 m² and 600 m², with an impermeabilization tax of 50%. The results showed great differences between the legislation of Goiania and the documentation of the others cities analyzed, like the number of techniques for drainwatering applied to the reality of the cities, educational actions to awareness the population about care the water courses and political management by having a specified funds for drainwater subjects, for example. Besides, the use of detention tank showed itself practicable, have seen that the occupation of the tank is minor than 3% of the building sit, whatever the size of the terrain, granting the exit flow to pre-occupational taxes in extreme rainfall events. Also, was developed a linear equation to measure the detention tank based in the size of the building sit in Goiania, making simpler the calculation and implementation for non-specialized people.

Keywords: clean technology, legislation, rainwater management, urban drainwater

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Authors: Lou Gargouri

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This paper examines how Fanny Cabon's solo performance, Gardiennes (2018) strategically crafts empathetic witnessing through the artist's vocal and physical embodiment of her female ancestors' testimonies, dramatizing the cyclical inheritance of reproductive trauma across generations. Drawing on affect theory and the concept of ethical co-presence, we argue that Cabon's raw voicing of illegal abortions, miscarriages, and abuse through her shape-shifting presence generates an intimate energy loop with the audience. This affective resonance catalyzes recognition of historical injustices, consecrating each singular experience while building collective solidarity. Central to Cabon's political efficacy is her transparent self-revelation through intimate impersonation, which fosters identification with diverse characters as interconnected subjects rather than objectified others. Her solo form transforms the isolation often associated with women's marginalization into radical inclusion, repositioning them from victims to empowered survivors. Comparative analysis with other contemporary works addressing abortion rights illuminates how Gardiennes subverts the traditional medical and clerical gazes that have long governed women's bodies. Ultimately, we contend Gardiennes models the potential of solo performance to harness empathy as a subversive political force. Cabon's theatrical alchemy circulates the effects of injustice through the ethical co-presence of performer and spectator, forging intersubjective connections that reframe marginalized groups traditionally objectified within dominant structures of patriarchal power. In dramatizing how the act of witnessing another's trauma can generate solidarity and galvanize resistance, Cabon's work demonstrates the role of embodied performance in catalyzing social change through the recuperation of women's voices and lived experiences. This paper thus aims to contribute to the emerging field of feminist solo performance criticism by illuminating how Cabon's innovative dramaturgy bridges the personal and the political. Her strategic mobilization of intimacy, identification, and co-presence offers a model for how the affective dynamics of autobiographical performance can be harnessed to confront gendered oppression and imagine more equitable futures. Gardiennes invites us to consider how the circulation of empathy through ethical spectatorship can foster the collective alliances necessary for advancing the unfinished project of women's liberation.

Keywords: gender and sexuality studies, solo performance, trauma studies, affect theory

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Authors: Zahra Bakhtiari

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Middle East countries confront a multitude of main environmental challenges which are inevitable. The unstable economic and political structure which dominates numerous middle East countries makes it difficult to react effectively to unfavorable climate change impacts. This study applies a qualitative methodology and relies on secondary literature aimed to investigate how countries in the Middle East are balancing economic security and climatic security in terms of budgeting, infrastructure investment, political engagement (domestically through discourses or internationally in terms of participation in international organizations or bargaining, etc.) There has been provided an outline of innovative measures in both economic and environmental fields that are in progress in the Middle East countries and what capacity they have for economic development and environmental adaptation, as well as what has already been performed. The primary outcome is that countries that rely more on infrastructure investment such as negative emissions technologies (NET) through green social capital enterprises and political engagement, especially nationally determined contributions (NDCs) commitments and United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC), experience more economic and climatological security balance in the Middle East. Since implementing these measures is not the same in all countries in the region, we see different levels of balance between climate security and economic security. The overall suggestion is that the collaboration of both the bottom-up and top-down approaches helps create strategic environmental strategies which are in line with the economic circumstances of each country and creates the desired balance.

Keywords: climate change, economic growth, sustainability, the Middle East, green economy, renewable energy

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Authors: Abu Zafor Sadek

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Pharmaceuticals were one of the least impacted business sectors during the corona pandemic as they are the center point of Covid-19 fight. Emergency use authorization, unproven indication of some commonly used drugs, self-medication, research and production capacity of an individual country, capacity of producing vaccine by many countries, Active Pharmaceutical Ingredients (APIs) related uncertainty, information gap among manufacturer, practitioners and user, export restriction, duration of lock-down, lack of harmony in transportation, disruption in the regulatory approval process, sudden increased demand of hospital items and protective equipment, panic buying, difficulties in in-person product promotion, e-prescription, geo-politics and associated issues added a new dimension to this industry. Although the industry maintains a reasonable growth throughout Covid-19 days; however, it has been characterized by both long- and short-term effects. Short-term effects have already been visible to so many countries, especially those who are import-dependent and have limited research capacity. On the other hand, it will take a few more time to see the long-term effects. Nevertheless, supply chain disruption, changes in strategic planning, new communication model, squeezing of job opportunity, rapid digitalization are the major short-term effects, whereas long-term effects include a shift towards self-sufficiency, growth pattern changes of certain products, special attention towards clinical studies, automation in operations, the increased arena of ethical issues etc. Therefore, this qualitative and exploratory study identifies the post-covid-19 landscape of the global pharmaceutical industry.

Keywords: covid-19, pharmaceutical, businees, landscape

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Authors: Usharani Rathinam

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Although policies directing inclusion of marginalized were in effect, majority of chronically impoverished in India belonged to schedule caste and schedule tribes. Also, taking into account that poverty is gendered; destitute women belonged to lower social order whose need is not largely highlighted at policy level. This paper discusses on social relations poverty which highlights on how social order that existed structurally in the society can perpetuate chronic poverty, followed by a critical review on social inclusion policies of India, its merits and demerits in addressing chronic poverty. Multiple case study design is utilized to address this concern in four districts of India; Jhansi, Tikamgarh, Cuddalore and Anantapur. These four districts were selected by purposive sampling based on the criteria; the district should either be categorized as a backward district or should have a history of high poverty rate. Qualitative methods including eighty in-depth interviews, six focus group discussions, six social mapping procedures and three key informant interviews were conducted in 2011, at each of the locations. Analysis of the data revealed that irrespective of gender, schedule castes and schedule tribe participants were found to be chronically poor in all districts. Caste based discrimination is exhibited at both micro and macro levels; village and institutional levels. At village level, lower caste respondents had lesser access to public resources. Also, within institutional settings, due to confiscation, unequal access to resources is noticed, especially in fund distribution. This study found that half of the budget intended for schedule caste and schedule tribes were confiscated by upper caste administrative staffs. This implies that power based on social hierarchy marginalize lower caste participants from accessing better economic, social, and political benefits, that had led them to suffer long term poverty. This study also explored the traditional ties between caste, social structure and bonded labour as a cause of long-term poverty. Though equal access is being emphasized in constitutional rights, issues at micro level have not been reflected in formulation of these rights. Therefore, it is significant for a policy to consider the structural complexity and then focus on issues such as equal distribution of assets and infrastructural facilities that will reduce exclusion and foster long-term security in areas such as employment, markets and public distribution.

Keywords: caste, inclusion policies, India, social order

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Authors: Joy Shihyi Huang

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This paper discusses the concept of community in Anna Deavere Smith’s performance, one that challenges and explores existing notions of justice and the other. In contrast to unwavering assumptions of essentialism that have helped to propel a discourse on moral agency within the black community, Smith employs postmodern ideas in which the theatrical attributes of doubling and repetition are conceptualized as part of what Marvin Carlson coined as a ‘memory machine.’ Her dismissal of the need for linear time, such as that regulated by Aristotle’s The Poetics and its concomitant ethics, values, and emotions as a primary ontological and epistemological construct produced by the existing African American historiography, demonstrates an urgency to produce an alternative communal self to override metanarratives in which the African Americans’ lives are contained and sublated by specific historical confines. Drawing on Emmanuel Levinas’ theories in ethics, specifically his notion of ‘proximity’ and ‘the third,’ the paper argues that Smith enacts a new model of ethics by launching an acting method that eliminates the boundary of self and other. Defying psychological realism, Smith conceptualizes an approach to acting that surpasses the mere mimetic value of invoking a ‘likeness’ of an actor to a character, which as such, resembles the mere attribution of various racial or sexual attributes in identity politics. Such acting, she contends, reduces the other to a representation of, at best, an ultimate rendering of me/my experience. She instead appreciates ‘unlikeness,’ recognizes the unavoidable actor/character gap as a power that humbles the self, whose irreversible journey to the other carves out its own image.

Keywords: Anna Deavere Smith, Emmanuel Levinas, other, performance

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Authors: M. G. Shilina

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The prospects for political and economic development of the Eurasian space are currently discussed at both governmental and expert levels. New concepts actively proposed by the Eurasian governments require the analysis and search for effective implementation options. In the paper, an attempt to identify effective solutions to the problems surrounding the current economic integration of the Eurasian states is given on the basis of an interdisciplinary, comprehensive, structured analysis. The phenomenon is considered through the prism of the international law, world economy and politics, combined with the study of existing intergovernmental practice. The modeling method was taken as the basis for the research and is supplemented by legal and empirical methods. The detailed multi-level model of practical construction the 'Great Eurasia' (the GE) concept is proposed, the option for building a phased interaction in Eurasia is given through the prism of construction by the Eurasian Economic Union (the EAEU) as the main tool. The Shanghai Cooperation Organization (the SCO) is seen as the most promising element of the model. The SCO is capable of streamlining the formation of the GE and determine the transformation of Eurasia into a common economic space. Effective development of the economic integration between Eurasian states on the framework of the SCO is optimal. The SCO+ could be used as a platform for integration-integration processes formation. The creation of stable financial ties could become the basis for the possible formation of an expanded transregional integration platform. The paper concludes that the implementation of the proposed model could entail a gradual economic rapprochement of Eurasia and beyond.

Keywords: economic integration, The Eurasian Economic Union, The European Union, The Shanghai Cooperation Organization, the silk road economic belt

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Authors: JoVontae Butts

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A central and enduring theme in the study of American politics is political participation, which indicates the health of a democracy, citizen buy-in, and fair political representation. Though voting push factors have been thoroughly researched and are becoming better understood, the effect of those same push factors often varies for marginalized people. Black voters begun to cast votes at a steadily increasing rate following the 1996 election, gradually growing to its highest level in the 2012 presidential election, even surpassing white voter participation rates. The thirty-year growth period of Black voter engagement concluded in the 2016 election, with the number of participating Black voters stumbling by approximately 7% while other demographics remained roughly the same. Theories for the shift in Black voter behavior range from vote suppression to discouragement due to Barack Obama’s concluding tenure in office. Furthermore, Black voter engagement rebounded in the 2020 election, leaving turnout and race scholars to speculate even further, predicting that disapproval of Trump energized the Black voter bloc. Though there is much conjecture regarding the changes in Black voter behavior, there is truly little empirical evidence to vet those suppositions. This study engages and quantifies speculations for the changes in Black voter engagement in recent elections using 2016 and 2020 American National Election Studies Pilot Study data. Additionally, this study expands upon McGregor’s theory of political hypervigilance by exploring differences in political engagement for church-attending Black voters and those that do not.

Keywords: race, religion, evangelicalism, political engagement

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Authors: Chantal Maille

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This paper is about gender-based analysis plus (GBA+), an intersectional gender policy used in Canada to assess the impact of policies and programs for men and women from different origins. It looks at Canada’s political culture to explain the nature of its gender policies. GBA+ is defined as an analysis method that makes it possible to assess the eventual effects of policies, programs, services, and other initiatives on women and men of different backgrounds because it takes account of gender and other identity factors. The ‘plus’ in the name serves to emphasize that GBA+ goes beyond gender to include an examination of a wide range of other related identity factors, such as age, education, language, geography, culture, and income. The point of departure for GBA+ is that women and men are not homogeneous populations and gender is never the only factor in defining a person’s identity; rather, it interacts with factors such as ethnic origin, age, disabilities, where the person lives, and other aspects of individual and social identity. GBA+ takes account of these factors and thus challenges notions of similarity or homogeneity within populations of women and men. Comparative analysis based on sex and gender may serve as a gateway to studying a given question, but women, men, girls, and boys do not form homogeneous populations. In the 1990s, intersectionality emerged as a new feminist framework. The popularity of the notion of intersectionality corresponds to a time when, in hindsight, the damage done to minoritized groups by state disengagement policies in concert with global intensification of neoliberalism, and vice versa, can be measured. Although GBA+ constitutes a form of intersectionalization of GBA, it must be understood that the two frameworks do not spring from a similar logic. Intersectionality first emerged as a dynamic analysis of differences between women that was oriented toward change and social justice, whereas GBA is a technique developed by state feminists in a context of analyzing governmental policies and aiming to promote equality between men and women. It can nevertheless be assumed that there might be interest in such a policy and program analysis grid that is decentred from gender and offers enough flexibility to take account of a group of inequalities. In terms of methodology, the research is supported by a qualitative analysis of governmental documents about GBA+ in Canada. Research findings identify links between Canadian gender policies and its political culture. In Canada, diversity has been taken into account as an element at the basis of gendered analysis of public policies since 1995. The GBA+ adopted by the government of Canada conveys an opening to intersectionality and a sensitivity to multiculturalism. The Canadian Multiculturalism Act, adopted 1988, proposes to recognize the fact that multiculturalism is a fundamental characteristic of the Canadian identity and heritage and constitutes an invaluable resource for the future of the country. In conclusion, Canada’s distinct political culture can be associated with the specific nature of its gender policies.

Keywords: Canada, gender-based analysis, gender policies, political culture

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Authors: Sara Chinnasamy, Michelle Gun, M. Adnan Hashim

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Federal Constitution guarantees Malaysians the right to free speech and expression; yet hatred speech can be commonly found on social media platforms such as Facebook, Twitter, and Instagram. In Malaysia social media sphere, most hatred speech involves religion, race and politics. Recent cases of racial attacks on social media have created social tensions among Malaysians. Many Malaysians always argue on their rights to freedom of speech. However, there are laws that limit their expression to the public and protecting social media users from being a victim of hate speech. This paper aims to explore the attitude and involvement of Malaysian netizens towards freedom of speech and hatred speech on social media. It also examines the relationship between involvement in hatred speech among Malaysian netizens and attitude towards freedom of speech. For most Malaysians, practicing total freedom of speech in the open is unthinkable. As a result, the best channel to articulate their feelings and opinions liberally is the internet. With the advent of the internet medium, more and more Malaysians are conveying their viewpoints using the various internet channels although sensitivity of the audience is seldom taken into account. Consequently, this situation has led to pockets of social disharmony among the citizens. Although this unhealthy activity is denounced by the authority, netizens are generally of the view that they have the right to write anything they want. Using the quantitative method, survey was conducted among Malaysians aged between 18 and 50 years who are active social media users. Results from the survey reveal that despite a weak relationship level between hatred speech involvement on social media and attitude towards freedom of speech, the association is still considerably significant. As such, it can be safely presumed that hatred speech on social media occurs due to the freedom of speech that exists by way of social media channels.

Keywords: freedom of speech, hatred speech, social media, Malaysia, netizens

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Authors: Zahra Ali Abbasi, Syed Muhammad Saqib Saleem

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This research explores the relationship between social media and awareness about climate change amongst the university students of Lahore, Pakistan. The aim is to understand how the people of Pakistan perceive climate change, especially on the social media. A deductive and quantitative method is applied on the research to find out the awareness of climate change in the people using social media. For this purpose, a survey method is used, to analyze the response from 167 online respondents through stratified random sampling technique. The relation between multiple variables including awareness about important climatic events like Paris agreement, GreenTube, Smog in Lahore, Floods in Pakistan and other eminent incidents of climate change and social media are calculated by analyzing social media as a source to impart information about climate change. The results show that as people get aware of climate change, they post about different national and international events/incidents of climate which reveal a significant relationship between respondents' awareness about climate change and their posting and sharing of content about climate change. Another test indicates that respondents’ post/share/comment (impart) information about climate change when there is a shift in the climate both globally and nationally. However, the significance of both these correlations has been found to be negligible. Social media being an independent platform holds greater influencing power, hence, as consumers of the environment the users hold the responsibility of producing and sharing content at a global platform about climate. However, matters of politics, economy and religion seem to have overshadowed the significance of climate.

Keywords: climate change, diffusion of innovation, environment, social media, Pakistan

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Authors: Xuechen Chen

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The EU-ASEAN relations which can be dated back to 1972 represents one of the oldest group-to-group relationship in international politics. Despite a longstanding dialogue partnership, the EU and ASEAN have long been reluctant to forge deeper and substantial cooperation in political and security domains. However, the year of 2012 witnessed a salient shift in EU-ASEAN relations, with the EU significantly elevating ASEAN's profile in its external relations. Given the limited scholarly attention that has been devoted to this change in ASEAN-EU relations, this article explores why there has been a greater level of engagement and approximation between the EU and ASEAN. In particular, it asks why the EU, which had long been reluctant to recognize ASEAN as a strategic partner, has changed its policy towards ASEAN. Drawing on social constructivism, this article argues that the EU’s and ASEAN’s evolving identity-formation processes have played a significant role in reshaping their mutual perceptions, which subsequently leads to the modification of the interregional policies of both actors. The methodology of this study is based on content analysis of a wide range of official documents and policy papers from the EU and ASEAN, as well as more than 20 in-depth elite interviews with diplomats and experts working on the EU-ASEAN relationship from both organisations. Departing from the existing works which mainly adopt a Eurocentric perspective when analysing the EU-ASEAN interregionalism, this study suggests that the approximation of the EU-ASEAN relationship between 2012 and 2017 is driven by both actors’ adjustment of international identities, together with the internal dynamics and systematic changes within both regions.

Keywords: Association of Southeast Asia Nations, European Union, EU foreign policy, interregionalism

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Authors: Maria Luisa Nozawa Ribeiro, Maria Teresa Miceli Kerbauy

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This paper aims to present the theories of public participation in order to understand the context of the public GMO (Genetic Modified Organisms) policies in Brazil, highlighting the characteristics of its configuration and the dialog with the experts. As a controversy subject, the commercialization of GMO provoked manifestation of some popular and environmental representative groups questioning the decisions of policy makers and experts on the matter. Many aspects and consequences of the plantation and consumption of this crops emerged and the safety of this technology was questioned. Environmentalists, Civil Right's movement, representatives of rural workers, farmers and organics producers, etc. demonstrated their point of view, also sustained by some experts of medical, genetical, environmental, agronomical sciences, etc. fields. Despite this movement, the precautionary principle (risk management), implemented in 1987, suggested precaution facing new technologies and innovations in the sustainable development society. This principle influenced many legislation and regulation on GMO around the world, including Brazil, which became a reference among the world regulatory GMO systems. The Brazilian legislation ensures the citizens participation on GMO discussion, characteristic that was important to establish the connection between the subject and the participation theory. These deliberation spaces materialized in Brazil through the "Public Audiences", which are managed by the National Biosafety Technical Commission (CTNBio), the department responsible for controlling the research, production and commercialization of GMOs in Brazil.

Keywords: public engagement, public participation, science and technology studies, transgenic politics

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Authors: Fotios Spyropoulos, Evangelia Androulaki, Vasileios Karagiannopoulos, Aristotelis Kompothrekas, Nikolaos Karagiannis

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The problem of 'fake news' and 'hoaxes' has dominated in recent years the field of news, politics, economy, safety, and security as dissemination of false information can intensively affect and mislead public discourse and public opinion. The widespread use of internet and social media platforms can substantially intensify these effects, which often include public fear and insecurity. Misinformation, malinformation, and disinformation have also been blamed for affecting election results in multiple countries, and since then, there have been efforts to tackle the phenomenon both on national and international level. The presentation will focus on methods of prevention of disseminating false information on social media and on the internet and will discuss relevant criminological views. The challenges that have arisen for criminal law will be covered, taking into account the potential need for a multi-national approach required in order to mitigate the extent and negative impact of the fake news phenomenon. Finally, the analysis will include a discussion on the potential usefulness of non-legal modalities of regulation and crime prevention, especially situational and social measures of prevention and the possibility of combining an array of methods to achieve better results on national and international level. This project has received funding from the Hellenic Foundation for Research and Innovation (HFRI) and the General Secretariat for Research and Technology (GSRT), under grant agreement No 80529.

Keywords: cybercrime, disinformation, fake news, prevention

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Authors: Anita De Melo

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Today we live in a crucial time of ecological crisis, of environmental catastrophes worldwide, and this scenario is, arrogantly, overlooked by powerful economic forces and their politics. Thus, a critical pedagogy that leads to action and that fosters ecoliteracy, environment education, is now inevitable, and it must become an integral part of the school curriculum across the disciplines, including the social sciences and the humanities. One of the most important contemporary and emerging movement of today is ecopedagogy, a movement that blends theory and ethics towards a curriculum that focus on an environmental education that will promote ecological justice, respect, and care by educating students to become planetary citizens. This paper aims, first, to emphasize the need for discussions and investigations regarding ecoliteracy within our field of teaching foreign languages, which will consider, among others, the of role language in stimulating sustainability, and the role of second language proficiency in fostering positive transnational dialogues conducive to fighting our current planetary crisis. Second, this paper suggests and discusses some critical ecopedagogical practices -- in the form of project-based learning, service-learning and environmental-oriented study abroad programs – apropos to ecoliteracy. These interdisciplinary projects can and should bring students in contact with communities speaking the target language, and such encounter would facilitate cultural exchanges and promote positive language proficiency whilst it would also give students the opportunity to work with finding ideas/projects to fight our current ecological catastrophe.

Keywords: critical pedagogy, ecoliteracy, ecopedagogy, planetary crisis

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Authors: Itay Harlap

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Over the past decade, LGBT figures have become increasingly visible on Israeli television in its various channels and genres. In recent years, however, the representation of gays on Israeli television has undergone an interesting shift, whereby many television texts feature gay people as fathers. These texts, mostly news items and documentaries, usually present gay parenthood as a positive phenomenon. The question in paper is whether LGBT parenting (in reality and as representation) fated to be part of the homonormativity that characterizes the LGBT community in Israel, or can it be an alternative to the hegemonic discourse? This paper embraces a dialectical position and explores the tension between mainstream and radical, or homonormativity and queer politics in the specific Israeli Jewish context through a textual and discursive reading of a selection of television programs that revolve principally around gay parenting in Israel. The first part of this lecture addresses the cultural and social context that generated these representations, dealing with three key Israeli areas: The fertility cult, the evolution of the LGBT community, and the evolution of local television. The second part offers a queer reading of these ‘positive’ representations (mainly in special reports on the news and programs labeled as ‘documentaries’ by broadcasters) and highlight the possible price of the ‘bear hug’ given by Israeli media to gay parents. The last part focuses on a single case study, the TV serial drama Ima Veabaz, and suggests that this drama exposes the performative aspect of parenting and the connection between ethnicity and fertility, and offers an alternative to normative displays of gay parenting.

Keywords: fatherhood, heteronormativity, Israel, queer theory, television

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Authors: Magdalena Musiał-Karg

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The expansion of telecommunication and progress of electronic media constitute important elements of our times. The recent worldwide convergence of information and communication technologies (ICT) and dynamic development of the mass media is leading to noticeable changes in the functioning of contemporary states and societies. Currently, modern technologies play more and more important roles and filter down to almost every field of contemporary human life. It results in the growth of online interactions that can be observed by the inconceivable increase in the number of people with home PCs and Internet access. The proof of it is undoubtedly the emergence and use of concepts such as e-society, e-banking, e-services, e-government, e-government, e-participation and e-democracy. The newly coined word e-democracy evidences that modern technologies have also been widely used in politics. Without any doubt in most countries all actors of political market (politicians, political parties, servants in political/public sector, media) use modern forms of communication with the society. Most of these modern technologies progress the processes of getting and sending information to the citizens, communication with the electorate, and also – which seems to be the biggest advantage – electoral procedures. Thanks to implementation of ICT the interaction between politicians and electorate are improved. The main goal of this text is to analyze electronic voting (e-voting) as one of the important forms of electronic democracy in terms of security aspects. The author of this paper aimed at answering the questions of security of electronic voting as an additional form of participation in elections and referenda.

Keywords: electronic democracy, electronic voting, security of e-voting, information and communication technology (ICT)

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Authors: Saleh Maina

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There is an on-going debate among intellectuals and scholars of international relations and world politics over the direction which the world is heading particularly in the current era of globalization. On the one hand are adherents to the convergence thesis which is premised on the assumption that global social order is tending toward universalism which could translate into the possible end of the classical state system and the unification of world societies under a single and common ideological dispensation. The convergence thesis is hinged on the globalization process which is gradually reducing world societies into a 'global village'. On the other hand are intellectuals who hold the view that despite advances made in communication technology which appear to threaten the survival of the classical state system. Invariance, as expressed in the survival of the existing state system and the diverse social traditions in world societies, remain a realistic possibility contrary to the conclusions of the convergence thesis. The invariance thesis has been advanced by scholars like Samuel P. Huntington whose work on clash of civilizations suggests that world peace can only be sustained through the co-habitation of diverse civilizations across the world. The purpose of this paper is to examine both sides of the debate with the aim of making a realistic assessment on where world societies are headed, between convergence and invariance. Using the realist theory of international relations as our theoretical premise the paper argues that while there is sufficient ground to predict the future direction of world societies as headed towards some form of convergence, invariance as expressed in the co-existence of diverse civilizations will for a long time remain a major feature of the international system.

Keywords: convergence, invariance, clash of civilization, classical state system, universalism

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