Search results for: democratic

Authors: Elza Jurun, Damir Piplica, Tea Poklepović

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Numerous studies carried out in the developed western democratic countries have shown that the ideological framework of the governing party has a significant influence on the monetary policy. The executive authority consisting of a left-wing party gives a higher weight to unemployment suppression and central bank implements a more expansionary monetary policy. On the other hand, right-wing governing party considers the monetary stability to be more important than unemployment suppression and in such a political framework the main macroeconomic objective becomes the inflation rate reduction. The political framework conditions in the transition countries which are new European Union (EU) members are still highly specific in relation to the other EU member countries. In the focus of this paper is the question whether the same monetary policy principles are valid in these transitional countries as well as they apply in developed western democratic EU member countries. The data base consists of inflation rate and unemployment rate for 11 transitional EU member countries covering the period from 2001 to 2012. The essential information for each of these 11 countries and for each year of the observed period is right or left political orientation of the ruling party. In this paper we use t-statistics to test our hypothesis that there are differences in inflation and unemployment between right and left political orientation of the governing party. To explore the influence of different countries, through years and different political orientations descriptive statistics is used. Inflation and unemployment should be strongly negatively correlated through time, which is tested using Pearson correlation coefficient. Regarding the fact whether the governing authority is consisted from left or right politically oriented parties, monetary authorities will adjust its policy setting the higher priority on lower inflation or unemployment reduction.

Keywords: inflation rate, monetary policy orientation, transition EU countries, unemployment rate

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Authors: Ákos Cserny

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The unequivocal increase of the area of operation of the executive power can happen with the appearance of new areas to be influenced and its integration in the power, or at the expense of the scopes of other organs with public authority. The extension of the executive can only be accepted within the framework of the rule of law if parallel with this process we get constitutional guarantees that the exercise of power is kept within constitutional framework. Failure to do so, however, may result in the lack, deficit of democracy and democratic sense, and may cause an overwhelming dominance of the executive power. Therefore, the aim of this paper is to present executive power and responsibility in the context of different dimensions.

Keywords: confidence, constitution, executive power, liabiliy, parliamentarism

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Authors: Roger-Claude Liwanga

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This article reflects on the normative aspects of the jurisprudence on the protection of human rights in times of war that the International Court of Justice (ICJ) developed in 2005 in the Case Concerning Armed Activities on the Territory of the Congo (Democratic Republic of Congo v. Uganda). The article focuses on theories raised in connection with the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC)'s claim of the violation of human rights of its populations by Uganda as opposed to the violation of its territorial integrity claims. The article begins with a re-visitation of the doctrine of state extraterritorial responsibility for violations of human rights by suggesting that a state's accountability for the breach of its international obligations is not territorially confined but rather transcends the State's national borders. The article highlights the criteria of assessing the State's extraterritorial responsibility, including the circumstances: (1) where the concerned State has effective control over the territory of another State in the context of belligerent occupation, and (2) when the unlawful actions committed by the State's organs on the occupied territory can be attributable to that State. The article also analyzes the ICJ's opinions articulated in DRC v. Uganda with reference to the relationship between human rights law and humanitarian law, and it contends that the ICJ had revised the traditional interaction between these two bodies of law to the extent that human rights law can no longer be excluded from applying in times of war as both branches are complementary rather than exclusive. The article correspondingly looks at the issue of reparations for victims of human rights violations. It posits that reparations for victims of human rights violations should be integral (including restitution, compensation, rehabilitation, satisfaction, and guarantees of non-repetition). Yet, the article concludes by emphasizing that reparations for victims were not integral in DRC v. Uganda because: (1) the ICJ failed to set a reasonable timeframe for the negotiations between the DRC and Uganda on the amount of compensation, resulting in Uganda paying no financial reparation to the DRC since 2005; and (2) the ICJ did not request Uganda to domestically prosecute the perpetrators of human rights abuses.

Keywords: human rights law, humanitarian law, civilian protection, extraterritorial responsibility

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Authors: Khodr Fakih

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The Ombudsman is a procedural mechanism that provides a different approach of dispute resolution. The ombudsman primarily deals with specific grievances from the public against governmental injustice and misconduct. The ombudsman theory is considered an important instrument to any democratic government. This is true since it improves the transparency of the governmental activities in a world in which executive power are rising. Many countries have adopted the concept of Ombudsman but under different terminologies. This paper will provide the different types of Ombudsman and the common activities/processes of fulfilling their mandates.

Keywords: administration, citizens, government, mediator, ombudsman, presidential mediator

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Authors: Rowland Brucken

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This paper argues that nation-building theories that prioritize democratic governance best explain the successful post-independence development of Botswana. Three main competing schools of thought exist regarding the sequencing of policies that should occur to re-build weakened or failed states. The first posits that economic development should receive foremost attention, while democratization and a binding sense of nationalism can wait. A second group of experts identified constructing a sense of nationalism among a populace is necessary first, so that the state receives popular legitimacy and obedience that are prerequisites for development. Botswana, though, transitioned into a multi-party democracy and prosperous open economy due to the utilization of traditional democratic structures, enlightened and accountable leadership, and an educated technocratic civil service. With these political foundations already in place when the discovery of diamonds occurred, the resulting revenues were spent wisely on projects that grew the economy, improved basic living standards, and attracted foreign investment. Thus democratization preceded, and therefore provided an accountable basis for, economic development that might otherwise have been squandered by greedy and isolated elites to the detriment of the greater population. Botswana was one of the poorest nations in the world at the time of its independence in 1966, with little infrastructure, a dependence on apartheid South Africa for trade, and a largely subsistence economy. Over the next thirty years, though, its economy grew the fastest of any nation in the world. The transparent and judicious use of diamond returns is only a partial explanation, as the government also pursued economic diversification, mass education, and rural development in response to public needs. As nation-building has become a project undertaken by nations and multilateral agencies such as the United Nations and the North Atlantic Treaty Organization, Botswana may provide best practices that others should follow in attempting to reconstruct economically and politically unstable states.

Keywords: Botswana, democratization, economic development, nation-building

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Authors: Qi Jing

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This paper examines and defends Jürgen Habermas’s claim that law is the other side of democracy. It is believed that law and democracy are related, for Habermas, through the mediation of communicative rationality and discourse ethics. These ground a procedural conception of democracy, which legitimizes and rationalizes legal codes in a robust public sphere, linking the exercise of democratic political power to the form of law. The strengths of Habermas’s approach lie, it should be claimed, in its overcoming of relativism, its combination of democratically-enacted law with post-conventional morality, and its correction of the one-sided emphasis on private and public autonomy in Kant and Rousseau, respectively.

Keywords: habermas, law, democracy, reason, public sphere

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Authors: Simont Toussi

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Cameroon and the Central African Republic arebound by the provisions of many regional and international charters, which condemn the manipulation of information, obstacles to access reliable information, or the limitation of freedoms of expression and opinion. These two countries also have constitutional guarantees for free speech and access to true and liable information. However, they are yet to define specific policies and regulations for access to information, disinformation, or misinformation. Yet, certain countries’ laws and regulations related to information and communication technologies, to criminal procedures, to terrorism, or intelligence services contain provisions that rather hider human rights by condemning false information. Like many other African countries, Cameroon and the Central African Republic face a profound democratic regression, and governments use multiple methods to stifle online discourse and digital rights. Despite the increased uptake of digital tools for political participation, there is a lack of interactivity and adoption of these tools. This enables a scarcity of information and creates room for the spreading of disinformation in the public space, hamperingdemocracy and the respect for human rights. This research aims to analyse the adequacy of stakeholders’ responses to disinformation in Cameroon and the Central African Republic in periods of political contestation, such as elections and anti-government protests, to highlight the nature, perpetrators, strategies, and channels of disinformation, as well as its effects on democratic actors, including civil society, bloggers, government critics, activists, and other human rights defenders. The study follows a qualitative method with literature review, content analysis, andkey informant’sinterviews with stakeholders’ representatives, emphasized crowdsourcing as a data and information collecting method in the two countries.

Keywords: disinformation, democracy, political manipulation, social media, media, fake news, central Africa, cameroon, misinformation, free speech

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Authors: Sela Adjei

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This paper aims to rationalize the need for media policy implementation and copyright enforcement to address various challenges faced within Ghana’s film industry. After Ghana transitioned to democratic rule in 1992, critics and media professionals advocated a national media policy. This advocacy subsequently resulted in agitation for media deregulation and loosening of grip on state-owned media organizations. The reinstatement of constitutional rule in 1992 paved the way for the state to lax its monopoly of the media within the democratic context of a free market economy. The National Media Commission proposed a media policy and broadcast bill which was presented to parliament but has still not been passed into law. This legislative lapse partly contributed to the influx of unregulated foreign content. Accessible foreign media content subsequently promoted a system of unfair competition that radically undermined locally produced content, putting a generation of thriving film producers out of work. Drawing on reflections from a series of structured interviews, focus group discussions and creative workshops, the findings of this study maintain that the various challenges confronting Ghanaian filmmakers is centred around inadequate funding opportunities, copyright violation and policy implementation issues. Using the film industry structure and value chain analysis, the various challenges faced by the selected film producers were discussed and critically analyzed. A significant aspect of this study is the solution-driven approach adopted in outlining the practical recommendations that will boost the aesthetic, cultural and economic value of Ghanaian film productions. Based on the discussions and conclusions drawn with the various stakeholders within Ghana’s creative industries, the paper makes a strong case for firm state regulation, copyright enforcement and policy implementation to grow Ghana’s film industry.

Keywords: film, value, copyright, media, policy, culture, regulation, economy

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Authors: Laura Irimies, Cosmin Irimies

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The public space all over the world is currently confronted with the aggressive assault of fake news that have lately impacted public agenda setting, collective decisions and social attitudes. Top leaders constantly call out most mainstream news as “fake news” and the public opinion get more confused. "Fake news" are generally defined as false, often sensational, information disseminated under the guise of news reporting and has been declared the word of the year 2017 by Collins Dictionary and it also has been one of the most debated socio-political topics of recent years. Websites which, deliberately or not, publish misleading information are often shared on social media where they essentially increase their reach and influence. According to international reports, the exposure to fake news is an undeniable reality all over the world as the exposure to completely invented information goes up to the 31 percent in the US, and it is even bigger in Eastern Europe countries, such as Hungary (42%) and Romania (38%) or in Mediterranean countries, such as Greece (44%) or Turkey (49%), and lower in Northern and Western Europe countries – Germany (9%), Denmark (9%) or Holland (10%). While the study of fake news (mechanism and effects) is still in its infancy, it has become truly relevant as the phenomenon seems to have a growing impact on democratic systems. Studies conducted by the European Commission show that 83% of respondents out of a total of 26,576 interviewees consider the existence of news that misrepresent reality as a threat for democracy. Studies recently conducted at Arizona State University show that people with higher education can more easily spot fake headlines, but over 30 percent of them can still be trapped by fake information. If we were to refer only to some of the most recent situations in Romania, fake news issues and hidden agenda suspicions related to the massive and extremely violent public demonstrations held on August 10th, 2018 with a strong participation of the Romanian diaspora have been massively reflected by the international media and generated serious debates within the European Commission. Considering the above framework, the study raises four main research questions: 1. Is fake news a problem or just a natural consequence of mainstream media decline and the abundance of sources of information? 2. What are the implications for democracy? 3. Can fake news be controlled without restricting fundamental human rights? 4. How could the public be properly educated to detect fake news? The research uses mostly qualitative but also quantitative methods, content analysis of studies, websites and media content, official reports and interviews. The study will prove the real threat fake news represent and also the need for proper media literacy education and will draw basic guidelines for developing a new and essential skill: that of detecting fake in news in a society overwhelmed by sources of information that constantly roll massive amounts of information increasing the risk of misinformation and leading to inadequate public decisions that could affect democratic stability.

Keywords: agenda setting democracy, fake news, journalism, media literacy

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Authors: Priscilla Echeverria

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For us grown up in neoliberal societies, it is not always clear that we have not only incorporated an economic logic into our subjectivities, but a technical reason, an instrumental way of relationship with the environment inspired in a control interest that constantly dehumanizes us as takes away our capacity of action, becoming mere objects or bureaucrats, stripped of our citizen dimension to participate in social and political issues responsibly and creatively. To restore the capacity of action -agency- is urgent in our societies to strengthen better democracies. On this, the formal educational system plays a crucial role, which in turn needs teachers prepared to understand their role as integral educators instead of mere curriculum managers. For this reason, initial teacher formation (ITF) programs must assume the responsibility of helping them to develop an ethical/political/epistemic pedagogical agency to deal with a technical school culture and, in turn, able to relate to their students in democratic ways to help them to develop their agency capacities. By highlighting a perspective of education as the opposite of technocracy and bureaucracy, this talk precisely addresses ITF as a crucial and formative space to restore a perspective of what a critical education can look like, enabling pedagogy students with pedagogical agency capacities to, in turn, allow their future students to develop it. This discussion is part of my doctoral research, "The importance of developing the capacity for ethical-political-epistemic agency in novice teachers during initial teacher formation to contribute to social justice", which I currently develop in the Educational Research program of the University of Lancaster, United Kingdom, as a Conicyt fellow for the 2019 cohort. This presentation specifically offers preliminary results of the analysis of critical incidents as a research methodological tool to analyse the capacity of pedagogical agency deployed by novice teachers in their first pedagogical experiences in the Chilean context.

Keywords: initial teacher formation, pedagogical agency, pedagogical interaction, hidden curriculum, critical pedagogy, social justice

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Authors: Julianne Viola

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Young people are at a critical stage in their lives, developing from young participants to adult participants in democratic society. At this time, civic engagement is crucial for young people’s sense of belonging and future participation in their communities. In adolescence, individuals form their own identities and associations with others and may accomplish this with the help of technology and social media. In the Digital Age, young people and adults use technology as a platform to discuss political issues, including human rights and social justice but do not always engage in civil discourse. There is an urgent need to investigate this complex interplay of social media, identity formation, and civil discourse as it relates to how teenagers become participants in democratic society and how they engage in civil discourse. This qualitative study draws on theories of identity formation in adolescence and is situated within the literature surrounding teen civic engagement and technology use. Through in-depth interviews with participants ages 14 through 17, this study investigates the ways in which teens conceptualize their civic identities and engagement, presence online, and civil discourse. The context in which the young people in this study have grown up has the potential to impact and inform these processes. Early results of this study illustrate what it means to be a young person in today’s world, and how perceptions of others’ opinions may influence young people’s engagement in their communities and online. Participants in this study often indicated concerns of their age as a constraint on participation in their communities and in society, and a self-imposed restriction around the people with whom they engage in conversation about political and social issues. While the participants shared common concerns and experiences, each participant’s unique perspectives and beliefs are viewed with equal importance. The results from this research will help students, teachers, and community groups learn about the reasons for engagement and disengagement among this age group, and how technology has influenced teens’ dialogue about political issues. With this knowledge, academics and school leaders can devise new ways to best teach citizenship skills and civil discourse to students in the Digital Age.

Keywords: civics, digital age, discourse, sociology of youth, youth studies

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Authors: Minjeoung Kim

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This paper deals with the comparison of women’s political participation in Korea and China. Korean women are participated more in higher education. As the economic development and the women's social participation can enhance the possibility of women's political participation in advanced democratic countries, in Asian countries such as Korea and China in which Confucianism prohibited women to participate in public life and the process of nation building is different from western countries, the political power takes an initiative to implement policies for women's participation in politics and for women's consciousness.

Keywords: korea, china, women, political participation

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Authors: Hamid Reza Shariatmadari

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The Muslims who believe in twelve Imams and believe that their twelfth Imam is now hidden, because of their kind of consideration of immune Imam as their unique canonical authority for interpretation of Islam, are subject of these important questions; how can you be democratic? And can you speak of democracy as the best model of governing? Answering this question, we can talk firstly about the nature of democracy and realize it as a way and mechanism not as a philosophy of identity and secondly we can refer to the nature and functions of Imam in Shiism and thirdly we will focus on the age of Ghaybah (Or concealment of Imam). In such a time we can or have to combine domination of Islamic Faqis (Islamic Jurists) and democracy which is known in Shiite Iran for instance as religious democracy.

Keywords: Shiism, concealment of Imam, Islamic Jurists, Democracy

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Authors: Khalid Javed

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This study examines a feature of the budget process called the tax expenditure budget. The tax expenditure concept relies heavily on a normative notion that shielding certain. Taxpayer income from taxation deprives government of its rightful revenues. This view is inconsistent with the proposition that income belongs to the taxpayers and that tax liability is determined through the democratic process, not through arbitrary, bureaucratic Assumptions. Furthermore, the methodology of the tax expenditure budget is problematic as its expansive tax base treats the multiple taxation of saving as the norm. By using an expansive view of income as the underlying assumption of the tax expenditure concept, this viewpoint institutionalizes a particular bias into the decision-making process.

Keywords: revenue, expenditure, tax budget, propostion

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Authors: Carlos Joel Tchawouo Mbiada

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At the back of the apartheid era, South Africa embarked on a democratic drive of all its institution underpinned by a social justice perspective to eradicate past injustices. These democratic values based on fundamental human rights and equality informed all rights enshrined in the Constitution of the Republic of South Africa, 1996. This means that all rights are therefore infused by social justice perspective and labour rights are no exception. Labour law is therefore regulated to the extent that it is viewed as too rigid. Hence a call for more flexibility to enhance investment and boost job creation. This view articulated by the Free Market Foundation fell on deaf ears as the opponents believe in what is termed regulated flexibility which affords greater protection to vulnerable workers while promoting business opportunities and investment. The question that this paper seeks to examine is to what extent the regulation of labour law will go to protect employees. This question is prompted by the recent Constitutional Court’s judgment of National Union of Metalworkers of South Africa v Trenstar which barred the employer from employing labour replacement in response to the strike action by its employees. The question whether employers may use replacement labour and have recourse to lock-outs in response to strike action is considered in the context of the dichotomy between the Free market foundation and social justice perspectives which are at loggerheads in the South African collective bargaining process. With the current unemployment rate soaring constantly, the aftermath of the Covid 19 pandemic, the effects of the war in Ukraine and lately the financial burden of load shedding on companies to run their businesses, this paper argues for a policy shift toward deregulation or a lesser state and judiciary intervention. This initiative will relieve the burden on companies to run a viable business while at the same time protecting existing jobs.

Keywords: labour law, replacement labour, right to strike, free market foundation perspective, social justice perspective

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Authors: Henrique Alpalhão

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This paper attempts to model the widely studied relationship between a country's economic growth and its level of democracy, with an emphasis on possible non-linearities. We adopt the concept of 'political capital' as a measure of democracy, which is extremely uncommon in the literature and brings considerable advantages both in terms of dynamic considerations and plausibility. While the literature is not consensual on this matter, we obtain, via panel Arellano-Bond regression analysis on a database of more than 60 countries over 50 years, significant and robust results that indicate that the impact of democratization on economic growth varies according to the stage of democratic development each country is in.

Keywords: democracy, economic growth, political capital, political economy

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Authors: Shri Krishna Mishra, Badri Yadav

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India is a democratic country requires creative dynamic citizen for its development. And it will be possible only when school produce creative prosperous students. In this aspect, researcher find out that curricular and other curricular activities of Ramkrishna Mission School is unique up to some extent because it gives emphasis on value education and holistic development of students. It giving the emphasis on self-realization, standing on their own feet and community work. Most of the teacher of this school are competent to organize classrooms and manage the behavior of their students so, outcome of this school is very effective and impressive to other school.

Keywords: Ramakrishna Mission School, analysis of curricular, other curricular activities of R. M. School, teachers

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Authors: Sohaib Khaliq

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This paper pursues a systematic analysis of the broad range of theories and studies relevant to Islam and democracy, in general and as they have been developed from and applied to the Indonesian and Pakistani cases. The analysis finds that an Islamic society’s potential to assimilate democratic political institutions is contingent on either an unconstrained 'political participation' or its ability to 'reinterpret' religious text. Drawing on a comparison of Indonesia and Pakistan, the present study favors a route that passes through the religious gates of theoretical reinterpretation. In doing so, the study brings Muslim reformation theory into focus by clarifying the mechanism by which reformation takes place.

Keywords: Islam, democratization, political Islam, reformation

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Authors: Sergey Chirun

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Using of a combination of institutional analysis and network access has allowed the author to identify the characteristics of the informal institutions of regional political power and political regimes. According to the author, ‘field’ of activity of post-Soviet regimes, formed under the influence of informal institutions, often contradicts democratic institutional regional changes which are aimed at creating of a legal-rational type of political domination and balanced model of separation of powers. This leads to the gap between the formal structure of institutions and the real nature of power, predetermining the specific character of the existing political regimes.

Keywords: authoritarianism, institutions, political regime, social networks, transformation

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Authors: Monika Zalewska

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Hans Kelsen was a versatile legal thinker whose achievements in the fields of legal theory, international law, and the theory of democracy are remarkable. All of the fields tackled by Kelsen are regarded as part of his “pure theory of law.” While the link between international law and Kelsen’s pure theory of law is apparent, the same cannot be said about the link between the theory of democracy and his pure theory of law. On the contrary, the general thinking concerning Kelsen’s thought is that it can be used to legitimize authoritarian regimes. The aim of this presentation is to address this concern by identifying the common ground between Kelsen’s pure theory of law and his theory of democracy and to show that they are compatible in a way that his pure theory of law and authoritarianism cannot be. The conceptual analysis of the purity of Kelsen’s theory and his goal of creating ideology-free legal science hints at how Kelsen’s pure theory of law and the theory of democracy are brought together. The presentation will first demonstrate that these two conceptions have common underlying values and meta-ethical convictions. Both are founded on relativism and a rational worldview, and the aim of both is peaceful co-existence. Second, it will be demonstrated that the separation of law and morality provides the maximum space for deliberation within democratic processes. The conclusion of this analysis is that striking similarities exist between Kelsen’s legal theory and his theory of democracy. These similarities are grounded in the Enlightenment tradition and its values, including rationality, a scientific worldview, tolerance, and equality. This observation supports the claim that, for Kelsen, legal positivism and the theory of democracy are not two separate theories but rather stem from the same set of values and from Kelsen’s relativistic worldview. Furthermore, three main issues determine Kelsen’s orientation toward a positivistic and democratic outlook. The first, which is associated with personality type, is the distinction between absolutism and relativism. The second, which is associated with the values that Kelsen favors in the social order, is peace. The third is legality, which creates the necessary condition for democracy to thrive and reveals that democracy is capable of fulfilling Kelsen’s ideal of law at its fullest. The first two categories exist in the background of Kelsen’s pure theory of law, while the latter is an inherent part of Kelsen’s concept of law. The analysis of the text concerning natural law doctrine and democracy indicates that behind the technical language of Kelsen’s pure theory of law is a strong concern with the trends that appeared after World War I. Despite his rigorous scientific mind, Kelsen was deeply humanistic. He tried to create a powerful intellectual weapon to provide strong arguments for peaceful coexistence and a rational outlook in Europe. The analysis provided by this presentation facilitates a broad theoretical, philosophical, and political understanding of Kelsen’s perspectives and, consequently, urges a strong endorsement of Kelsen’s approach to constitutional democracy.

Keywords: hans kelsen, democracy, legal positivism, pure theory of law

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Authors: Sabrina Howard

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'Window Seat' uses public transportation as an entry point for understanding the relationship between public space, politics, and social identity construction. This project argues that by bringing people of different races, classes, and genders in 'contact' with one another, public transit operates as a site of exposure, as people consciously and unconsciously perform social identity within these spaces. These performances offer a form of freedom that we associate with being in urban spaces while simultaneously rendering certain racialized, gendered, and classed bodies vulnerable to violence. Furthermore, due to its exposing function, public transit operates as a site through which we, as urbanites and scholars, can read social injustice and reflect on the work that is necessary to become a truly democratic society. The major questions guiding this research are: How does using public transit as the entry point provide unique insights into the relationship between social identity, politics, and public space? What ideas do Americans hold about public space and how might these ideas reflect a liberal yearning for a more democratic society? To address these research questions, 'Window Seat' critically examines ethnographic data collected on public buses and trains in Los Angeles, California, and online news media. It analyzes these sources through literature in socio-cultural psychology, sociology, and political science. It investigates the 'everyday urban hero' narrative or popular news stories that feature an individual or group of people acting against discriminatory or 'Anti-American' behavior on public buses and trains. 'Window Seat' studies these narratives to assert that by circulating stories of civility in news media, United Statsians construct and maintain ideas of the 'liberal city,' which is characterized by ideals of freedom and democracy. Furthermore, for those involved, these moments create an opportunity to perform the role of the Good Samaritan, an identity that is wrapped up in liberal beliefs in diversity and inclusion. This research expands conversations in urban studies by making a case for the political significance of urban public space. It demonstrates how these sites serve as spaces through which liberal beliefs are circulated and upheld through identity performance.

Keywords: social identity, public space, public transportation, liberalism

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Authors: Vaclav Sadilek, Miroslav Vorechovsky

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The paper deals with the classical fiber bundle model of equal load sharing, sometimes referred to as the Daniels' bundle or the democratic bundle. Daniels formulated a multidimensional integral and also a recursive formula for evaluation of the strength cumulative distribution function. This paper describes three algorithms for evaluation of the recursive formula and also their implementations with source codes in high-level programming language Python. A comparison of the algorithms are provided with respect to execution time. Analysis of orders of magnitudes of addends in the recursion is also provided.

Keywords: equal load sharing, mpmath, python, strength of Daniels' bundle

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Authors: Sylvie Ekanga Lumumba

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Background and Significance of the Study: Over the past three decades, the perception of sexual violence has changed significantly, it is now recognized that men and boys are victims of sexual violence. However, the body of research on male victims and particularly on their attackers is much more limited. Research on the above is thus more than required. To contribute to the above quest for further studies, the researcher conducted this study on sexual violence perpetrated against men and boys by women, in the Municipality of Ibanda, Town of Bukavu, Province of South Kivu, Democratic Republic of Congo. The main study objectives were the following: to investigate on the statement of sexual violence perpetrated against men and boys in the Municipality of Ibanda, to investigate into its consequences and the statement of medical and psycho-social care given to victims. Methodology: Data were collected using valid and reliable Survey Questionnaire and Interview Schedule. Study population: the 85,882 men and boys from the Municipality of Ibanda. Sampling: led to 150 men and boys, received discreetly by the researcher during November-December 2015. Major findings: First, findings related to sexual abuse and its procedure: 74.2% of men and boys were victims of sexual violence perpetrated by a woman, more than a year ago. 13.3% however, were victims for less than a year now. 79.7% of victims have experienced sexual violence by a sexual act; 3.9% through the intention of the woman to cause the death of the victim, by serious injury to the genitals. The Second group of findings related to the consequences of sexual violence revealed that HIV/AIDS is the most important physical consequence experienced by 77.3 % of victims. Physical psychological consequences are: urinary or defecation problems (72.7%); while key psycho-emotional and behavioral consequence is: living a state of deep shame and humiliation: 68.8%. As for sexual consequences: 71.1% indicated a chronic avoidance of sexual activity and 57% reported sexual dysfunctions. The third group of findings is related to medical and psycho-social care: repetitively, more than 80% of male victims affirmed that with the help of friends and traditional healers, they took care of themselves for all the eight WHO phases of clinical care of rape victims, this was hence not effectively done. Concluding Statement: for this study, the statement of sexual violence of men and boys by women in the Eastern Congo and its consequences are not researched upon and are underestimated; the study also revealed that the care of male victims is grossly ill-conducted, as opposed to female victims care. It therefore calls for further research and further vulgarization of the research results, to convince other stakeholders (politicians for example) to immediately take action.

Keywords: sexual violence, men and boys, medical care, psycho-social care

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Authors: Nur Sofi Hidayah, Ratih Tri Purwatiningsih

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Learning is a process attempts person to obtain a new behavior changes as a whole, as a result of his own experience in the interaction with the environment. Learning involves our brain to think, while the ability of the brain to each student's performance is different. To obtain optimal learning results then need time to learn the exact hour that the brain's performance is not too heavy. Referring to the learning system in Finland which apply 45 minutes to learn and a 15-minute break is expected to be the brain work better, with the rest of the brain, the brain will be more focused and lessons can be absorbed well. It can be concluded that learning in this way students learn with brain always fresh and the best possible use of the time, but it can make students not saturated in a lesson.

Keywords: learning, working hours brain, time efficient learning, working hours in the brain receive stimulus.

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Authors: Sani Shehu, Mohd Afandi Salleh

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Parliament is a law making body which provided at national, state, province and territorial level playing a parliamentary role of representing people, law making, peace, and conflict resolution, ratifying and incorporating international convention into municipal law. Parliaments are created globally to give solid legitimacy to good governance under democratic system of government, and the representatives must be elected by the people, so the ECOWAS parliament is entitled to have this legitimacy, where members must be elected by adult people among the citizens of ECOWAS member states. This paper will discuss on the roles that ECOWAS parliament plays for the achievement of regional integration and economic goals of development and cooperation in the sub-region.

Keywords: ECOWAS parliament, composition, competence, power

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Authors: Francesco Pisano

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Islam has been an important topic in Turkey’s institutional identity. Since the dawn of the Turkish Republic, at the end of the First World War, the new Turkish leadership was urged to deal with the religious heritage of the Sultanate. Mustafa Kemal Ataturk, Turkey’s first President, led the country in a process of internal change, substantially modifying not merely the democratic stance of it, but also the way politics was addressing the Muslim faith. Islam was banned from the public sector of the society and was drastically marginalized to the mere private sphere of citizens’ lives. Headscarves were banned from institutional buildings together with any other religious practice, while the country was proceeding down a path of secularism and Westernization. This issue is demonstrated by the fact that even a new elected Prime Minister, Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, was initially barred from taking the institutional position, because of allegations that he had read a religious text while campaigning. Over the years, thanks to this initial internal shift, Turkey has often been seen by Western partners as one of the few countries that had managed to find a perfect balance between a democratic stance and an Islamic inherent nature. In the early 2000s, this led many academics to believe that Ankara could eventually have become the next European capital. Since then, the internal and external landscape of Turkey has drastically changed. Today, religion has returned to be an important point of reference for Turkish politics, considering also the failure of the European negotiations and the always more unstable external environment of the country. This paper wants to address this issue, looking at the important role religion has covered in the Turkish society and the way it has been politicized since the early years of the Republic. It will evolve from a more theoretical debate on secularism and the path of political westernization of Turkey under Ataturk’s rule to a more practical analysis of today’s situation, passing through the failure of Ankara’s accession into the EU and the current tense political relation with its traditional NATO allies. The final objective of this research, therefore, is not to offer a meticulous opinion on Turkey’s current international stance. This issue will be left entirely to the personal consideration of the reader. Rather, it will supplement the existing literature with a comprehensive and more structured analysis on the role Islam has played on Turkish politics since the early 1920s up until the political domestic revolution of the early 2000s, after the first electoral win of the Justice and Development Party (AKP).

Keywords: democracy, Islam, Mustafa Kemal Atatürk, Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, Turkey

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Authors: Marina Diković

Abstract:

By giving personal opinions, suggestions and criticism through e-democracy, young people can reinforce the adoption of decisions which they have an impact on. The purpose of this research was to examine the opinion of university students about the possibility of their decision-making by using information and communication technology (ICT). The questionnaire examined young people's values and behaviour associated with e-democracy and the related decision-making. Students are most active online when it comes to finding information connected with their academic responsibilities, but less frequently take part in democratic processes in society, both at the national and local level. E-democracy as a tool can be learned in programmes of Human Rights Education and Citizenship Education. 

Keywords: active citizens, e-democracy, information and communication technology (ICT), university students

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Authors: Jane Ebele Iloanya

Abstract:

The introduction of the learning outcome approach in contemporary curriculum design and instruction, has brought student–centered education to the fore. In teacher –centered teaching and learning, the teacher transfers knowledge to the students, who are always at the receiving end. The teacher is assumed to know it all and hardly trusts the knowledge of the students. Teacher-centered education places emphasis on the supremacy of the teacher over the students who should ideally, be able to dialogue with the teacher. The paper seeks to examine the issue of democratisation of the teaching and learning process in Institutions of Higher Learning in Botswana. Botswana is a landlocked country in Southern Africa, with a total population of about two million people. In 1977, Botswana’s First National Policy on Education was unveiled. This came eleven years after the country gained independence from Great Britain. The philosophy which informed the 1977 Education Policy was “Social Harmony”. The philosophy of social harmony has four main principles: Unity, Development, Democracy and Self- Reliance. These principles were meant to permeate all aspects of lives of the people of Botswana, including, the issue of how teaching and learning is conducted in Botswana’s institutions of higher learning. This paper will examine the practicalisation of the principle of democracy in teaching and learning at higher education level in Botswana. It will in particular, discuss the issue of students’ participation and engagement in the teaching and learning process. The following questions will be addressed: 1.Are students involved in planning the curriculum? 2.How engaged are the students in the teaching and learning process? 3.How democratic are the teachers in terms of students’ rights and privileges? A mixed–method approach will be adopted in this study. Questionnaires will be distributed to the students to elicit their views on the practicalisation of the principle of democracy at the higher education level. Semi-structured interview questions will be administered in order to collect information from the lecturers on the issue of democratisation of teaching and learning at the higher education level in Botswana. In addition, relevant and related literature will be reviewed to augment collected data. The study will focus on three tertiary institutions in Gaborone, the capital city of Botswana. Currently, there are ten tertiary institutions in Gaborone; both privately and government owned. The outcome of this study will add to the existing body of knowledge on the issue of the practicalisation of democracy at the higher education level in Botswana. This research is therefore relevant in helping to find out if democratisation of teaching and learning has been realised in Botswana’s Institutions of higher learning. It is important to examine Botswana’s national policy on education in this way to ascertain if it has been effective in giving the country’s education system that democratic element, which is essential for a student-centered approach to the teaching and learning process.

Keywords: democratisation, higher education, learning, teaching

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Authors: Kayode Julius Oni

Abstract:

Without mincing words, democracy is by far the most popular form of government in the world today. No matter how we look at it, and regardless of the variant, most leaders in the world today wish to be seen or labeled as Democrats. Perhaps, its attractions in terms of freedom of allocation, accountability, smooth successions of leadership and a lot more, account for its appeal to the ordinary people. The governance style in Nigeria since 1999 cannot be said to be different from the military. Elections are manipulated, judicial processes abused, and the ordinary people do not have access to the dividends of democracy. The paper seeks to address the existing failures experienced under democratic rule in Nigeria which have to transcend into violation of human rights in the conduct of government business. The paper employs the primary and secondary sources of data collection, and it is highly descriptive and critical.

Keywords: democracy, human rights, Nigeria, politics, republic

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Authors: Sondos Shaheen

Abstract:

This paper employs a newly constructed composite indicator of social uprisings (SUCI) to analyze the causes of their occurrence. This empirical study is based on an unbalanced panel of 45 countries over the period of 1982–2007. The paper’s contribution to the literature is distinguishing between the causes of violent and nonviolent uprisings. The analysis shows that that certain variables have a significant impact on both violent and nonviolent uprisings in terms of relative SUCI values, for example, ethnic fractionalization and mountainous terrain. Nevertheless, differences between the causes of violent and nonviolent uprisings can be found. For example, life dissatisfaction is related to nonviolent social uprisings, but when life dissatisfaction is accompanied by democratic dissatisfaction, violent social uprisings are more likely.

Keywords: social uprisings, relative deprivation, dissatisfaction, mobilization, anti-government movements, causes

Procedia PDF Downloads 196