Search results for: constitutional citizenship

Authors: Olanrewaju O. Adeojo

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The constitutional system of government provides for the federating units of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, the States and the Local Councils under a governing structure of the Executive, the Legislature and the Judiciary with attendant distinct powers and spheres of influence. The legislative powers of the Federal Republic of Nigeria and of a State are vested in the National Assembly and House of Assembly of the State respectively. The Local council exercises legislative powers in clearly defined matters as provided by the Constitution. Though, the executive as constituted by the President and the Governor are charged with the powers of execution and administration, the legislature is empowered to ensure that such powers are duly exercised in accordance with the provisions of the Constitution. The vast areas do not make oversight functions indefinite and more importantly the purpose for the exercise of the powers are circumscribed. It include, among others, any matter with respect to which it has power to make laws. Indeed, the law provides for the competence of the legislature to procure evidence, examine all persons as witnesses, to summon any person to give evidence and to issue a warrant to compel attendance in matters relevant to the subject matter of its investigation. The exercise of functions envisaged by the Constitution seem to an extent to be literal because it lacks power of enforcing the outcome. Furthermore, the docility of the legislature is apparent in a situation where the agency or authority being called in to question is part of the branch of government to enforce sanctions. The process allows for cover up and obstruction of justice. The oversight functions are not functional in a situation where the executive is overbearing. The friction, that ensues, between the Legislature and the Executive in an attempt by the former to project the spirit of a constitutional mandate calls for concern. It is needless to state a power that can easily be frustrated. To an extent, the arm of government with coercive authority seems to have over shadowy effect over the laid down functions of the legislature. Recourse to adjudication by the Judiciary had not proved to be of any serious utility especially in a clime where the wheels of justice grinds slowly, as in Nigeria, due to the nature of the legal system. Consequently, the law and the Constitution, drawing lessons from other jurisdiction, need to insulate the legislative oversight from the vagaries of the executive. A strong and virile Constitutional Court that determines, within specific time line, issues pertaining to the oversight functions of the legislative power, is apposite.

Keywords: constitution, legislative, oversight, power

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Authors: Elvin Lim

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This article integrates the debate about presidential powers with the debate about federalism, arguing that there are two ways of exercising presidential powers, one working in tandem with expanding federal powers, and the other working against it. Alexander Hamilton and Thomas Jefferson—the former a Federalist and the latter echoing the views of many Anti-Federalists—disagreed not only on the constitutional basis of prerogative, but also on the ends for which it should be deployed. This tension has always existed in American politics, and is reproduced today. Modern Democrats and Republicans both want a strong executive, but the Democrats who want a strong executive to pass legislation to expand the reach of the federal government; naturally, they must rely on an equally empowered Congress to do so. Republicans generally do not want an intrusive federal government, which is why their defense of a strong presidency does not come alongside a call for a strong Congress. This distinction cannot be explained without recourse to foundational yet opposing views about the appropriate role of federal power. When we bring federalism back in, we see that there are indeed two presidencies; one neo-Federalist, in favor of moderate presidential prerogative alongside a robust Congress directed collectively to a national state-building agenda and expanding the federal prerogative; another, neo-Anti-Federalist, in favor of expansive presidential prerogative and an ideologically sympathetic Congress equally suspicious of federal power to retard or roll back national state-building in favour of states rights.

Keywords: US presidency, federalism, prerogative, anti-federalism

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Authors: Abdulvahab Forati

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Religious intellectualism is the only stream of consciousness in Iran that its religious theories formed Democracy. The theory of Religious intellectualism was utilized in Constitutional Revolution and Islamic Revolution. To instate Democracy in Iran, in compare with West and sunnis, the theory of Religious Intellectualism is being used differently. Unlike Democracy in the west that has started with the concept of Individualism and Natural Rights or in Sunni world that has started with the concept of consultation, it has started in Iran with mima-la-nas-fih (what we don’t have any proof for)or mantaqa-alfiraq-altashri’ (area of vacuum from reason). Shia scholars first acquainted with the concept of Democracy through theories of Sheikh Mortiza Ansari, and later some of his followers, including Akhund-e-khorasani and Mirzaye naeini, regarding Sheikh Ansari’s thoughts, began to analyze its Constitutional system and Democratic elements. But Imam Khomeini, the great founder of Islamic Republic of Iran, with respect to RAKHS (religious permission for having a choice)could make connection between Islam and Democracy. Instead of focusing on Civil contracts, he relied on Sirah Ughala (Tradition) and accepted many of the current conducts, e.g. Democracy and Political Parties and acknowledged the authority (Hujiat) of them even in absence of Infallibles. These two are the most notable experiences of shia political thoughts about Democracy within the last 100 years. In this article, the author tries to explain the second experience in Imam Khomeini’s thoughts and Sirah.

Keywords: Shia school, Islamic revolution, democracy, political order

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Authors: Rafael Bezerra de Souza, José Ribas Vieira

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The judicial litigation on socio-economic rights (SERs), in a context of increasing centrality of the judiciary as an area of political debate for civil society actors, has assumed greater importance in the last two decades. This tendency to seek social change through the courts generated a long tradition of research on the role of legal institutions and of legal mobilization in the US and some European countries. However, little is known about these processes in Latin America, Asia and Africa. A significant portion of the Brazilian constitutional doctrine did not bother to investigate the phenomenon of constitutional judicial litigation of socio-economic rights, in a practical and empirical look, from the functioning of democratic institutions. The central issue of this study draws attention to the theoretical and analytic deficit of Brazilian constitutional doctrine: the lack of a holistic understanding of the effects and impact of judicial decisions. Consequently, for a proper understanding was analyzed if the trend of judicial litigation in Brazil - to ensure the fulfillment of its institutional mission to protect and ensure the effectiveness of socio-economic rights - has been accompanied by the establishment of institutional mechanisms that enable decision making and the implementation of SERs in complex cases involving structural and public policy. The lack of empirical studies in Law in order to verify this hypothesis justified the adoption of the case study method as an interdisciplinary methodological strategy between Law and Political Science, aiming to construct an explanation of the Raposa Serra do Sol Case and, in a complementary way, the process-tracing technique. Drawings of small-n type or case studies, when guided by theory, are more suitable to problems it is supposed to increase the potential of intensive analysis of causal processes. As a preliminary result, the Brazilian Supreme Court was not a sufficient agent to implement a relevant social change and to assure the protection of the social rights, because there were few measures that directly impacted the behavior of other institutional political actors and should, therefore, be considered another actor within a complex institutional arrangement.

Keywords: courts, case study, judicial litigation, social change

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Authors: Koboro J. Selala

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Whilst the system of collective bargaining is well-researched in South Africa, recent studies reveal that this is an area of law and practice that is poorly understood. Despite the growing attention being paid by most scholars to the role of collective bargaining in the labour relations system, only a handful of the studies have considered collective bargaining as a mechanism of dispute resolution. The purpose of this paper is to provide a critical analysis of the current understanding of the right to engage in collective bargaining in South Africa to assess the extent to which collective bargaining is used to resolve labour disputes. The overall objective is to offer a deeper understanding of the role of collective bargaining in dispute resolution process within the South African constitutional labour law context. To this end, the paper examines the applicable legal framework of collective bargaining to address two fundamental questions that are critical to the proper understanding of the functioning of the South African collective labour dispute resolution system. The first concerns the extent to which the current South African legislative framework supports the fundamental labour rights entrenched in the Constitution of the Republic of South Africa. The second addresses the role of trade unions in collective dispute resolution processes and the extent to which they can best utilize collective bargaining to resolve labour disputes. Finally, the paper discusses the general implications of the findings to stimulate further research and to enhance the constitutional development of collective labour rights in South Africa.

Keywords: collective bargaining, constitution, freedom of association, labour relations act

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Authors: Giang Vu, Duong Nguyen, Yuan-Ling Chen

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Vietnam is a fast developing country with highly economic growth, and Vietnam organizations strive to utilize high performance work system (HPWS) in reinforcing employee in-role performance. HPWS, a bundle of human resource (HR) practices, are composed of eight sets of HR practices, namely selective staffing, extensive training, internal mobility, employment security, clear job description, result-oriented appraisal, incentive reward, and participation. However, whether HPWS stimulate employee extra-role behaviors remains understudied in a booming economic context. In this study, we aim to investigate organizational citizenship behavior (OCB) in a Vietnam context and, as a central issue, disentangle how HPWS elicits in employee OCB. On the other hand, recently, a deliberation of so-called 'black-box' HPWS issue has explored the role of employee commitment, suggesting that organizational commitment is a compelling source of employee OCB. We draw upon social exchange theory to predict that when employees perceive the organizational investment, like HPWS, in heightening their abilities, knowledge, and motivation, they are more likely to pay back with commitment; consequently, they will take initiatives in OCB. Hence, we hypothesize an individual level framework, in which organizational commitment mediates the positive relationship between HPWS and OCB. We collected data on HPWS, organizational commitment, OCB, and demographic variables, all at line managers of Vietnamese firms in Hanoi and Hochiminh. We conclude with research findings, implications, and future research suggestions.

Keywords: high performance work system, organizational citizenship behavior, organizational commitment, Vietnam

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Authors: Erni Agustin, Zendy Prameswari

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The Law Number 1 Year 1974 on Marriage was issued by Indonesian Government to replace the old marriage law stipulated in Burgerlijk Wetboek inherited from the Dutch colonial. The Law defines marriage as both physical and mental bond between a man and a woman as husband and wife with the purpose to form a harmonious family based on deity. Marriage shall be conducted when determined requirements are met based on the Law. Article 7 of the Law Number 1 Year 1974 stipulates the minimum age requirement to enter into marriage, which is 19 years for men and 16 years for women. This stipulation is made to make the marriage achieve the true goal to form a happy, eternal and prosperous family. It is expected at that age, each party has a mature soul and physic. However, it is possible for those who have not reached the age to enter into marriage if there is a dispensation granted by the courts or other official designated by the parents of each party in the marriage. As many other countries in the world, Indonesia has serious problems linked with the child or underage marriage. Indonesia is one of the countries with the highest absolute numbers of child marriage. In 2012, a judicial review was filed to the Constitutional Court against the provisions of the minimum age limit in the Law Number 1 Year 1974 on Marriage. The appeal was filed in order to raise the limit of minimum age for women from 16 years to be 18 years. However, the Constitutional Court considered that the provisions on the minimum age in the Law Number 1 Year 1974 on Marriage is constitutional. At the international level, Indonesia has participated in the formulation of variety of international human rights instrument which have an impact on children, and is a party to a number of them. Indonesia ratified the CRC through Presidential Decree of the Republic of Indonesia Number 36 Year 1990 on 5 September 1990. This paper attempts to analyze three main issues. Firstly, it will scrutinize the ratio legis of the stipulation on minimum age requirement to enter into marriage in the Law Number 1 Year 1974 on Marriage. Secondly, it will discuss the conformity of Indonesian marriage law to the principles and provisions on the CRC. Last, this paper will elaborate the legal measures shall be taken to strengthen the legal protection for children against child marriage. This paper is a doctrinal research using statute, conceptual and historical approaches. This study argues that The Law-making of Indonesian marriage law influenced by religious values that live in Indonesia. With regard to the conformity of Indonesian marriage law with the CRC, Indonesia is facing the issue of the compatibility of its respective national law with the CRC. Therefore, the legal measures that have to be taken are to review and amend the Indonesian Marriage Law to provide better protection for the children against underage marriage.

Keywords: child marriage, children’s rights, indonesian marriage law, underage marriage

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Authors: Stacie Nelson Colling, Adele Cummings

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The United States Supreme Court recently announced that it is unconstitutional to sentence a child to life without parole for non-homicide offenses, and that each child so situated must be afforded a meaningful opportunity for release from prison in his lifetime. The Court also declared that it is unconstitutional to impose a mandatory sentence of life without parole on a child for homicide offenses. Across the United States, attorneys and advocates continue to litigate issues surrounding the implementation of these legal principles. Some states have held that any sentence to a finite term of years, no matter how long, is not the same as ‘life’ and therefore does not violate the constitution. Other states have held that a sentence to a term of years that is less than the expected life of that particular child is not unconstitutional. In Colorado, the courts have routinely looked to life expectancy estimates from governmental organizations to determine how long a particular child is expected to live. They then compare that the date that the child is expected to be eligible for parole, and if the child is expected to still be living when he is eligible for parole, the sentence is deemed constitutional. This paper argues that it is inappropriate, reckless, unconstitutional and not scientifically sound to use such estimates in determining whether a child will have a meaningful opportunity for release from prison and life outside of prison before he dies. This paper argues that the opportunity for release must mean more than a probability that a child will be released before his death, and that it must include an opportunity for a meaningful life outside of prison (not just the opportunity to be released and then die on the outside). The paper further argues that life expectancy estimates cannot guide a court or a legislature in determining whether a sentence is or is not constitutional.

Keywords: life without parole, life expectancy, juvenile sentencing, meaningful opportunity for release from prison

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Authors: Varinder Singh

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The primitive man had not known anything like human rights. In the later centuries of human progress with the development of scientific and technological knowledge, the growth of population and the tremendous changes in the human environment, the laws of nature that maintained the Eco-balance crumbled. The race for better and comfortable life landed mankind in a vicious circle. It created environmental imbalance, unplanned and uneven development, breakdown of self-sustaining village economy, mushrooming of shanty towns and slums, widening the chasm between the rich and the poor, over-exploitation of natural resources, desertification of arable lands, pollution of different kinds, heating up of earth and depletion of ozone layer. Modem International Life has been deeply marked and transformed by current endeavors to meet the needs and fulfill the requirements of protection of human person and of the environment. Such endeavors have been encouraged by the widespread recognition that protection of human being and the environment reflects common superior values and constitutes a common concern of mankind. The parallel evolutions of human rights protection and environmental protection disclose some close affinities. There was the occurrence of process of internationalization of both human rights protection and environmental protection, the former beginning with the 1948 Universal Declaration of Human Rights, the latter with the 1972 Stockholm Declaration on the Human Environment.It is now well established that it is the basic human right of every individual to live in a pollution free environment with full human dignity. The judiciary has so far pronounced a number of judgments in this regard. The Supreme Court in view of various laws relating to environment protection and the constitutional provision has held that right to pollution free environment. Article-21 is the heart of the fundamental rights and has received expanded meanings from time to time.

Keywords: human rights, law, environment, polluter

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Authors: Girma Y. Iyassu Menelik

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“The world is now like a global village!” so goes the saying that shows that due to development and technology the countries of the world are now closely linked. In the field of Human rights there is a close relationship in the way that rights are recognised and enforced. This paper will show that human rights have evolved from ancient times through important landmarks such as the Magna Carta, the French Declaration of Rights of Man and of the Citizen and the American Bill of Rights. The formation of the United Nations after the Second World War resulted in the need to codify and protect human rights. There are some rights which are so fundamental that they are found in international and continental instruments, national constitutions and domestic legislation. In the civil and political sphere they include the right to vote, to freedom of association, speech and assembly, right to life, privacy and fair trial. In the economic and social sphere you have the right to work, protection of the family, social security and rights to education, health and shelter. In some instance some rights can be suspended in times of public emergency but such derogations shall be circumscribed by the law and in most constitutions such limitations are subject to judicial review. However, some rights are so crucial that they cannot be derogated from under any circumstances and these include the right to life, recognition before the law, freedom from torture and slavery and of thought, conscience and religion. International jurisprudence has been developed to protect fundamental rights and avoid discrimination on the grounds of race, colour, sex, language or social origin. The elaborate protection system go to show that these rights have become part of the international order and they have universal application. We have now got to a stage where UDHR, ICCPR and ICESCR and have come to be regarded as part of an international bill of rights with horizontal and vertical enforcement mechanisms involving state parties, NGO’s , international bodies and other organs.

Keywords: rights, international, constitutional, state, judiciary

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Authors: Mhd. Zakiul Fikri, M. Agus Maulidi

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Indonesia is a constitutional state. As the constitutional state, Indonesia is not only using a single legal system, but also adopting three legal systems consist of: The European continental legal system or positive law of Indonesia, adat law system, and legal system of religion. This study will discuss Marosok tradition in the process of buying and selling cattle in Payakumbuh: a comparative study between adat law and positive law of Indonesia. The objectives of this research are: First, to find the meaning of the philosophical of Marosok tradition in Payakumbuh. Second, to find the legal implications of the Marosok tradition reviewed aspects of adat law and positive law of Indonesia. Third, to find legal procedure in arbitrating the dispute wich is potentially appear in the post-process of buying and selling cattle based on positive law and adat law adopted in Indonesia. This research is empirical legal research that using two model approaches which are statute approach and conceptual approach. Data was obtained through interviews, observations, and documents or books. Then a method of data analysis used is inductive analysis. Finally, this study found that: First, tradition of Marosok contains the meaning of harmonization of social life that keep people from negative debate, envy, and arrogant. Second, Marosok tradition is one of the adat law in Indonesia; it is one of contract law in the process of buying and selling. If the comparison between the practice Marosok tradition as adat law with the provisions of Article 1320 book of civil code about the terms of the validity of a contract, the elements contained in the provisions of these regulations are met in practice Marosok. Thus, the practice of Marosok in buying and selling cattle process in Payakumbuh justified in view of the positive law of Indonesia. Last of all, all kinds of disputes arising due to contracts made by Marosok tradition can be resolved by positive law and adat law of Indonesia.

Keywords: Adat law, contract, Indonesia, Marosok

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Authors: Gergely Horvath

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The study analyzes the special provisions of the highest level of national agricultural legislation in the Fundamental Law of Hungary (25 April 2011) with descriptive, analytic and comparative methods. The agriculturally relevant articles of the constitution are very important, because –in spite of their high level of abstraction– they can determine and serve the practice comprehensively and effectively. That is why the objective of the research is to interpret the concrete sentences and phrases in connection with agriculture compared with the methods of some other relevant constitutions (historical-grammatical interpretation). The major findings of the study focus on searching for the appropriate provisions and approach capable of solving the problems of sustainable food production. The real challenge agricultural law must face with in the future is protecting or conserving its background and subjects: the environment, the ecosystem services and all the 'roots' of food production. In effect, agricultural law is the legal aspect of the production of 'our daily bread' from farm to table. However, it also must guarantee the safe daily food for our children and for all our descendants. In connection with sustainability, this unique, value-oriented constitution of an agrarian country even deals with uncustomary questions in this level of legislation like GMOs (by banning the production of genetically modified crops). The starting point is that the principle of public good (principium boni communis) must be the leading notion of the norm, which is an idea partly outside the law. The public interest is reflected by the agricultural law mainly in the concept of public health (in connection with food security) and the security of supply with healthy food. The construed Article P claims the general protection of our natural resources as a requirement. The enumeration of the specific natural resources 'which all form part of the common national heritage' also means the conservation of the grounds of sustainable agriculture. The reference of the arable land represents the subfield of law of the protection of land (and soil conservation), that of the water resources represents the subfield of water protection, the reference of forests and the biological diversity visualize the specialty of nature conservation, which is an essential support for agrobiodiversity. The mentioned protected objects constituting the nation's common heritage metonymically melt with their protective regimes, strengthening them and forming constitutional references of law. This regimes also mean the protection of the natural foundations of the life of the living and also the future generations, in the name of intra- and intergenerational equity.

Keywords: agricultural law, constitutional values, natural resources, sustainability

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Authors: Karun Karki

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The Lhotshampa are Bhutanese people of Nepali origin who have been in Bhutan since the early 1600s. A significant number of these people migrated to Bhutan in the nineteenth century. The 1958 Nationality Law of Bhutan granted citizenship to many Lhotshampa people; however, in the late 1970s, the government of Bhutan introduced a series of laws and policies intended for the socio-political and cultural exclusion of the Lhotshampa due to their ancestry. These exclusionary policies and ethnic and racial injustices not only removed the rights and citizenship of the Lhotshampa but also forcibly displaced thousands of families with no choice but to seek refuge in Nepal. In this context, racism becomes a biopolitical tool designed to govern and regulate populations in a way that determines who may live and who must die. The governance and the management of the population, what Stephan Scheel terms as biopolitical bordering, depends on boundaries between residents and non-residents, citizens and non-citizens, and emigrants and immigrants. Drawing on Foucault’s biopolitics and Mbembe’s necropolitics, this paper argues that the concept of racism should be examined within the context of political discourses because it is intertwined with the colonial project, enslavement, and diaspora. This paper critically explores ethnic and racial injustices the Lhotshampa people experienced and the ways in which they negotiated and resisted such injustices in their resettlement processes, including before displacement, in refugee camps, and after the third-country resettlement. Critical examination of these issues helps shed light on the notion of racial difference that justifies dehumanization, discrimination, and racist attitudes against the Lhotshampa people. The study's findings are critical in promoting human rights, social justice, and the health and well-being of the Lhotshampa community in the context of trauma and stressors in their resettlement processes.

Keywords: lhotshampa people, bhutanese refugees, racism, dehumanization, social justice, biopower, necropower

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Authors: Oscar Sang, Shadrack David Rotich

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Parliamentary immunity is grounded on the notion that parliaments need certain rights or immunities to ensure they can operate independently make fair and impartial decisions without capitulating to political pressure or intimidation. The 2013 election in Kenya marked an important milestone in the development of the law of parliamentary privilege. Such importance relates to the dramatic increase in the number of legislatures in the country from one unicameral parliament, to a bicameral national parliament and forty-seven other regional legislative assemblies. The increase in legislatures has resulted in a dramatic increase in political contestations which have led to legal wrangles. The judiciary in Kenya, once considered submissive, has been invited to arbitrate on various matters pitting individual rights and parliamentary privilege and have invalidated a number of legislative action. While judicial intervention is indeed necessary to ensure that legislatures in Kenya live true to the constitutional aspirations of the Kenyan people, certain judicial decisions have had an effect on eroding parliamentary immunity. This paper highlights a number of instances in which it could be argued that parliamentary privilege came under attack by the courts in Kenya. The paper aims to make a case that while Kenya’s progressive constitution necessitates the scope and extent of legislature’s immunities and privilege to be determined by the courts, it is important that courts exercise restraint in its review of legislative action. The paper makes the argument that unrestrained judicial action in Kenya on questions within the realm parliamentary privilege may undermine the functioning of Kenya’s legislatures. The paper explores approaches taken by a number of jurisdictions in establishing a proper balance between maintaining a viable parliamentary privilege regime in a rights-based constitutional system.

Keywords: Kenya, constitution, judicial restraint, parliamentary privilege

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Authors: E. Xavier, B. Nandita

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Rohingyas are an ethnic and religious minority that resides in the Rakhine State of Myanmar. Post the military coup in 1962, Rohingyas have not been recognized as one of the ethnic tribes of Burma under the legislation. They have lost citizenship, education, health care rights, and instantly became illegal immigrants. While the historicization of this conflict is crucial, this paper wants to humanize the Rohingya population’s embodiment of violence on three different levels – individual, social, and political. In addition, the study focuses on their liminal existence in refugee camps in Bangladesh and in other parts of the world, such as Malaysia and the United States of America. A multi-medium study, it includes first-hand interviews with the Rohingya community in Wisconsin and Chicago, second-hand interviews from documentaries and past ethnographies from scholars to draw meaningful conclusions about their experience as a community. In the end, it focuses on the group of Rohingyas who have managed to resettle in another country and their transitioning experience. Rohingyas embody violence on their individual, social, and political bodies in different ways. Along with rape, murder, and physical harm, the community also encounters sexually transmitted infections, post-traumatic stress disorder symptoms, and poor mental health. On a social level, they encounter heightened gender discrimination, work industry shifting, and immense, shared emotional pain. As for their political body, the news media and journalism industry uses their bodies for purposes that benefit both parties and flirts with a tone of sensationalism in their reporting. In addition, the Rohingya community fluctuates with the concept of nationality, patriotism, citizenship, and refugee when they think about the future. This study provides a framework that future aid or health programs can use to determine the type of community need and its significance in the Rohingya community.

Keywords: embodiment, liminal, refugee, Rohingya

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Authors: Helen Pluut, Remus Ilies, Nikos Dimotakis, Maral Darouei

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This study aims to examine recovery from work as an important daily activity with implications for workplace behavior. Building on affective events theory and the stressor-detachment model as frameworks, this paper proposes and tests a comprehensive within-individual model that uncovers the role of recovery processes at home in linking workplace demands (e.g., workload) and stressors (e.g., workplace incivility) to next-day organizational citizenship behaviors (OCBs). Our sample consisted of 126 full-time employees in a large Midwestern University. For a period of 16 working days, these employees were asked to fill out 3 electronic surveys while at work. The first survey (sent out in the morning) measured self-reported sleep quality, recovery experiences the previous day at home, and momentary effect. The second survey (sent out close to the end of the workday) measured job demands and stressors as well as OCBs, while the third survey in the evening assessed job strain. Data were analyzed using Hierarchical Linear Modeling (HLM). Results indicated that job demands and stressors at work made it difficult to unwind properly at home and have a good night’s sleep, which had repercussions for next day’s morning effect, which, in turn, influenced OCBs. It can be concluded that processes of recovery are vital to an individual’s daily effective functioning and behavior at work, but recovery may become impaired after a hard day’s work. Thus, our study sheds light on the potentially persistent nature of strain experienced as a result of work and points to the importance of recovery processes to enable individuals to avoid such cross-day spillover. Our paper will discuss this implication for theory and practice as well as potential directions for future research.

Keywords: affect, job demands, organizational citizenship behavior, recovery, strain

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Authors: Noa Nelson, Orit Appel, Rachel Ben-ari

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Organizational Citizenship Behavior (OCB) is voluntary employee behavior that contributes to the organization beyond formal job requirements. It can take different forms, such as helping teammates (OCB toward individuals; hence, OCB-I), or staying after hours to attend a task force (OCB toward the organization; hence, OCB-O). Generally, OCB contributes substantially to organizational climate, goals, productivity, and resilience, so organizations need to understand what encourages it. This is particularly challenging in security organizations. Security work is characterized by high levels of stress and burnout, which is detrimental to OCB, and security organizational design emphasizes formal rules and clear hierarchies, leaving employees with less freedom for voluntary behavior. The current research explored the role of Perceived Procedural Justice (PPJ) in enhancing OCB in a security organization. PPJ refers to how fair decision-making processes are perceived to be. It involves the sense that decision makers are objective, attentive to everyone's interests, respectful in their communications and participatory - allowing individuals a voice in decision processes. Justice perceptions affect motivation, and it was specifically suggested that PPJ creates an attachment to one's organization and personal interest in its success. Accordingly, PPJ had been associated with OCB, but hardly any research tested their association with security organizations. The current research was conducted among prison guards in the Israel Prison Service, to test a correlational and a causal association between PPJ and OCB. It differentiated between perceptions of direct commander procedural justice (CPJ), and perceptions of organization procedural justice (OPJ), hypothesizing that CPJ would relate to OCB-I, while OPJ would relate to OCB-O. In the first study, 336 prison guards (305 male) from 10 different prisons responded to questionnaires measuring their own CPJ, OPJ, OCB-I, and OCB-O. Hierarchical linear regression analyses indicated the significance of commander procedural justice (CPJ): It associated with OCB-I and also associated with OPJ, which, in turn, associated with OCB-O. The second study tested CPJ's causal effects on prison guards' OCB-I and OCB-O; 311 prison guards (275 male) from 14 different prisons read scenarios that described either high or low CPJ, and then evaluated the likelihood of that commander's prison guards performing OCB-I and OCB-O. In this study, CPJ enhanced OCB-O directly. It also contributed to OCB-I, indirectly: CPJ enhanced the motivation for collaboration with the commander, which respondents also evaluated after reading scenarios. Collaboration, in turn, associated with OCB-I. The studies demonstrate that procedural justice, especially commander's PJ, promotes OCB in security work environments. This is important because extraordinary teamwork and motivation are needed to deal with emergency situations and with delicate security challenges. Following the studies, the Israel Prison Service implemented personal procedural justice training for commanders and unit level programs for procedurally just decision processes. From a theoretical perspective, the studies extend the knowledge on PPJ and OCB to security work environments and contribute evidence on PPJ's causal effects. They also call for further research, to understand the mechanisms through which different types of PPJ affect different types of OCB.

Keywords: organizational citizenship behavior, perceived procedural justice, prison guards, security organizations

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Authors: Samuel Pimpong

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In most liberal and constitutional democracies, the media serves as a dominant power in the construction of the fundamental building blocks for the consolidation of democratic governance. However, the extent to which the media can enhance democratic consolidation in a country depends to a large extent on the independence of the media, the robustness of legislative frameworks and the safety of journalists in discharging their duties without fear or favor. This study sought to examine pertinent issues, practices and challenges facing the media in Ghana’s Fourth Republic and attempts to make recommendations regarding the way forward. The work adopted a qualitative study approach. A total of sixteen (16) participants were purposively selected for face-to-face interviews. The study hinges on the democratic participant media theory and the development media theory. Primary data was analyzed via thematic analysis procedure. The study revealed that although Ghana has repealed its criminal libel laws, nonetheless other statutory Acts, such as the Electronic Communications Act 2008 (ACT 775) and the Criminal and other offences Act 1960 (Act 29), among others continue to stifle freedom of expression. On the other hand, press freedom is being abused by the use of fake content publication. Further, the study revealed that the absence of a comprehensive regulatory structure impedes the activities carried out by the media. Consequently, the study recommends a regulatory structure to oversee media activities and content, as the National Media Commission (NMC) lacks the authority to do so. In this direction, the study recommends a limitation on the role of the National Communications Authority (NCA) to administer broadcasting signals and transfer its licensing and sanctioning powers to the NMC in order to create one sole and completely independent media regulatory authority that deals with all media related issues.

Keywords: media, constitutional democracy, democratic consolidation, fourth republic

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Authors: Rujuta Matapurkar, Shivganesh Bhargava

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This paper discusses work-family enrichment and its relationship with certain antecedents and outcomes while considering effect of mindfulness and organizational pride as moderators. The work-family enrichment has been the topic of interest for researchers as well as practitioners for decades now. It focusses on the positive side of work family interaction rather that the scarcity or balance principle. Research shows that work family enrichment is linked to multiple work place outcomes like job satisfaction, organization citizenship behavior and turnover intention. Enrichment is also linked to life outcomes like life satisfaction, wellbeing. Thus not only the individuals but the organizations too want to engage in the activities resulting in the positive spillover between work and non-work domains. One of the recent focus areas in organization behavior literature has been Mindfulness. Mindfulness is defined as a trait or state in which the mind focuses on the present. It is the conscious attention and awareness of the present thought. The research in the area of mindfulness at work suggests that the same is related to work family balance and job satisfaction. This paper discusses the possibility of mindfulness having effect on the relationship between antecedents of enrichment and enrichment. On the outcome side job embeddedness and job ambivalence are the newest additions to the retention literature. Job ambivalence talks about having strong positive as well as negative feelings about the job. Job ambivalence is the work outcome which is linked to turnover intention. This paper talks about the relationship between enrichment and job ambivalence. Another measure for work place outcomes which is discussed in recent research is job embeddedness. This term talks about the advantages of continuing with the job rather than quitting it. It is described as like a net or a web in which an individual can become stuck and is focused on why people stay rather than on how they leave. The research has have found that establishing or increasing job embeddedness is likely to increase retention, attendance, citizenship and job performance. This paper studies the relationship between enrichment and embeddedness. Lastly this paper studies whether organizational pride has an an effect on the relationship between enrichment and its outcomes. This paper concludes with the direction for future research.

Keywords: work-family enrichment, mindfulness, job ambivalence, job embeddedness, organizational pride

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Authors: Farida Ibrahim

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Right to information is the public's right to know through having access to public information held by state bodies. Recognized as a cornerstone in transparent, participatory and open democracies, the right to information is increasingly perceived today as an emerging human right on the international level. While this right is conceptualized in a range of different contexts, the paper focuses on its conceptualization as a force for socio-economic change for disadvantaged groups. The paper's goal is study the instrumental capacity of this right in empowering the public to access state-held information pertinent to their socio-economic rights. In this regard, the paper views the right to information as an inclusionary tool that is capable of spurring inclusion for individuals excluded from the ambits of both: public participation and social justice. For exploring this, the paper examines the advocacy role played by civil society groups in furthering this instrumental capacity. In particular, the paper presents a focused account on the Egyptian case. While Egypt has recently adopted its constitutional provision on access to information, doubts arise on Egyptian citizens' genuine ability to access information held by state bodies. The politico-economic environment, long term culture of bureaucratic secrecy, and legal framework do not provide promising outcomes on access to public information. Within the particular context of the Egyptian case, this paper questions the extent to which civil society in Egypt is capable of instrumentally employing the political opportunity offered by the constitutional entitlement to information access for pressuring public authorities to disclose information. Through four lawsuits brought by civil society groups in Egypt, the paper argues that the right to information has instrumentally provided civil society actors with new domains of mobilization for furthering the realization of social and economic rights, and ultimately, for renegotiating a new social order lining the relationship between the Egyptian state and its citizens marginalized by socio-economic imbalances.

Keywords: civil society, Egypt, right to information, socio-economic rights

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Authors: Mohammad Parvaresh, Mahdi Babaee, Bahareh Arghand, Davood Nourmohammadi

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Environmental degradation is caused by social inequalities and the inappropriate use of nature and a factor in the violation of human rights. Indeed, the right to a safe, healthy and ecologically-balanced environment is an independent human right. Therefore, the relationship between human rights and environmental protection is crucial for the study of social justice and sustainable development, and environmental problems are a result of the failure to realize social and economic justice. In this regard, 'article 50 of the constitution of the Islamic Republic of Iran as a general principle have many of the concepts of sustainable development, including: the growth and improvement of human life, the rights of present and future generations, and the integrity of the inner and outer generation, the prohibition of any environmental degradation'. Also, Charter on Citizen’s Rights, which was conveyed by the President of the Islamic Republic of Iran, Mr. Rouhani refers to the right to a healthy environment and sustainable development. In this regard in 2013, Tehran Province Water and Wastewater Co. defined a plan called 'Tehran’s Health Line' was includes Western and Eastern part by about 26 kilometers of water transferring pipelines varied 1000 to 2000 mm diameters. This project aims to: (1) Transfer water from the northwest water treatment plant to the southwest areas, which suffer from qualitative and quantitative water, in order to mix with the improper wells’ water; (2) Reducing the water consumption provided by harvesting from wells which results in improving the underground water resources, causing the large settlements and stopping the immigrating slums into the center or north side of the city. All of the financial resources accounted for 53,000,000 US$ which is mobilized by Tehran Province Water and Wastewater Co. to expedite the work. The present study examines the Tehran Health Line plan and the purpose of implementation of this plan to achieve environmental protection, environmental justice and citizenship rights for all people who live in Tehran.

Keywords: environmental justice, international environmental law, erga omnes, charter on citizen's rights, Tehran health line

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Authors: Park Eri, Sklad Marcin, Tsirogianni Stavroula

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In a world where there is increasing exchange and movement of populations groups, and interconnectedness, there are plenty of opportunities for mutual cultural enrichment. However, in everyday life, relations among different cultural groups do not go that smoothly often resulting in discrimination, inequalities and violence. The increasing differentiation of roles, values and worldviews raise a lot of tensions and dilemmas for the state and people -especially in western liberal societies- about issues of acceptance, fairness, justice, autonomy, plurality, freedom, equality and cohesion. Cultural diversity requires a deeper understanding of the roots, meaning and consequences of group differences. We argue, that a psychology from the standpoint of the subject needs to be developed further according to new societal needs. This means within a globalised society, issues regarding the construction of the other as another have become of utmost importance. In constructing the other human beings construct their ideal and possible worlds and meanings about their lives and their significance by drawing on a set of cultural norms, beliefs and values embedded in the different contexts whereby they find themselves in. In this article, we are describing a series of exercises developed in collaboration with University students in the Netherlands that have been piloted with undergraduate 2nd year University Psychology students. These exercises aimed at making tangible and obvious how students apply different moral principles and norms to regulate relationships, which are linked to hegemonic ideological forces. The exercises were in the form of thought experiments that included 8 moral dilemmas, inspired by the moral foundations theory, that touched on different moral principles. The moral dilemmas were built onto each other in incremental steps: from a very tangible/hands-on level to more challenging and demanding ones which require to step into pre-existing networks on knowledge and discourses. After the execution of every dilemma, a discussion followed, which is focused on building links between the ‘theme of the exercise’ and participants’ own lives experiences. In this paper, we provide an evaluation of the methodology used through a discursive analysis of the discussion between the students and the teacher.

Keywords: citizenship, moral dilemmas, social justice, education

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Authors: Alexander Ernesto Khamala Opicho

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The month of October in Kenya is full of events and literary speculations. For the past five years it has all been about Ngugi wa Thiong’o a Kenyan novelist winning the Nobel Prize. This goes on with a dint of self senselessness among the people involved. This paper surveys why some Kenyans are keen on Ngugi winning Nobel Prize for literature, and it also shows where and why they are wrong. The paper will end up with a comment on the proper position of African or Kenyan literature in the global literary citizenship.

Keywords: literature, onamastics, cultural Darwinism, obsession, Nobel Prize, denotation

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Authors: Shatakshi Garg

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As the world continues to grapple with the COVID-19 pandemic, India, one of the most populous democratic federal developing nation, continues to report the highest active cases and deaths, as well as struggle to let its health infrastructure not succumb to the exponentially growing requirements of hospital beds, ventilators, oxygen to save thousands of lives daily at risk. In this context, the paper outlines the handling of the COVID-19 pandemic since it first hit India in January 2020 – the policy decisions taken by the Union and the State governments from the larger perspective of its federal structure. The Constitution of India adopted in 1950 enshrined the federal relations between the Union and the State governments by way of the constitutional division of revenue-raising and expenditure responsibilities. By way of the 72nd and 73rd Amendments in the Constitution, powers and functions were devolved further to the third tier, namely the local governments, with the intention of further strengthening the federal structure of the country. However, with time, several constitutional amendments have shifted the scales in favour of the union government. The paper briefly traces some of these major amendments as well as some policy decisions which made the federal relations asymmetrical. As a result, data on key fiscal parameters helps establish how the union government gained upper hand at the expense of weak state governments, reducing the local governments to mere constitutional bodies without adequate funds and fiscal autonomy to carry out the assigned functions. This quasi-federal structure of India with the union government amassing the majority of power in terms of ‘funds, functions and functionaries’ exposed the perils of weakening sub-national governments post COVID-19 pandemic. With a complex quasi-federal structure and a heterogeneous population of over 1.3 billion, the announcement of a sudden nationwide lockdown by the union government was followed by a plight of migrants struggling to reach homes safely in the absence of adequate arrangements for travel and safety-net made by the union government. With limited autonomy enjoyed by the states, they were mostly dictated by the union government on most aspects of handling the pandemic, including protocols for lockdown, re-opening post lockdown, and vaccination drive. The paper suggests that certain policy decisions like demonetization, the introduction of GST, etc., taken by the incumbent government since 2014 when they first came to power, have further weakened the states and local governments, which have amounted to catastrophic losses, both economic and human. The role of the executive, legislature and judiciary are explored to establish how all these three arms of the government have worked simultaneously to further weaken and expose the fault-lines of the federal structure of India, which has lent the nation incapacitated to handle this pandemic. The paper then suggests the urgency of re-looking at the federal structure of the country and undertaking measures that strengthen the sub-national governments and restore the federal spirit as was enshrined in the constitution to avoid mammoth human and economic losses from a pandemic of this sort.

Keywords: COVID-19 pandemic, India, federal structure, economic losses

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Authors: Aiydh Aljeddani, Fran Martin

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Sustainable human development is an essential component of a sustainable economic, social and environmental development. Addressing sustainable learning only through the addition of new teaching methods, or embedding certain approaches, is not sufficient on its own to support the goals of sustainable human development. This research project seeks to explore how the process of redesigning the current principles of curriculum based on the concept of sustainable learning could contribute to preparing a citizen who could later contribute towards sustainable human development. Multiple qualitative methodologies were employed in order to achieve the aim of this study. The main research methods were teachers’ field notes, artefacts, informal interviews (unstructured interview), a passive participant observation, a mini nominal group technique (NGT), a weekly diary, and weekly meeting. The study revealed that the integration of a curriculum for sustainable development, in addition to the use of innovative teaching approaches, highly valued by students and teachers in social studies’ sessions. This was due to the fact that it created a positive atmosphere for interaction and aroused both teachers and students’ interest. The content of the new curriculum also contributed to increasing students’ sense of shared responsibility through involving them in thinking about solutions for some global issues. This was carried out through addressing these issues through the concept of sustainable development and the theory of Thinking Activity in a Social Context (TASC). Students had interacted with sustainable development sessions intellectually and they also practically applied it through designing projects and cut-outs. Ongoing meetings and workshops to develop work between both the researcher and the teachers, and by the teachers themselves, played a vital role in implementing the new curriculum. The participation of teachers in the development of the project through working papers, exchanging experiences and introducing amendments to the students' environment was also critical in the process of implementing the new curriculum. Finally, the concept of sustainable learning can contribute to the learning outcomes much better than the current curriculum and it can better develop the learning objectives in educational institutions.

Keywords: redesigning, social studies and citizenship education curriculum, sustainable learning, thinking activity in a social context

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Authors: Yasmin Nanabhay

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The paper scrutinizes the literature on accountability and non-accountability, and then presents an analysis of a South African case which demonstrated consequences of a lack of accountability. Ethical conduct displayed by members of the public sector is integral to creating a sustainable democratic government, which upholds the constitutional tenets of accountability, transparency and professional ethicality. Furthermore, a true constitutional democracy emphasises and advocates the notion of service leadership that nurtures public participation and engages with citizens in a positive manner. Ethical conduct and accountability in the public sector earns public trust; hence these are key principles in good governance. Yet, in the years since the advent of democracy in South Africa, the government has been plagued by rampant corruption and mal-administration by public officials and politicians in leadership positions. The control measures passed by government in an attempt to ensure ethicality and accountability within the public sector include codes of ethics, rules of conduct and the enactment of legislation. These are intended to shape the mindset of members of the public sector, with the ultimate aim of an efficient, effective, ethical, responsive and accountable public service. The purpose of the paper is to analyse control systems and accountability within the public sector and to present reasons for non-accountability by means of a selected case study. The selected case study is the corruption trial of Jackie Selebi, who served as National Commissioner of the South African Police Service but was dismissed from the post. The reasons for non-accountability in the public sector as well as recommendations based on the findings to enhance accountability will be undertaken. The case study demonstrates the experience and impact of corruption and/or mal-administration, as a result of a lack of accountability, which has contributed to the increasing loss of confidence in political leadership in the country as elsewhere in the world. The literature is applied to the erstwhile National Commissioner of the South African Police Service and President of Interpol, as a case study of non-accountability.

Keywords: corruption, internal control, maladministration, non-compliance, oversight mechanisms, public accountability, public sector

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Authors: Adriana Pereira Arteaga

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In many Latin American countries the transition towards legal pluralism - has developed as part of what is called Latin-American-Constitutionalism over the last thirty years. The aim of this paper is to discuss how legal pluralism in its current form in Bolivia may produce exclusion and violence. Legal sources and discourse analysis - as an approach to examine written language on discourse documentation- will be used to develop this paper. With the constitution of 2009, Bolivia was symbolically "re-founded" into a multi-nation state. This shift goes hand in hand with the "indigenista" and "decolonisation" ideologies developing since the early 20th century. Discourses based on these ideologies reflect the rejection of liberal and western premises on which the Bolivian republic was originally built after independence. According to the "indigenista" movements, the liberal nation-state generates institutions corresponding to a homogenous society. These liberal institutions not only ignore the Bolivian multi-nation reality, but also maintain the social structures originating form the colony times, based on prejudices against the indigenous. The described statements were elaborated through the image: the indigenous people humiliated by a cruel western system as highlighted by the constitution's preamble. This narrative had a considerable impact on the sensitivity of people and received great social support. Therefore the proposal for changing structures of the nation-state, is charged with an emancipatory message of restoring even the pre-Columbian order. An order at times romantically described as the perfect order. Legally this connotes a rejection of the positivistic national legal system based on individual rights and the promotion of constitutional recognition of indigenous justice administration. The pluralistic Constitution is supposed to promote tolerance and a peaceful coexistence among nations, so that the unity and integrity of the country could be maintained. In its current form, legal pluralism in Bolivia is justified on pre-existing rights contained for example in the International - Labour - Organization - Convention 169, but it is more developed on the described discursive constructions. Over time these discursive constructions created inconsistencies in terms of putting indigenous justice administration into practice: First, because legal pluralism has been more developed on level of political discourse, so a real interaction between the national and the indigenous jurisdiction cannot be observed. There are no clear coordination and cooperation mechanisms. Second, since the recently reformed constitution is based on deep sensitive experiences, little is said about the general legal principles on which a pluralistic administration of justice in Bolivia should be based. Third, basic rights, liberties, and constitutional guarantees are also affected by the antagonized image of the national justice administration. As a result, fundamental rights could be violated on a large scale because many indigenous justice administration practices run counter to these constitutional rules. These problems are not merely Bolivian but may also be encountered in other regional countries with similar backgrounds, like Ecuador.

Keywords: discourse, indigenous justice, legal pluralism, multi-nation

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Authors: Lawal Abdulkareem

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Asabiyyah prejudice is one of the causes of enmity, hatred and disharmony among Muslims. It is man’s supporting of his people to whom he belongs, whether they are right or wrong, oppressing or oppressed. This belonging can be due to kith and kin, ethnicity, color, birth place, citizenship, school of thought, or a group of people with common interest. The prejudice in its different forms and kinds is one of the deadly diseases that transformed the once unified, merciful, and cohesive Muslim community into differing, conflicting and warring entities. This has been witnessed within the Muslims from the earliest generations to the present. It is against this background that this research is undertaken to examine the major types of Asabiyyah prejudice and their harmful effects on Muslim community.

Keywords: Asabiyyah, causes, enmity, hatred

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Authors: Sunayana Basu Mallik, Shishira Prakash

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The inclusion of Rights of Author (Moral and Personal Rights) resonate the century long battle of rights of authors, composers, performers across developed and developing countries (whether following civil law or common law systems). But, the juxtaposition of author’s special, moral, personal rights within the legislative framework of Copyright statutes (Indian Copyright Act, 1957, applicable statutes) underscores the foundational role of the right which goes to the root of the constitutional structure of India and philosophies of political and literary leaders like Mahatma Gandhi and Gurudeb Rabindranath Tagore. In the pre-independence era when the concept of moral rights was unknown to both England and India’s statutory laws, the strategic deployment method of Gandhi, his ideologies and thoughts scripted the concept of moral rights for authors/composers. The preservation of Rabindric Style (Characteristic Tagore’s vocal renditions) by Vishwabharati University (successor in interest for Tagore’s literary and musical compositions) prior to the Copyright Amendment of 1999 recognizing Author’s Special Rights in line with 6bis of Berne Convention invigorates the fact that the right existed intrinsically prior to the legislative amendment. The paper would in addition to the academic probe carry out an empirical enquiry of the institution’s (Navjivan Trust and Vishwa Bharati University’s) reasoning on the same. The judicial discourse and transforming constitutional ideals between 1950s till date in India alludes Moral Rights to be an essential legal right which have been reasoned by Indian Courts based on the underlying philosophies in culture, customs, religion wherein composers and literary figures have played key roles in enlightening and encouraging the members of society through their literary, musical and artistic work during pre-independence renaissance of India. The discourses have been influenced by the philosophies reflected in the preamble of the Indian constitution, ‘socialist, secular, democratic republic’ and laws of other civil law countries. Lastly, the paper would analyze the adjudication process and witness involvement in ascertaining violations of moral rights and further summarize the indigenous and country specific economic thoughts that often chisel decisions on moral rights of authors, composers, performers which sometimes intersect with author’s right of privacy and against defamation. The exclusivity contracts or other arrangements between authors, composers and publishing companies not only have an erosive effect on each thread of moral rights but irreparably dents factors that promote creativity. The paper would also be review these arrangements in view of the principles of unjust enrichment, unfair trade practices, anti-competitive behavior and breach of Section 27 (Restrain of Trade) of Indian Contract Act, 1857. The paper will thus lay down the three pillars on which author’s rights in India should namely rest, (a) political and judicial discourse evolving principles supporting moral rights of authors; (b) amendment and insertion of Section 57 of the Copyright Act, 1957; (c) overall constitutional framework supporting author’s rights.

Keywords: copyright, moral rights, performer’s rights, personal rights

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Authors: Daniela Pisu

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The paper deals with the issue of territorial inequalities focused on the gap of the marginalization of inland areas with respect to the centrality of urban centers as they are subjected to an almost unstoppable demographic hemorrhage in a context marked by the tendency to depopulation such as the Sardinian territory, to which are added further and intense phenomena of de-anthropization. The research question is aimed at exploring the functionality of the interventions envisaged by the Piano Nazionale Ripresa Resilienza for the reduction of territorial imbalances in these areas to the extent that it is possible to identify policy strategies aimed at increasing the relational expertise of citizenship, functional to the consolidation of results in a long-term perspective. In order to answer this question, the qualitative case study on the Municipality of Ulàssai (province of Nuoro) is highlighted as the only winner on the island, with the Pilot Project ‘Where nature meets art’, intended for the cultural and social regeneration of small towns. The main findings, which emerged from the analysis of institutional sources and secondary data, highlight the socio-demographic fragility of the territory in the face of the active institutional commitment to make Ulàssai a smart community, starting from the enhancement of natural resources and the artistic heritage of fellow citizen Maria Lai. The findings drawn from the inspections and focus groups with the youth population present the aforementioned project as a generative opportunity for both the economic and social fabric, leveraging the public debates of the living labs, where the process of public communication becomes the main vector for the exercise of the rights of participatory democracy. The qualitative lunge leads to the conclusion that the repercussions envisaged by the PNRR in internal areas will be able to show their self-sustainable effect through colloquial administrations such as that of Ulàssai, capable of seeing in the interactive paradigm of public communication that natural process with which to reduce that historical sense of extraneousness attributed to the institution-citizenship relationship.

Keywords: social labs, smart community, depopulation, Sardinia, Piano Nazionale di Ripresa e Resilienza

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