Search results for: constitutional democracy

Authors: Noemi Bessa Vilela

Abstract:

The citizenship of the European Union nowadays established under article 20/1 of the Treaty on the Functioning of the European Union has been a hallmark of the EU’s political integration since the adoption of the Maastricht Treaty. Initially received with some doubt regarding what it would mean to be a European citizen, and what would happen to individual national citizenships, the Union’s citizenship appears to have been relegated at present times to a secondary position in relation to other, more pressing, economic and market policies. Notwithstanding the veritable myriad of specific rights and freedoms attributed to citizens of the Union, it is not hard to understand that, given the importance of citizenship as a true cohesion policy at its core, somewhere along the way the Union has failed in its mission of giving its citizens a feeling of European identity, along with the values it so bravely wants to defend and promote. In fact, notwithstanding the ever-so-permanent presence of the blue and yellow flag next to national flags, and the elections to European Parliament, most citizens have no idea of the relevance of EU law as an integral part of their legal heritage. In fact, it is safe to state, while the majority of traveling nationals are aware of i.e. their right to freely move in between Member-States, most overlook the fact that this is a result of their status as EU citizens. We have now arrived at a crossroad between accepting the law as it is, or to create new possibilities. The question raised is whether the citizens of UK may, or may not, and shall or shall not, keep the EU citizenship.

Keywords: Brexit, democracy, EU citizenship, EU law, TFUE

Procedia PDF Downloads 109

Authors: Tajuddin Mohamad Rasdi, Chung Ming Zhe, Nurul Anida Mohamad

Abstract:

This research paper aims to examine the lack of the idea of democracy and its concept among Malaysia’s citizens. In fact, all civil servants, whether federal or state departments, are the machinery of citizens. The objective of this research is to evaluate the administrative buildings in Selangor from the perspective of democratic architecture. The methodology used in this research is by reviewing and evaluating the selected administrative building, Majlis Bandaraya Petaling Jaya, as a case study, and the interview was conducted. The data collection was recorded based on a few criteria of the following architectural characteristic and management principles (public square, town hall, meeting rooms, convenient parking space, humanitarian spaces, public spaces) and architectural design elements (scale and massing, ornament, elevational language, accessibility, and spatial hierarchy). The analysis result shows that the administrative building elements which show the idea of democracy are not reflected well in some of the criteria that restrict the public, but those setbacks could be improved.

Keywords: democratic architecture, case study, design elements, administrative buildings

Procedia PDF Downloads 94

Authors: Klaudia Muca

Abstract:

Disability studies as an international movement are still developing, especially in the Central and East European young democratic countries. It is crucial to recognize in what manner this development might lead to create a sustainable social environment. Thanks to disability studies the process of introducing disability studies and its main ideas might become as effective as in the 90s in the USA or other Western countries. In the Central and East Europe lack of activism in favor of the disabled in the early stages of democratic transition (i.e. the 80s and 90s) caused misrepresentation of the disabled and their experience in present political and social sphere of life. People with disabilities were made to hold a minor position in society due to political changes that introduced in fact non-equal democracy. The results of this study indicate that activism in favor of people with disabilities and works of art created by the disabled are tools that influence present disability politics. That suggests that young European democracies need to modify their current political path in order to establish more equal social policies.

Keywords: democratic transformation, disability as minority, misrepresentation of experience, non-equal democracy, sustainability

Procedia PDF Downloads 167

Authors: Koboro J. Selala

Abstract:

Whilst the system of collective bargaining is well-researched in South Africa, recent studies reveal that this is an area of law and practice that is poorly understood. Despite the growing attention being paid by most scholars to the role of collective bargaining in the labour relations system, only a handful of the studies have considered collective bargaining as a mechanism of dispute resolution. The purpose of this paper is to provide a critical analysis of the current understanding of the right to engage in collective bargaining in South Africa to assess the extent to which collective bargaining is used to resolve labour disputes. The overall objective is to offer a deeper understanding of the role of collective bargaining in dispute resolution process within the South African constitutional labour law context. To this end, the paper examines the applicable legal framework of collective bargaining to address two fundamental questions that are critical to the proper understanding of the functioning of the South African collective labour dispute resolution system. The first concerns the extent to which the current South African legislative framework supports the fundamental labour rights entrenched in the Constitution of the Republic of South Africa. The second addresses the role of trade unions in collective dispute resolution processes and the extent to which they can best utilize collective bargaining to resolve labour disputes. Finally, the paper discusses the general implications of the findings to stimulate further research and to enhance the constitutional development of collective labour rights in South Africa.

Keywords: collective bargaining, constitution, freedom of association, labour relations act

Procedia PDF Downloads 296

Authors: Aarif Rasheed, Joseph Bulbulia

Abstract:

Western democracies exhibit signs of distinctive anti-Muslim prejudice, but little is known about its causes and effects on Muslim minorities. Here, drawing on nine years of responses from a nationally representative longitudinal sample of New Zealanders (New Zealand Attitudes and Values Study, N > 31,000), we systematically investigate the demographic and ideological predictors of factors that predict both positive and negative change in Muslim attitudes. First, we find that that education, moderate and liberal political ideology, and positive views about religion predict greater Muslim acceptance. Second, we find a there though there is a general trend for increasing acceptance over nine years, we find evidence of increasing extremism at the margins. Third, focusing on the Muslim sub-sample and comparing it to other religious sub-groups, we find substantially higher reports of perceived anti-religious prejudice. Collectively, these results point to serious challenges to the health of New Zealand as a democracy where people can worship freely without discrimination. Finally, we find consistency in our responses with the reported experiences of victims of the Christchurch attacks, in terms of harassment, assault, slurs, and other hostile behaviour both before and after the attacks.

Keywords: democracy, longitudinal, Muslim, panel data, prejudice

Procedia PDF Downloads 120

Authors: Jane Ebele Iloanya

Abstract:

The introduction of the learning outcome approach in contemporary curriculum design and instruction, has brought student–centered education to the fore. In teacher –centered teaching and learning, the teacher transfers knowledge to the students, who are always at the receiving end. The teacher is assumed to know it all and hardly trusts the knowledge of the students. Teacher-centered education places emphasis on the supremacy of the teacher over the students who should ideally, be able to dialogue with the teacher. The paper seeks to examine the issue of democratisation of the teaching and learning process in Institutions of Higher Learning in Botswana. Botswana is a landlocked country in Southern Africa, with a total population of about two million people. In 1977, Botswana’s First National Policy on Education was unveiled. This came eleven years after the country gained independence from Great Britain. The philosophy which informed the 1977 Education Policy was “Social Harmony”. The philosophy of social harmony has four main principles: Unity, Development, Democracy and Self- Reliance. These principles were meant to permeate all aspects of lives of the people of Botswana, including, the issue of how teaching and learning is conducted in Botswana’s institutions of higher learning. This paper will examine the practicalisation of the principle of democracy in teaching and learning at higher education level in Botswana. It will in particular, discuss the issue of students’ participation and engagement in the teaching and learning process. The following questions will be addressed: 1.Are students involved in planning the curriculum? 2.How engaged are the students in the teaching and learning process? 3.How democratic are the teachers in terms of students’ rights and privileges? A mixed–method approach will be adopted in this study. Questionnaires will be distributed to the students to elicit their views on the practicalisation of the principle of democracy at the higher education level. Semi-structured interview questions will be administered in order to collect information from the lecturers on the issue of democratisation of teaching and learning at the higher education level in Botswana. In addition, relevant and related literature will be reviewed to augment collected data. The study will focus on three tertiary institutions in Gaborone, the capital city of Botswana. Currently, there are ten tertiary institutions in Gaborone; both privately and government owned. The outcome of this study will add to the existing body of knowledge on the issue of the practicalisation of democracy at the higher education level in Botswana. This research is therefore relevant in helping to find out if democratisation of teaching and learning has been realised in Botswana’s Institutions of higher learning. It is important to examine Botswana’s national policy on education in this way to ascertain if it has been effective in giving the country’s education system that democratic element, which is essential for a student-centered approach to the teaching and learning process.

Keywords: democratisation, higher education, learning, teaching

Procedia PDF Downloads 281

Authors: Lenshie, Nsemba Edward

Abstract:

This paper examines political sexuality as an identity construct, which imparts on democratic practices globally. The manifestation of political sexuality reflect on the dynamics of social, economic, cultural and political relations among different gender affecting a number of issues, such as the questions of citizenship, poverty alleviation, property rights, ownership and inheritance, rights to sexual consent, polygamous marriage, governance and representation among other issues. This paper is concerned with the aspect of political participation among different genders in Nigeria. This paper posit that political sexuality is an outcome of ‘sexuality differences’, which seeks to glorify and gratify the superiority of a particular sexuality over another. Political sexuality, therefore, motivate and exacerbate socio-cultural, economic, and political struggles among different sexualities. The paper asserts further that majority of women have been discriminated, sexually harassed, and are often denied certain rights and privileges in Nigeria. A few number of women who have found themselves at the corridors of government have used the Beijing protocol on Women to demand for ‘affirmative action’ to expand their political space. It contends that the ‘affirmative action’ in Nigeria is far from achieving it throughout the country. The paper conclude that women require more than just a ‘self-rediscovery’ to assertively demand for a more and proper inclusion in Nigeria’s democratic process.

Keywords: gender democracy, identity, politics, political sexuality

Procedia PDF Downloads 416

Authors: Ali Akbar

Abstract:

The importance of advancing women’s rights is closely intertwined with the development of civil society and the institutionalization of democracy in Middle Eastern countries. There is indeed an intimate relationship between the process of democratization and promoting gender equality, since democracy necessitates equality between men and women. In order to advance the issue of gender equality, what is required is a solid theoretical framework which has its roots in the reexamination of pre-modern interpretation of certain Qurʾānic passages that seem to have given men more rights than it gives women. This paper suggests that those Muslim scholars who adopt a contextualist approach to the Qurʾānic text and its interpretation provide a solid theoretical background for improving women’s rights. Indeed, the aim of the paper is to discuss how the contextualist approach to the Qurʾānic text and its interpretation given by a number of prominent scholars is capable of promoting the issue of gender equality. The paper concludes that since (1) much of the gender inequality found in the primary sources of Islam as well as pre-modern Muslim writings is rooted in the natural cultural norms and standards of early Islamic societies and (2) since the context of today’s world is so different from that of the pre-modern era, the proposed models provide a solid theoretical framework for promoting women’s rights and gender equality.

Keywords: contextualism, gender equality, Islam, the rights of women

Procedia PDF Downloads 298

Authors: Erni Agustin, Zendy Prameswari

Abstract:

The Law Number 1 Year 1974 on Marriage was issued by Indonesian Government to replace the old marriage law stipulated in Burgerlijk Wetboek inherited from the Dutch colonial. The Law defines marriage as both physical and mental bond between a man and a woman as husband and wife with the purpose to form a harmonious family based on deity. Marriage shall be conducted when determined requirements are met based on the Law. Article 7 of the Law Number 1 Year 1974 stipulates the minimum age requirement to enter into marriage, which is 19 years for men and 16 years for women. This stipulation is made to make the marriage achieve the true goal to form a happy, eternal and prosperous family. It is expected at that age, each party has a mature soul and physic. However, it is possible for those who have not reached the age to enter into marriage if there is a dispensation granted by the courts or other official designated by the parents of each party in the marriage. As many other countries in the world, Indonesia has serious problems linked with the child or underage marriage. Indonesia is one of the countries with the highest absolute numbers of child marriage. In 2012, a judicial review was filed to the Constitutional Court against the provisions of the minimum age limit in the Law Number 1 Year 1974 on Marriage. The appeal was filed in order to raise the limit of minimum age for women from 16 years to be 18 years. However, the Constitutional Court considered that the provisions on the minimum age in the Law Number 1 Year 1974 on Marriage is constitutional. At the international level, Indonesia has participated in the formulation of variety of international human rights instrument which have an impact on children, and is a party to a number of them. Indonesia ratified the CRC through Presidential Decree of the Republic of Indonesia Number 36 Year 1990 on 5 September 1990. This paper attempts to analyze three main issues. Firstly, it will scrutinize the ratio legis of the stipulation on minimum age requirement to enter into marriage in the Law Number 1 Year 1974 on Marriage. Secondly, it will discuss the conformity of Indonesian marriage law to the principles and provisions on the CRC. Last, this paper will elaborate the legal measures shall be taken to strengthen the legal protection for children against child marriage. This paper is a doctrinal research using statute, conceptual and historical approaches. This study argues that The Law-making of Indonesian marriage law influenced by religious values that live in Indonesia. With regard to the conformity of Indonesian marriage law with the CRC, Indonesia is facing the issue of the compatibility of its respective national law with the CRC. Therefore, the legal measures that have to be taken are to review and amend the Indonesian Marriage Law to provide better protection for the children against underage marriage.

Keywords: child marriage, children’s rights, indonesian marriage law, underage marriage

Procedia PDF Downloads 177

Authors: Stacie Nelson Colling, Adele Cummings

Abstract:

The United States Supreme Court recently announced that it is unconstitutional to sentence a child to life without parole for non-homicide offenses, and that each child so situated must be afforded a meaningful opportunity for release from prison in his lifetime. The Court also declared that it is unconstitutional to impose a mandatory sentence of life without parole on a child for homicide offenses. Across the United States, attorneys and advocates continue to litigate issues surrounding the implementation of these legal principles. Some states have held that any sentence to a finite term of years, no matter how long, is not the same as ‘life’ and therefore does not violate the constitution. Other states have held that a sentence to a term of years that is less than the expected life of that particular child is not unconstitutional. In Colorado, the courts have routinely looked to life expectancy estimates from governmental organizations to determine how long a particular child is expected to live. They then compare that the date that the child is expected to be eligible for parole, and if the child is expected to still be living when he is eligible for parole, the sentence is deemed constitutional. This paper argues that it is inappropriate, reckless, unconstitutional and not scientifically sound to use such estimates in determining whether a child will have a meaningful opportunity for release from prison and life outside of prison before he dies. This paper argues that the opportunity for release must mean more than a probability that a child will be released before his death, and that it must include an opportunity for a meaningful life outside of prison (not just the opportunity to be released and then die on the outside). The paper further argues that life expectancy estimates cannot guide a court or a legislature in determining whether a sentence is or is not constitutional.

Keywords: life without parole, life expectancy, juvenile sentencing, meaningful opportunity for release from prison

Procedia PDF Downloads 372

Authors: WooJin KANG

Abstract:

Contrary to the ideal, in the cartelized democracy, meritocracy is revealed to be a system that gives arrogance to the winners and humiliation to the losers, and more and more studies are asserting the upper-class bias of meritocracy. However, only some studies have analyzed the determinants of the perception of meritocracy and fairness among young people. This article was an attempt to fill this gap. According to the empirical results of this article, the determinants of fairness of the meritocracy in the youth were multidimensional. The social status model, the political ideology model, and the future prospect model all significantly impacted the perception of meritocracy fairness among young people. Contrary to the predictions of the system justification theory and the compensatory control theory of previous studies, the lower-class youth were critical of meritocracy. In addition, the more negative the future outlook, the less they accepted the fairness of meritocracy. In addition, ideological debates over solutions to inequality of opportunity, which began in earnest during the 20th presidential election, turned out to be a variable that significantly influenced the perception of fairness based on meritocracy among young people. The results of the empirical analysis in this article reaffirmed the multidimensional structure of the youth. This suggests the need for policy responses leading to education tailored to various subgroups within the youth.

Keywords: Meritocracy, Exam-Meritocracy, Fairness, Multiple-inequality

Procedia PDF Downloads 37

Authors: Varinder Singh

Abstract:

The primitive man had not known anything like human rights. In the later centuries of human progress with the development of scientific and technological knowledge, the growth of population and the tremendous changes in the human environment, the laws of nature that maintained the Eco-balance crumbled. The race for better and comfortable life landed mankind in a vicious circle. It created environmental imbalance, unplanned and uneven development, breakdown of self-sustaining village economy, mushrooming of shanty towns and slums, widening the chasm between the rich and the poor, over-exploitation of natural resources, desertification of arable lands, pollution of different kinds, heating up of earth and depletion of ozone layer. Modem International Life has been deeply marked and transformed by current endeavors to meet the needs and fulfill the requirements of protection of human person and of the environment. Such endeavors have been encouraged by the widespread recognition that protection of human being and the environment reflects common superior values and constitutes a common concern of mankind. The parallel evolutions of human rights protection and environmental protection disclose some close affinities. There was the occurrence of process of internationalization of both human rights protection and environmental protection, the former beginning with the 1948 Universal Declaration of Human Rights, the latter with the 1972 Stockholm Declaration on the Human Environment.It is now well established that it is the basic human right of every individual to live in a pollution free environment with full human dignity. The judiciary has so far pronounced a number of judgments in this regard. The Supreme Court in view of various laws relating to environment protection and the constitutional provision has held that right to pollution free environment. Article-21 is the heart of the fundamental rights and has received expanded meanings from time to time.

Keywords: human rights, law, environment, polluter

Procedia PDF Downloads 201

Authors: Girma Y. Iyassu Menelik

Abstract:

“The world is now like a global village!” so goes the saying that shows that due to development and technology the countries of the world are now closely linked. In the field of Human rights there is a close relationship in the way that rights are recognised and enforced. This paper will show that human rights have evolved from ancient times through important landmarks such as the Magna Carta, the French Declaration of Rights of Man and of the Citizen and the American Bill of Rights. The formation of the United Nations after the Second World War resulted in the need to codify and protect human rights. There are some rights which are so fundamental that they are found in international and continental instruments, national constitutions and domestic legislation. In the civil and political sphere they include the right to vote, to freedom of association, speech and assembly, right to life, privacy and fair trial. In the economic and social sphere you have the right to work, protection of the family, social security and rights to education, health and shelter. In some instance some rights can be suspended in times of public emergency but such derogations shall be circumscribed by the law and in most constitutions such limitations are subject to judicial review. However, some rights are so crucial that they cannot be derogated from under any circumstances and these include the right to life, recognition before the law, freedom from torture and slavery and of thought, conscience and religion. International jurisprudence has been developed to protect fundamental rights and avoid discrimination on the grounds of race, colour, sex, language or social origin. The elaborate protection system go to show that these rights have become part of the international order and they have universal application. We have now got to a stage where UDHR, ICCPR and ICESCR and have come to be regarded as part of an international bill of rights with horizontal and vertical enforcement mechanisms involving state parties, NGO’s , international bodies and other organs.

Keywords: rights, international, constitutional, state, judiciary

Procedia PDF Downloads 430

Authors: Mhd. Zakiul Fikri, M. Agus Maulidi

Abstract:

Indonesia is a constitutional state. As the constitutional state, Indonesia is not only using a single legal system, but also adopting three legal systems consist of: The European continental legal system or positive law of Indonesia, adat law system, and legal system of religion. This study will discuss Marosok tradition in the process of buying and selling cattle in Payakumbuh: a comparative study between adat law and positive law of Indonesia. The objectives of this research are: First, to find the meaning of the philosophical of Marosok tradition in Payakumbuh. Second, to find the legal implications of the Marosok tradition reviewed aspects of adat law and positive law of Indonesia. Third, to find legal procedure in arbitrating the dispute wich is potentially appear in the post-process of buying and selling cattle based on positive law and adat law adopted in Indonesia. This research is empirical legal research that using two model approaches which are statute approach and conceptual approach. Data was obtained through interviews, observations, and documents or books. Then a method of data analysis used is inductive analysis. Finally, this study found that: First, tradition of Marosok contains the meaning of harmonization of social life that keep people from negative debate, envy, and arrogant. Second, Marosok tradition is one of the adat law in Indonesia; it is one of contract law in the process of buying and selling. If the comparison between the practice Marosok tradition as adat law with the provisions of Article 1320 book of civil code about the terms of the validity of a contract, the elements contained in the provisions of these regulations are met in practice Marosok. Thus, the practice of Marosok in buying and selling cattle process in Payakumbuh justified in view of the positive law of Indonesia. Last of all, all kinds of disputes arising due to contracts made by Marosok tradition can be resolved by positive law and adat law of Indonesia.

Keywords: Adat law, contract, Indonesia, Marosok

Procedia PDF Downloads 295

Authors: Gergely Horvath

Abstract:

The study analyzes the special provisions of the highest level of national agricultural legislation in the Fundamental Law of Hungary (25 April 2011) with descriptive, analytic and comparative methods. The agriculturally relevant articles of the constitution are very important, because –in spite of their high level of abstraction– they can determine and serve the practice comprehensively and effectively. That is why the objective of the research is to interpret the concrete sentences and phrases in connection with agriculture compared with the methods of some other relevant constitutions (historical-grammatical interpretation). The major findings of the study focus on searching for the appropriate provisions and approach capable of solving the problems of sustainable food production. The real challenge agricultural law must face with in the future is protecting or conserving its background and subjects: the environment, the ecosystem services and all the 'roots' of food production. In effect, agricultural law is the legal aspect of the production of 'our daily bread' from farm to table. However, it also must guarantee the safe daily food for our children and for all our descendants. In connection with sustainability, this unique, value-oriented constitution of an agrarian country even deals with uncustomary questions in this level of legislation like GMOs (by banning the production of genetically modified crops). The starting point is that the principle of public good (principium boni communis) must be the leading notion of the norm, which is an idea partly outside the law. The public interest is reflected by the agricultural law mainly in the concept of public health (in connection with food security) and the security of supply with healthy food. The construed Article P claims the general protection of our natural resources as a requirement. The enumeration of the specific natural resources 'which all form part of the common national heritage' also means the conservation of the grounds of sustainable agriculture. The reference of the arable land represents the subfield of law of the protection of land (and soil conservation), that of the water resources represents the subfield of water protection, the reference of forests and the biological diversity visualize the specialty of nature conservation, which is an essential support for agrobiodiversity. The mentioned protected objects constituting the nation's common heritage metonymically melt with their protective regimes, strengthening them and forming constitutional references of law. This regimes also mean the protection of the natural foundations of the life of the living and also the future generations, in the name of intra- and intergenerational equity.

Keywords: agricultural law, constitutional values, natural resources, sustainability

Procedia PDF Downloads 148

Authors: Oscar Sang, Shadrack David Rotich

Abstract:

Parliamentary immunity is grounded on the notion that parliaments need certain rights or immunities to ensure they can operate independently make fair and impartial decisions without capitulating to political pressure or intimidation. The 2013 election in Kenya marked an important milestone in the development of the law of parliamentary privilege. Such importance relates to the dramatic increase in the number of legislatures in the country from one unicameral parliament, to a bicameral national parliament and forty-seven other regional legislative assemblies. The increase in legislatures has resulted in a dramatic increase in political contestations which have led to legal wrangles. The judiciary in Kenya, once considered submissive, has been invited to arbitrate on various matters pitting individual rights and parliamentary privilege and have invalidated a number of legislative action. While judicial intervention is indeed necessary to ensure that legislatures in Kenya live true to the constitutional aspirations of the Kenyan people, certain judicial decisions have had an effect on eroding parliamentary immunity. This paper highlights a number of instances in which it could be argued that parliamentary privilege came under attack by the courts in Kenya. The paper aims to make a case that while Kenya’s progressive constitution necessitates the scope and extent of legislature’s immunities and privilege to be determined by the courts, it is important that courts exercise restraint in its review of legislative action. The paper makes the argument that unrestrained judicial action in Kenya on questions within the realm parliamentary privilege may undermine the functioning of Kenya’s legislatures. The paper explores approaches taken by a number of jurisdictions in establishing a proper balance between maintaining a viable parliamentary privilege regime in a rights-based constitutional system.

Keywords: Kenya, constitution, judicial restraint, parliamentary privilege

Procedia PDF Downloads 141

Authors: Abdsalam Alahwal, Suren Pillay

Abstract:

Libya saw the occurrence of violations of human rights on a large scale as well as the deterioration of the rule of law in large parts of the country after the February 17 revolution that removed the Colonel Muammar Gaddafi from power in what is known upheaval of the Arab Spring. Although Libya, a country with a modern democracy, but he has declared unconstitutional temporarily allowed to exercise all the rights of political, civil and judicial, but the presence of weapons in the hands of militias list on the basis of regional, tribal and ideology was the main reason for the deterioration of the humanitarian situation as well as the foreign intervention in Libya. Where reports stressed that violations are serious committed by the conflicting parties from power after the fall of Gaddafi of assassinations and kidnapping of identity and practices related to human trafficking Some of these reports indicate that some ethnic ingredients such as Tawergha and Epiphyseal where was deliberately targeted by some militias were displacement around the city because of their allegiance to the former regime after the war ended in 2012. It is noteworthy that many of these violations and abuses committed by these militias that participated overthrow Gaddafi may rise to war crimes and crimes against humanity. That the intervention in Libya, although it had a human purpose and under the pretext of reducing the political system of human rights violations, but that the main objective, which was behind the international intervention was to overthrow the existing political system and the elimination of Muammar Gaddafi.

Keywords: Arab Spring, democracy, revolution , Libya

Procedia PDF Downloads 279

Authors: Juan Sanmartín Bastida

Abstract:

When a country experiences a period of transition from authoritarianism to democracy, involving an earlier process of political liberalization and a later process of democratization, a cycle of protest usually outbreaks, as there is a reciprocal influence between that kind of political change and the frequency and scale of social protest events. That is what happened in Spain during the first years of its transition to democracy from the Francoist authoritarian regime, roughly between November 1975 and December 1978. Thus, the object of this study is to show and explain how that cycle of protest started, developed, and finished in relation to such a political change, and offer specific information about the main features of all protest cycles: the social movements that arose during that period, the number of protest events by month, the forms of collective action that were utilized, the groups of challengers that engaged in contentious politics, the reaction of the authorities to the action and claims of those groups, etc. The study of this cycle of protest, using the primary sources and analytical tools that characterize the model of research of protest cycles, will make a contribution to the field of contentious politics and its phenomenon of cycles of contention, and more broadly to the political and social history of contemporary Spain. The cycle of protest and the process of political liberalization of the authoritarian regime began around the same time, but the first concluded long before the process of democratization was completed in 1982. The ascending phase of the cycle and therefore the process of liberalization started with the death of Francisco Franco and the proclamation of Juan Carlos I as King of Spain in November 1975; the peak of the cycle was around the first months of 1977; the descending phase started after the first general election of June 1977; and the level of protest stabilized in the last months of 1978, a year that finished with a referendum in which the Spanish people approved the current democratic constitution. It was then when we can consider that the cycle of protest came to an end. The primary sources are the news of protest events and social movements in the three main Spanish newspapers at the time, other written or audiovisual documents, and in-depth interviews; and the analytical tools are the political opportunities that encourage social protest, the available repertoire of contention, the organizations and networks that brought together people with the same claims and allowed them to engage in contentious politics, and the interpretative frames that justify, dignify and motivates their collective action. These are the main four factors that explain the beginning, development and ending of the cycle of protest, and therefore the accompanying social movements and events of collective action. Among those four factors, the political opportunities -their opening, exploitation, and closure-proved to be most decisive.

Keywords: contentious politics, cycles of protest, political opportunities, social movements, Spanish transition to democracy

Procedia PDF Downloads 112

Authors: Werner Roux Uys

Abstract:

The Commissioner for the South African Revenue Service (SARS) holds a high position of trust in South African society and a lack of trust by taxpayers in the Commissioner’s actions or conduct could compromise SARS’ management of public finances. Tax morality – which is implicit in the social contract between taxpayers and the state – includes distinct phenomena that can cause a breakdown if there is a perceived lack of action on the part of the Commissioner to ensure public finances are kept safe. To promote tax morality, the Commissioner must support the judiciary in the exercise of its discretion to punish fraudulent tax activities and corrupt tax practices. For several years the political meddling in the Commissioner’s actions and conduct have caused perceived abuse of power at SARS, and taxpayers believed their hard-earned income paid over to SARS would be fruitless and wasteful expenditure. The purpose of this article is to identify and analyse previous decisions held by the South African judiciary regarding the Commissioner’s actions and conduct in tax matters, as well as consider important political statements and newspaper bulletins for the purpose of this research. The study applies a qualitative research approach and exploratory case study technique. Keywords were selected and inserted in the LexisNexis electronic database to systematically identify applicable case law where the ratio decidendi of the court referred to the actions and/or conduct of the Commissioner. Specific real-life statements, including political statements and newspaper bulletins, were selected to support the topic at hand. The purpose of the study is to educate the public about the perceptions that have transformed taxpayers’ behaviour towards the Commissioner for SARS since South Africa’s fledgling constitutional democracy was inaugurated in 1994. The study adds to the literature by identifying key characteristics or distinct phenomena regarding the actions and conduct of the Commissioner affecting taxpayers’ behaviour, including discretionary decision-making. From the findings, it emerged that SARS must abide by its (own) laws and that there is a need to educate not only South African taxpayers about tax morality, but also the public in general.

Keywords: commissioner, SARS, action and conduct, judiciary, discretionry, decsion-making

Procedia PDF Downloads 50

Authors: Waseem Makai

Abstract:

The term ‘political Islam’ now seem to have gained the centre stage in every discourse pertaining to Islamic legitimacy and compatibility in modern civilisations. A never ceasing tradition of the philosophy of caliphate that has kept overriding the options of any alternate political institution in the Muslim world still permeates a huge faction of believers. Fully accustomed with the proliferation of changes and developments in individual, social and natural dispositions of the world, Islamic theologians retaliated to this flux through both conventional and modernist approaches. The so-called conventional approach was quintessential of the interpretations put forth by Syed Maududi, with new comprehensive, academic and powerful vigour, as never seen before. He generated the avant-garde scholarship which would bear testimony to his statements, made to uphold the political institution of Islam as supreme and noble. However, it was not his trait to challenge the established views but to codify them in such a bracket which a man of the 20th century would find captivating to his heart and satisfactory to his rationale. The delicate microcosms like selection of a caliph, implementation of Islamic commandments (Sharia), interest free banking sectors, imposing tax (Jazyah) on non-believers, waging the holy crusade (Jihad) for the expansion of Islamic boundaries, stoning for committing adulteration and capital punishment for apostates were all there in his scholarship which he spent whole of his life defending in the best possible manner. What and where did he went wrong with all this, was supposedly to be notified later, by his once been disciple, Javed Ahmad Ghamidi. Ghamidi is being accused of struggling between Scylla and Charybdis as he tries to remain steadfast to his basic Islamic tenets while modernising their interpretations to bring them in harmony with the Western ideals of democracy and liberty. His blatant acknowledgement of putting democracy at a high pedestal, calling the implementation of Sharia a non-mandatory task and denial to bracket people in the categories of Zimmi and Kaafir fully vindicates his stance against conventional narratives like that of Syed Maududi. Ghamidi goes to the extent of attributing current forms of radicalism and extremism, as exemplified in the operations of organisations like ISIS in Iraq and Syria and Tehreek-e-Taliban in Pakistan, to such a version of political Islam as upheld not only by Syed Maududi but by other prominent theologians like Ibn-Timyah, Syed Qutub and Dr. Israr Ahmad also. Ghamidi is wretched, in a way that his allegedly insubstantial claims gained him enough hostilities to leave his homeland when two of his close allies were brutally murdered. Syed Maududi and Javed Ghamidi, both stand poles apart in their understanding of Islam and its political domain. Who has the appropriate methodology, scholarship and execution in his mode of comprehension, is an intriguing task, worth carrying out in detail.

Keywords: caliphate, democracy, ghamidi, maududi

Procedia PDF Downloads 174

Authors: Busari Moshood Olanyi

Abstract:

Good governance remains the expectation of every political party in power, especially in this democratic dispensation of the Nigerian Nation. The need to ensure that the citizenry enjoys the dividends of democracy as often promised during various electioneering campaigns is envisioned to be the motif for different agendas and political slogans by different administrations. Unfortunately, different political agendas towards the security of lives and properties, halting the pillage of the economy by corrupt public officials and creation of employment opportunities for the youths, have a record of setback in the history of political leadership and governance in Nigeria. Therefore, the paper examined the principles of Islamic theocracy in its advocacy for a paradigm shift in the Nigerian political system, with a view to engendering good governance. Islamic political terms such as Shūrā (mutual consultation), ‘Adālah (equality and justice), Khilāfah (succession and stewardship) Majlis ash-Shūrā (consultative forum) and Muḥāsabah (accountability) were espoused as sacrosanct to implementing Islamic theocracy as an alternative system of government in Nigeria. The paper concluded by being flexible on the nomenclature of the suggested political system, considering the multi-religious nature of the country as a political entity. Among other recommendations, infusion of politics into our moral/religious system and not the other way round was considered a good step in the direction of a political paradigm shift for ensuring good governance and guaranteeing its sustainability in Nigeria.

Keywords: Nigerian nation, democracy, good governance, Islamic theocracy, paradigm shift

Procedia PDF Downloads 129

Authors: Syeda Salina Aziz, Tanvir Ahmed Mozumder

Abstract:

Citizenship is an important concept of democracy which broadly defines the relationship between the state and its citizens; at the same time, it analyzes the rights and duties of a citizen. The universal citizenship principle demands that citizens should be aware of the political system, possess democratic attitudes, and join the political activity. Bangladesh presents an interesting case for democracy; the democratic practices in the country have been long introduced, have been interrupted several times, and the democratic values and practices have yet to be established in the country. These transitions have influenced citizens’ ideologies and participation in decision-making and also shaped their expectations differently. In this backdrop, this paper aims to understand and explain the citizenship behavior of Bangladeshi nationals. Based on nationally representative household survey data of 4000 respondents, this paper creates a composite citizenship index which is a combination of three separate indices, including participation index, knowledge and awareness index, and ideology index. The paper then tries to explain the factors that affect the citizenship index. Using fixed effect regression analysis, the paper intends to explore the association between citizenship and socio-demographic variables, including education, location, gender, and exposure to the media of respondents. Additionally, using national election polls, the paper creates a variable to measure long-term support towards the current ruling party and tests whether and how this affects the citizenship variables.

Keywords: citizenship, political participation, Bangladesh, stronghold

Procedia PDF Downloads 60

Authors: Farida Ibrahim

Abstract:

Right to information is the public's right to know through having access to public information held by state bodies. Recognized as a cornerstone in transparent, participatory and open democracies, the right to information is increasingly perceived today as an emerging human right on the international level. While this right is conceptualized in a range of different contexts, the paper focuses on its conceptualization as a force for socio-economic change for disadvantaged groups. The paper's goal is study the instrumental capacity of this right in empowering the public to access state-held information pertinent to their socio-economic rights. In this regard, the paper views the right to information as an inclusionary tool that is capable of spurring inclusion for individuals excluded from the ambits of both: public participation and social justice. For exploring this, the paper examines the advocacy role played by civil society groups in furthering this instrumental capacity. In particular, the paper presents a focused account on the Egyptian case. While Egypt has recently adopted its constitutional provision on access to information, doubts arise on Egyptian citizens' genuine ability to access information held by state bodies. The politico-economic environment, long term culture of bureaucratic secrecy, and legal framework do not provide promising outcomes on access to public information. Within the particular context of the Egyptian case, this paper questions the extent to which civil society in Egypt is capable of instrumentally employing the political opportunity offered by the constitutional entitlement to information access for pressuring public authorities to disclose information. Through four lawsuits brought by civil society groups in Egypt, the paper argues that the right to information has instrumentally provided civil society actors with new domains of mobilization for furthering the realization of social and economic rights, and ultimately, for renegotiating a new social order lining the relationship between the Egyptian state and its citizens marginalized by socio-economic imbalances.

Keywords: civil society, Egypt, right to information, socio-economic rights

Procedia PDF Downloads 257

Authors: Silvia Lucciarini, Antonio Corasaniti

Abstract:

The issue of democracy in capitalist countries has once again become the focus of debate in recent years. A number of socio-economic and political tensions have triggered discussion of this topic from various perspectives and disciplines. Political developments, the rise of both right-wing parties and populism and the constant growth of inequalities in a context of welfare downsizing, have led scholars to question if European capitalist countries are really capable of creating and redistributing resources and look for elements that might make democratic capital in European countries more dense. The aim of the work is to shed light on the trajectories, intensity and convergence or divergence between political and associative participation, on one hand, and organization, on the other, as these constitute two of the main points of connection between the norms, values and actions that bind citizens to the state. Using the European Social Survey database, some studies have sought to analyse degrees of unionization by investigating the relationship between systems of industrial relations and vulnerable groups (in terms of value-oriented practices or political participation). This paper instead aims to investigate the relationship between union participation and civil/political participation, comparing union members and non-members and then distinguishing between employees and self-employed professionals to better understand participatory behaviors among different workers. The first component of the research will employ a multilinear logistic model to examine a sample of 10 countries selected according to a grid that combines the industrial relations models identified by Visser (2006) and the Welfare State systems identified by Esping-Andersen (1990). On the basis of this sample, we propose to compare the choices made by workers and their propensity to join trade unions, together with their level of social and political participation, from 2002 to 2016. In the second component, we aim to verify whether workers within the same system of industrial relations and welfare show a similar propensity to engage in civil participation through political bodies and associations, or if instead these tendencies take on more specific and varied forms. The results will allow us to see: (1) if political participation is higher among unionized workers than it is among the non-unionized. (2) what are the differences in unionisation and civil/political participation between self-employed, temporary and full-time employees and (3) whether the trajectories within industrial relations and welfare models display greater inclusiveness and participation, thereby confirming or disproving the patterns that have been documented among the different European countries.

Keywords: union membership, participation, democracy, industrial relations, welfare systems

Procedia PDF Downloads 118

Authors: Pinqiao Wang

Abstract:

Mindfulness, derived from Buddhism, has been developed to improve individuals' well-being, first in the West and then gaining growing popularity in Asia. Numerous research studies have proven the effectiveness of mindfulness among clinical groups and the public all over the world. However, as enthusiasm surges, reflections on mindfulness and its commodification and instrumentalization arise. Hong Kong was seen as the model of a free market by neoliberal economists. The relationships between its socioeconomic neoliberalism, Western-inspired democracy aspiration, and political harmonization with China Mainland have been fraught with tensions, which have been further exacerbated by socio-political changes since the 2010s. Under such circumstances, mental health problems have come into the spotlight in Hong Kong recently. Mindfulness has gained growing popularity in Hong Kong, with its influence reaching from primary schools to corporate settings. A more comprehensive socio-political analysis of mindfulness within the Hong Kong context warrants further exploration. Drawing on interview responses from mindfulness practitioners, we examine the connections between the ideologies underlying mindfulness and contemporary capitalist society. On the one hand, mindfulness focuses on the present moment and self-improvement, representing neoliberal capitalist spirituality and reinforcing existing power relations. On the other hand, mindfulness fosters the acceptance of difference, which is argued to demonstrate the potential for advancing democracy at both the individual and community levels. Academically, this research provides empirical evidence to advance the current discussions and debates surrounding the socio-political potential of mindfulness. Practically, it serves as a reflection on mindfulness practices to optimize their impact on individuals and society.

Keywords: neoliberal subjectivity, qualitative analysis, social construction, technologies of the self, therapeutic culture

Procedia PDF Downloads 37

Authors: Shatakshi Garg

Abstract:

As the world continues to grapple with the COVID-19 pandemic, India, one of the most populous democratic federal developing nation, continues to report the highest active cases and deaths, as well as struggle to let its health infrastructure not succumb to the exponentially growing requirements of hospital beds, ventilators, oxygen to save thousands of lives daily at risk. In this context, the paper outlines the handling of the COVID-19 pandemic since it first hit India in January 2020 – the policy decisions taken by the Union and the State governments from the larger perspective of its federal structure. The Constitution of India adopted in 1950 enshrined the federal relations between the Union and the State governments by way of the constitutional division of revenue-raising and expenditure responsibilities. By way of the 72nd and 73rd Amendments in the Constitution, powers and functions were devolved further to the third tier, namely the local governments, with the intention of further strengthening the federal structure of the country. However, with time, several constitutional amendments have shifted the scales in favour of the union government. The paper briefly traces some of these major amendments as well as some policy decisions which made the federal relations asymmetrical. As a result, data on key fiscal parameters helps establish how the union government gained upper hand at the expense of weak state governments, reducing the local governments to mere constitutional bodies without adequate funds and fiscal autonomy to carry out the assigned functions. This quasi-federal structure of India with the union government amassing the majority of power in terms of ‘funds, functions and functionaries’ exposed the perils of weakening sub-national governments post COVID-19 pandemic. With a complex quasi-federal structure and a heterogeneous population of over 1.3 billion, the announcement of a sudden nationwide lockdown by the union government was followed by a plight of migrants struggling to reach homes safely in the absence of adequate arrangements for travel and safety-net made by the union government. With limited autonomy enjoyed by the states, they were mostly dictated by the union government on most aspects of handling the pandemic, including protocols for lockdown, re-opening post lockdown, and vaccination drive. The paper suggests that certain policy decisions like demonetization, the introduction of GST, etc., taken by the incumbent government since 2014 when they first came to power, have further weakened the states and local governments, which have amounted to catastrophic losses, both economic and human. The role of the executive, legislature and judiciary are explored to establish how all these three arms of the government have worked simultaneously to further weaken and expose the fault-lines of the federal structure of India, which has lent the nation incapacitated to handle this pandemic. The paper then suggests the urgency of re-looking at the federal structure of the country and undertaking measures that strengthen the sub-national governments and restore the federal spirit as was enshrined in the constitution to avoid mammoth human and economic losses from a pandemic of this sort.

Keywords: COVID-19 pandemic, India, federal structure, economic losses

Procedia PDF Downloads 153

Authors: Adriana Pereira Arteaga

Abstract:

In many Latin American countries the transition towards legal pluralism - has developed as part of what is called Latin-American-Constitutionalism over the last thirty years. The aim of this paper is to discuss how legal pluralism in its current form in Bolivia may produce exclusion and violence. Legal sources and discourse analysis - as an approach to examine written language on discourse documentation- will be used to develop this paper. With the constitution of 2009, Bolivia was symbolically "re-founded" into a multi-nation state. This shift goes hand in hand with the "indigenista" and "decolonisation" ideologies developing since the early 20th century. Discourses based on these ideologies reflect the rejection of liberal and western premises on which the Bolivian republic was originally built after independence. According to the "indigenista" movements, the liberal nation-state generates institutions corresponding to a homogenous society. These liberal institutions not only ignore the Bolivian multi-nation reality, but also maintain the social structures originating form the colony times, based on prejudices against the indigenous. The described statements were elaborated through the image: the indigenous people humiliated by a cruel western system as highlighted by the constitution's preamble. This narrative had a considerable impact on the sensitivity of people and received great social support. Therefore the proposal for changing structures of the nation-state, is charged with an emancipatory message of restoring even the pre-Columbian order. An order at times romantically described as the perfect order. Legally this connotes a rejection of the positivistic national legal system based on individual rights and the promotion of constitutional recognition of indigenous justice administration. The pluralistic Constitution is supposed to promote tolerance and a peaceful coexistence among nations, so that the unity and integrity of the country could be maintained. In its current form, legal pluralism in Bolivia is justified on pre-existing rights contained for example in the International - Labour - Organization - Convention 169, but it is more developed on the described discursive constructions. Over time these discursive constructions created inconsistencies in terms of putting indigenous justice administration into practice: First, because legal pluralism has been more developed on level of political discourse, so a real interaction between the national and the indigenous jurisdiction cannot be observed. There are no clear coordination and cooperation mechanisms. Second, since the recently reformed constitution is based on deep sensitive experiences, little is said about the general legal principles on which a pluralistic administration of justice in Bolivia should be based. Third, basic rights, liberties, and constitutional guarantees are also affected by the antagonized image of the national justice administration. As a result, fundamental rights could be violated on a large scale because many indigenous justice administration practices run counter to these constitutional rules. These problems are not merely Bolivian but may also be encountered in other regional countries with similar backgrounds, like Ecuador.

Keywords: discourse, indigenous justice, legal pluralism, multi-nation

Procedia PDF Downloads 426

Authors: F. Agbele

Abstract:

Elections are core democratic institutions. Consequently, voter participation during elections is paramount to democratic governance as it serves as a medium to legitimize authority and make the privileges of electoral democracy meaningful to citizens. To this effect, the topic of voter mobilization and subsequent turnout level have been largely studied in advanced democracies. In young and consolidating democracies, the debate has, however, revolves around the huge reliance on ethnic and regional appeals. According to the Author’s knowledge, studies on electoral mobilization especially within the African context have argued the use of ethnic linkages by political parties to mobilize voters during elections. Literature has however not differentiated between the level of democratic dispensation among African countries and the use of ethnic linkages. The question, however, is whether the state of the country’s democracy determines the strategies employed by political parties to induce voter participation. In other words, do parties simply play ethno-regional cards as strongly suggested by literature or will consider an arrayed of strategies to mobilize voters? Additionally, studies have not differentiated the impact of mobilization strategy within a country, i.e. between high to low turnout areas. They have also not distinguished between strategies employed by an incumbent or an opposition party. This paper, therefore, is a comparative analysis of voter mobilization in Ghana. It uses original survey and interview data from three constituencies in Ghana: Nanton, Assin North, and Ellembelle, which are typical cases of high, average and low turnout areas, respectively. The data were concurrently collected during fieldworks conducted in November 2016 to February 2017, and again from July to August 2017. The study found that political parties within a consolidating democracy employ a blend of strategies to ensure turnout by both parties’ faithful and swing voters. The dominant strategies used depends on whether the party is an incumbent or in opposition. While an incumbent may depend more on personalistic and clientelistic strategies, parties in opposition will largely use programmatic strategies, which entails making many campaign promises. Additionally, opposition parties do use clientelistic tactics, but not on the same level as the incumbent. Similarly, within the context of this study, the use of ethnic linkage by political parties to mobilize voters has not been found to be as strong as suggested in the literature. Further, location was key in determining the strategy to use. In all, the consolidation process of a democratic country like Ghana means the change of mobilization strategies used by political parties, which entail a gradual shift from ethnic linkages to programmatic and other forms of non-programmatic strategies.

Keywords: comparative analysis, elections, mobilization strategies, voter turnout

Procedia PDF Downloads 147

Authors: Sunayana Basu Mallik, Shishira Prakash

Abstract:

The inclusion of Rights of Author (Moral and Personal Rights) resonate the century long battle of rights of authors, composers, performers across developed and developing countries (whether following civil law or common law systems). But, the juxtaposition of author’s special, moral, personal rights within the legislative framework of Copyright statutes (Indian Copyright Act, 1957, applicable statutes) underscores the foundational role of the right which goes to the root of the constitutional structure of India and philosophies of political and literary leaders like Mahatma Gandhi and Gurudeb Rabindranath Tagore. In the pre-independence era when the concept of moral rights was unknown to both England and India’s statutory laws, the strategic deployment method of Gandhi, his ideologies and thoughts scripted the concept of moral rights for authors/composers. The preservation of Rabindric Style (Characteristic Tagore’s vocal renditions) by Vishwabharati University (successor in interest for Tagore’s literary and musical compositions) prior to the Copyright Amendment of 1999 recognizing Author’s Special Rights in line with 6bis of Berne Convention invigorates the fact that the right existed intrinsically prior to the legislative amendment. The paper would in addition to the academic probe carry out an empirical enquiry of the institution’s (Navjivan Trust and Vishwa Bharati University’s) reasoning on the same. The judicial discourse and transforming constitutional ideals between 1950s till date in India alludes Moral Rights to be an essential legal right which have been reasoned by Indian Courts based on the underlying philosophies in culture, customs, religion wherein composers and literary figures have played key roles in enlightening and encouraging the members of society through their literary, musical and artistic work during pre-independence renaissance of India. The discourses have been influenced by the philosophies reflected in the preamble of the Indian constitution, ‘socialist, secular, democratic republic’ and laws of other civil law countries. Lastly, the paper would analyze the adjudication process and witness involvement in ascertaining violations of moral rights and further summarize the indigenous and country specific economic thoughts that often chisel decisions on moral rights of authors, composers, performers which sometimes intersect with author’s right of privacy and against defamation. The exclusivity contracts or other arrangements between authors, composers and publishing companies not only have an erosive effect on each thread of moral rights but irreparably dents factors that promote creativity. The paper would also be review these arrangements in view of the principles of unjust enrichment, unfair trade practices, anti-competitive behavior and breach of Section 27 (Restrain of Trade) of Indian Contract Act, 1857. The paper will thus lay down the three pillars on which author’s rights in India should namely rest, (a) political and judicial discourse evolving principles supporting moral rights of authors; (b) amendment and insertion of Section 57 of the Copyright Act, 1957; (c) overall constitutional framework supporting author’s rights.

Keywords: copyright, moral rights, performer’s rights, personal rights

Procedia PDF Downloads 173

Authors: Alphonso Goliath

Abstract:

With mandatory minimum sentences, even with its qualification of “substantial and compelling circumstances”, the sentence severity for violent crimes has increased substantially to combat crime. Considering the upsurge in violent crime, the paper argues that minimum sentences failed to prevent or curb violent crime. These sentences deprive offenders more than what is reasonably necessary of their freedom to curb the offense and punish the offender. Minimum sentences amount to cruel, inhuman, and degrading punishment unjustified and vulnerable to constitutional challenge.

Keywords: constitutionality, deterrence, incapacitation, minimum sentencing legislation, prison overcrowding, rehabilitation, recidivism, retribution, violent crime

Procedia PDF Downloads 67