Search results for: Weimar democracy

Authors: Tunde Ope-Davies

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Transmediality and platformization as online content-sharing protocols have continued to accentuate the growing impact of the unprecedented digital revolution across the world. The rapid transformation across all sectors as a result of this revolution has continued to spotlight the increasing importance of new media technologies in redefining and reshaping the rhythm and dynamics of our private and public discursive practices. Equally, social and political activities are being impacted daily through the creation and transmission of political discourse content through multi-channel platforms such as mobile telephone communication, social media networks and the internet. It has been observed that digital platforms have become central to the production, processing, and distribution of multimodal social data and cultural content. The platformization paradigm thus underpins our understanding of how digital platforms enhance the production and heterogenous distribution of media and cultural content through these platforms and how this process facilitates socioeconomic and political activities. The use of multiple digital platforms to share and transmit political discourse material synchronously and asynchronously has gained some exciting momentum in the last few years. Nigeria’s 2023 general elections amplified the usage of social media and other online platforms as tools for electioneering campaigns, socio-political mobilizations and civic engagement. The study, therefore, focuses on transmedia and platformed political discourse as a new strategy to promote political candidates and their manifesto in order to mobilize support and woo voters. This innovative transmedia digital discourse model involves a constellation of online texts and images transmitted through different online platforms almost simultaneously. The data for the study was extracted from the 2023 general elections campaigns in Nigeria between January- March 2023 through media monitoring, manual download and the use of software to harvest the online electioneering campaign material. I adopted a discursive-analytic qualitative technique with toolkits drawn from a computer-mediated multimodal discourse paradigm. The study maps the progressive development of digital political discourse in this young democracy. The findings also demonstrate the inevitable transformation of modern democratic practice through platform-dependent and transmedia political discourse. Political actors and media practitioners now deploy layers of social media network platforms to convey messages and mobilize supporters in order to aggregate and maximize the impact of their media campaign projects and audience reach.

Keywords: social media, digital humanities, political discourse, platformized discourse, multimodal discourse

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Authors: M. Moncef Khaddar

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This paper focuses mainly on a contextualized understanding of ‘autocratic authoritarianism’ in Tunisia without approaching its peculiarities in reference to the ideal type of capitalist-liberal democracy but rather analysing it as a Tunisian ‘civilian dictatorship’. This is reminiscent, to some extent, of the French ‘colonial authoritarianism’ in parallel with the legacy of the traditional formal monarchic absolutism. The Tunisian autocratic political system is here construed as a state manufactured nationalist-populist authoritarianism associated with a de facto presidential single party, two successive autocratic presidents and their subservient autocratic elites who ruled with an iron fist the de-colonialized ‘liberated nation’ that came to be subjected to a large scale oppression and domination under the new Tunisian Republic. The diachronic survey of Tunisia’s autocratic authoritarian system covers the early years of autocracy, under the first autocratic president Bourguiba, 1957-1987, as well as the different stages of its consolidation into a police-security state under the second autocratic president, Ben Ali, 1987-2011. Comparing the policies of authoritarian regimes, within what is identified synchronically as a bi-cephalous autocratic system, entails an in-depth study of the two autocrats, who ruled Tunisia for more than half a century, as modern adaptable autocrats. This is further supported by an exploration of the ruling authoritarian autocratic elites who played a decisive role in shaping the undemocratic state-society relations, under the 1st and 2nd President, and left an indelible mark, structurally and ideologically, on Tunisian polity. Emphasis is also put on the members of the governmental and state-party institutions and apparatuses that kept circulating and recycling from one authoritarian regime to another, and from the first ‘founding’ autocrat to his putschist successor who consolidated authoritarian stability, political continuity and autocratic governance. The reconfiguration of Tunisian political life, in the post-autocratic era, since 2011 will be analysed. This will be scrutinized, especially in light of the unexpected return of many high-profile figures and old guards of the autocratic authoritarian apparatchiks. How and why were, these public figures, from an autocratic era, able to return in a supposedly post-revolutionary moment? Finally, while some continue to celebrate the putative exceptional success of ‘democratic transition’ in Tunisia, within a context of ‘unfinished revolution’, others remain perplexed in the face of a creeping ‘oligarchic transition’ to a ‘hybrid regime’, characterized rather by elites’ reformist tradition than a bottom-up genuine democratic ‘change’. This latter is far from answering the 2010 ordinary people’s ‘uprisings’ and ‘aspirations, for ‘Dignity, Liberty and Social Justice’.

Keywords: authoritarianism, autocracy, democratization, democracy, populism, transition, Tunisia

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Authors: Ralpian Randolian

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Eighty-five Romanian teachers and principals participated on this study to examine their perspectives of different leadership styles. Demographic variables such as the source of degree (Romania, Europe institutes, USA institutes, etc.), gender, region, level taught, years of experience, and specialty were identified. The researcher developed a questionnaire that consisted of 4 leadership styles. The data were analyzed using structural equation modeling (SEM) to identify which of the variables best predict the leadership styles. Results indicated that the democracy style was the most preferred leadership style by Jordanian parents, while the authoritarian styles ranked second. The results also found statistically significant differences were found related to the study variables. This study ends by putting forward a number of suggestions and recommendation.

Keywords: teachers’ perspectives, leadership styles, gender, structural equation modeling

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Authors: Edmilson Nhambe, Belisario Machaieie

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Since the signing of the General Peace Agreement-GPA in 1992, Mozambique has seen successive setbacks in the search for effective peace, civil war, social conflicts, terrorism, and armed conflicts mix the reality of Mozambican democracy. The article seeks to understand the dynamics of conflict and peace in Mozambique. Specifically, it seeks to analyze the structural factors that lead to (violent) conflict situations and the factors that favor or promote peace. For this purpose, desk research was chosen to analyze studies of peace and conflict. This article develops the argument that the non-violation of the peace agreement, in particular the GPA in Rome, as it had a structuring effect on the Mozambican political system, no longer guarantees in itself the irreversibility of the pacification process. In fact, the country is currently stagnating in the category of a fragile peace process with the risk of slipping into a situation of war or open armed conflict.

Keywords: peace, conflict, GPA, instability

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Authors: Demelash Kassaye

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The Ethiopia case study reveals a unique model of community policing that has developed from a particular political context in which there is a history of violent political transition, a political structure characterized by ethnic federalism and a political ideology that straddles liberal capitalism and democracy on the one hand, and state-led development and centralized control on the other. The police see community policing as a way to reduce crime. Communities speak about community policing as an opportunity to take on policing responsibilities themselves. Both of these objectives are brought together in an overarching rhetoric of community policing as a way of ‘mobilizing for development’ – whereby the community cooperate with the police to reduce crime, which otherwise inhibits development progress. Community policing in Amhara has primarily involved the placement of Community Police Officers at the kebele level across the State. In addition, a number of structures have also been established in the community, including Advisory Councils, Conflict Resolving Committees, family police and the use of shoe shiner’s and other trade associations as police informants. In addition to these newly created structures, community policing also draws upon pre-existing customary actors, such as militia and elders. Conflict Resolving Committees, Community Police Officers and elders were reported as the most common first ports of call when community members experience a crime. The analysis highlights that the model of community policing in Amhara increased communities’ access to policing services, although this is not always attended by increased access to justice. Community members also indicate that public perceptions of the police have improved since the introduction of community policing, in part due to individual Community Police Officers who have, with limited resources, innovated some impressive strategies to improve safety in their neighborhoods. However, more broadly, community policing has provided the state with more effective surveillance of the population – a potentially oppressive function in the current political context. Ultimately, community policing in Amhara is anything but straightforward. It has been a process of attempting to demonstrate the benefits of newfound (and controversial) ‘democracy’ following years of dictatorship, drawing on generations of customary dispute resolution, providing both improved access to security for communities and an enhanced surveillance capacity for the state. For external actors looking to engage in community policing, this case study reveals the importance of close analysis in assessing potential merits, risks and entry points of programming. Factors found to be central in shaping the nature of community policing in the Amhara case include the structure of the political system, state-society relations, cultures dispute resolution and political ideology.

Keywords: community policing, community, militias, ethiopia

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Authors: Weena Eiamprapai

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The growth of Thai society in western style in the middle of Rattanakosin period can be defined as modernization /civilization. These terms had an influence on the development of the country in the reign of King Rama V owing to the governance reform, and cultures influenced by the West. Those were passed on until the reign of King Rama VI. The preference was not only for the renovation of architecture and arts based on Thai customs reflecting the prosperity and beauty of handicrafts but also for the acceptance of westernization. The remain of this acceptance includes the concept of such value as gentlemanly behavior like that in Victorian Era of the United Kingdom, and the support of women’s status. Moreover, the wide spread of modernization leads to the movement to change the country’s governance system from absolute monarchy to democracy by a group of people called Rattanakosin Era (R.E.) 130 party.

Keywords: art, culture, development period, modernization, King Rama VI

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Authors: María Del Mar Ramos-Lorente, Rafael Martínez-Martín

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More than 40 years have passed since the Spanish Constitution in force today was approved in 1978. The period prior to that Constitution, which marked the transition to democracy, was marked by National Catholicism, which actively limited the existence of religions other than Catholicism in the national territory. The approval of this norm allowed the opening in many aspects, including the religious one. This work will profusely describe the evolution of the appearance of religious minorities in Spain from the moment of the transition, in which the space for religious freedom appears up to the present. The methodology is twofold. On the one hand, qualitative analysis of the legislation has allowed the religious opening. On the other, the quantitative analysis of the NMRs implemented in Spain. The entire analysis establishes the increase in religious organizations as a result, with notable variations across the territory.

Keywords: new religious movements, religious minorities, sociological analysis, Spain

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Authors: Flavia Kroetz

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From 1964 to 1985, Brazil was ruled by a dictatorial regime that, under the discourse of fight against terrorism and subversion, implemented cruel and atrocious practices against anyone who opposed the State ideology. At the same time, several Latin American countries faced dictatorial periods and experienced State repression through apparatuses of violence institutionalized in the very governmental structure. Despite the correspondence between repressive methods adopted by authoritarian regimes in States such as Argentina, Chile, El Salvador, Peru and Uruguay, the mechanisms of democratic transition adopted with the end of each dictatorship were significantly different. While some States have found ways to deal with past atrocities through serious and transparent investigations of the crimes perpetrated in the name of repression, in others, as in Brazil, a culture of impunity remains rooted in society, manifesting itself in the widespread disbelief of the population in governmental and democratic institutions. While Argentina, Chile, Peru and Uruguay are convincing examples of the possibility and importance of the prosecution of crimes such as torture, forced disappearance and murder committed by the State, El Salvador demonstrates the complete failure to punish or at least remove from power the perpetrators of serious crimes against civilians and political opponents. In a scenario of widespread violations of human rights, State violence becomes entrenched within society as a daily and even necessary practice. In Brazil, a lack of political and judicial will withstands the impunity of those who, during the military regime, committed serious crimes against human rights under the authority of the State. If the reproduction of violence is a direct consequence of the culture of denial and the rejection of everyone considered to be different, ‘the other’, then the adoption of transitional mechanisms that underpin the historical and political contexts of the time seems essential. Such mechanisms must strengthen democracy through the effective implementation of the rights to memory and to truth, the right to justice and reparations for victims and their families, as well as institutional changes in order to remove from power those who, when in power, could not distinguish between legality and authoritarianism. Against this background, this research analyses the importance of transitional justice for the restoration of democracy, considering the adoption of amnesty laws as a strategy to preclude criminal prosecution of offenses committed during dictatorial regimes. The study investigates the scope of Law No 6.683/79, the Brazilian amnesty law, which, according to a 2010 decision of the Brazilian Constitutional Supreme Court, granted amnesty to those responsible for political crimes and related crimes, committed between September 2, 1961 and August 15, 1979. Was the purpose of this Law to grant amnesty to violent crimes committed by the State? If so, is it possible to recognize the legitimacy of a Congress composed of indirectly elected politicians controlled by the dictatorship?

Keywords: amnesty law, criminal justice, dictatorship, state violence

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Authors: Chiung-Ju Huang

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This study utilizes a frequency domain approach over the period of 1996 to 2013 to examine the causal relationship between governance and economic growth in ten Asian countries, which have different levels of democracy; classified as “Free”, “Partly Free”, and “Not Free” countries. The empirical results show that there is no Granger causality running from governance to economic growth in “Not Free” countries and “Partly Free” countries with the exception of Singapore. As for “Free” countries such as South Korea and Taiwan, there is a one-way causality running from governance to economic growth. The findings of this study indicate that policy makers in South Korea, Taiwan, and Singapore could use governance index to improve their predictions of the future economic growth.

Keywords: economic growth, frequency domain, governance, granger causality

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Authors: Tatia Tavkhelidze

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The European agenda on multiculturalism has undermined Muslim communities through cultural repulsion. Muslims have been labeled as primitive and dangerous people. They experience discrimination at university, workplace, or in the public sphere on a daily basis. Keeping this in view, the proposed research argues that the coining of Muslimness as a problem in modern European societies indicates the crisis of multiculturalism and it could be explained by the anthropological theory of cultural othering. To prove this assumption, the research undertakes a content analysis of modern policy discourse about Muslims and Islam in different European countries (e.g. France, Austria, Denmark, and Hungary). It focuses on the speech of populist politicians, right-wing party leaders and state officials. The research findings are of great significance as they elucidate that the European societies forgot to respect their own values of toleration, religious liberty and democracy; and undermine the European motto 'unity in diversity.

Keywords: assimilation, islamophobia, multiculturalism, populism

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Authors: Ryan Brading

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The results of Taiwan’s presidential election, which took place on 11 January 2020, were alarming for the Kuomintang (KMT). A party that was once the pillar of Taiwan’s institutional apparatus is now losing its direction. Since 2016, the inability of KMT to construct a winning presidential election campaign strategy has made its Chinese ancestry an obstacle in Taiwan’s vibrant and transparent democracy. The appearance of the little-known legislator Han Kuo-yu as the leadership alternative opened the possibility of reigniting the party. Han’s victory in the Kaohsiung mayoral election in November 2018 provided hope that Han could also win the presidency. Wrongly described as a populist, Han, however, was defeated in the January 2020 presidential race. This article analyses why Han is not a populist, his triumph in Kaohsiung, humiliation in running for the presidency and suffering a complete ‘loss of face’ when Kaohsiungers democratically ousted him from the mayoral post on 6 June 2020.

Keywords: populism, 1992 consensus, youth vote, Taiwan, recall

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Authors: Ghulam Nabi Naz

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After independence, the popular belief that Gandhian will not indulge in corruption got a setback, post-independence setup paved the way for heavy corruption. The menace which would have dealt with strong legal provisions has become a way of life of Indian society. Corruption is recognized as the single biggest problem facing the country today. It undermines democracy and rule of law, violates human rights, distorts market and corrodes the moral fibre of people. The paper discusses the causes and possible remedial measures of corruption and response of people in Indian society. It emphasizes the factors which provide fertile ground for growth of corruption like, degradation of moral values, absence of a strong anti-corruption law and its effective enforcement, accountability, consistency and a defective system of fighting elections. The paper also highlights the reforms necessary for fighting corruption in India.

Keywords: embezzlement, colonial, licence Raj, good governance, misappropriation, Sangh ideologue, Anna movement

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Authors: Sudipta Garai

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Films as a cultural, social practice remains a dominant space for creation and destruction of ideologies and practices which make the sociological viewing, analysis, and interpretation of the same a complex affair. It remains the doorway between the interpretations and understanding of the writer/director and the reader/viewer. India, being a multi-linguistic culture, the media plays a much intriguing role than that of newspaper, books, stories, novels or any other medium of expression. Known to be the largest democracy, the State seem to guarantee and safeguard people’s choices and life of dignity through its Fundamental Rights and Directives. However, the laws contradict themselves when it comes to IPC 377 criminalizing anything except penovaginal sexual intercourse restricting alternative sexual preferences and practices questioning its sense of ‘democracy.' In this context, the issue of homosexuality came up in bits and pieces through various representations in ‘popular’ cinema mostly with sudden references of mockery and laughter where the explicit narratives of ‘queer’ seemed missing. Rituparno Ghosh, an eminent film maker of Bengal, came up as the ‘queer’ face in Kolkata specifically through his ‘queer’ trilogy (Memories in March, 2010; Arekti Premer Golpo, 2010; Chitrangada: A Crowning Wish, 2012) coming out of his own closet and speaking about his own sexual choices not only through the explicit narratives in films but also in person which made these films an important point of departure in Bengali film history. A sociological reading of these films through a discourse analysis is being done with the critical questions of ‘choice,' ’freedom,' ‘love and marriage’ and most importantly the ‘change.' This study not only focuses on the films and its analysis of content but also to engage with its audience, queer and not in order to extend beyond the art form into the actual vulnerabilities of life and experiences through informal interviews, focused group discussions and engaging with the real life narratives. A research of this kind is always looked upon as a medium of change hoping for a better world wiping away the discrimination and ‘shame’ the ‘queer’ faces in their everyday life, but a social science research is limited but its ‘time’ and academic boundary where the hope of change might be initiated but not fulfilled. The experiences and reflections of the ‘queer’ not only redefined the narratives of the films but also me as a researcher. The perspectives of the ‘hetero-normative’ informants gave a broader picture of the study and the socio-cultural complications that are intrigued with the ideas of resistance and change. The issues on subjectivity, power, and position couldn’t be wiped out in a study of this kind as both politics and aesthetics become integrated with each other in the creation of any art form be it films or a study of research.

Keywords: cinema, alternative sexualities, narratives, sexual choices, state and society

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Authors: Mariel Encar H. Uy, Paula Marie G. Pacle

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The purpose of this research is to present a Single Country Comparative Contextual Description Study of Strong Islamic Influences in Relation to the Politics of Republic of Indonesia. This paper recognizes that even the coalition of secular and moderate Islamic parties protect the minority rights of all the constituents, Islam is still the dominant religion among the other recognized religions in Indonesia (Christianity, Hinduism and Buddhism). In this study, it will also detail the involvement on the religions’ beliefs and techniques; participation of political actors, depending on what religion they belong and adhere to; the tensions whenever the government interferes with Islamists and other religions; the government’s solution or public policies implemented to maintain peace and order of Indonesia. This paper will develop a conceptual framework to describe how the Religion and Political Stability is interdependent with each other.

Keywords: diversity of religion in indonesia, secularization in Indonesia, motivations of political actors, voter turnouts based on religion

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Authors: Veronika Antoniou, Rene Carraz, Yiorgos Hadjichristou

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The Green Urban Lab took the form of public installations that were placed at various locations in four cities in Cyprus. These installations - through which a series of events, activities, workshops and research took place - were the main tools in regenerating a series of urban public spaces in Cyprus. The purpose of this project was to identify issues and opportunities related to public space and to offer guidelines on how design and participatory democracy improvements could strengthen civil society, while raising the quality of the urban public scene. Giant inflatable structures were injected in important urban fragments in order to accommodate series of events. The design and playful installation generated a wide community engagement. The fluid presence of the installations acted as a catalyst for social interaction. They were accessed and viewed effortlessly and surprisingly, creating opportunities to rediscover public spaces.

Keywords: bottom-up initiatives, creativity, public space, social innovation, urban environments

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Authors: Aneri Mehta, Neeti Chaudhary

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Governments of the countries around the world have started utilizing the potential of technology to deliver online information and services to their citizens. Using ICT in the form of e-governance could yield great benefits in the reform and modernization of the public sector. The experience of e-governance in a number of developed and developing countries has shown that ICT can be a tool for greater service delivery with the goal of improving service quality. E-governance can also promote ‘good governance’, greater civic engagement can increase opportunities for direct representation and voice, and support for increased democracy. This paper discusses and presents the survey findings that seek to test the role of e-governance in improving service delivery by altering the principal-agent relationship. It further seeks to elucidate the quality aspects of public service. Strong leadership is required to implement e-governance to capture and internalize the benefits of quality services and satisfied citizens.

Keywords: public service, service delivery, e-governance, good governance

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Authors: Tulasi Acharya

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The paper is a qualitative analysis of status of women and women in politics and administration in Nepal Himalaya. The paper reviews data of women in civil service and in administrative levels. Looking at the Nepali politics and administration from the social constructivist perspective, the paper highlights some social and cultural issues that have othered women as “second sex.” As the country is heading towards modernity, gender friendly approaches are being instituted. Although the data reflects on the progress on women’s status and on women’s political and administrative participation, the data is not enough to predict the democratic gender practices in political and administrative levels. The political and administrative culture of Nepal Himalaya should be changed by promoting gender practices and deconstructing gender images in administrative culture through representative bureaucracy and by introducing democratic policies.

Keywords: politics, policy, administration, culture, women, Nepal, democracy

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Authors: Fred Fudah Moveh, Muhammad Abba Jallo

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Electoral fraud remains a persistent threat to democracy in Nigeria, undermining public trust and stalling political development. This study explores the role of Information and Communication Technology (ICT) in curbing electoral fraud, focusing on its application in recent Nigerian elections. The paper identifies the main forms of electoral fraud, evaluates the effectiveness of ICT-based interventions like the Permanent Voter Card (PVC) and the Bi-modal Voter Accreditation System (BVAS), and discusses challenges such as poor infrastructure, voter intimidation, and legal inadequacies. Data was collected through structured questionnaires and interviews and analyzed using SPSS software. Results reveal that while ICT has mitigated some forms of fraud, systemic issues continue to hinder its full potential. The study concludes with recommendations for enhancing the application of ICT in Nigeria’s electoral process.

Keywords: ICT, electoral fraud, election process, Nigeria, political instability

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Authors: Saqib Amina, Waqas Mehmoodb, Iftikhar Yasinc

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This study analyzes the robust association between ethnic violence and mental health from a global perspective (201-countries across the world) by using the panel data for the period 1970 to 2020. Mental health has been determined through various dimensions such as mental disorders, anxiety disorder, depressive disorder, schizophrenia, and bipolar disorder. The empirical findings show that ethnic violence has a significant positive association with all types of mental health indicators, including mental disorders, anxiety disorder, depressive disorder, schizophrenia, and bipolar disorder. The study also reveals that institutional quality may reduce the effect of mental health disorders in a better way than promoting democracy. This study suggests the non-stigmatizing social form of community-based support services instead of a stigmatizing the concept of mental illnesses that promotes hospitalization and drug treatment.

Keywords: ethnic violence, unemployment, mental health, violence

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Authors: Adamu Buba

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As West Africa gradually recovers from the cost of more than a decade of civil conflicts in Liberia, Sierra Leone and Côte d’Ivoire, ECOWAS has continued to place prominence on peace consolidation and the prevention of conflict in the West African Sub-Region. Of particular interest is the recent political uprising in Mali and in this regard, ECOWAS has been repositioning their existing machineries to manage this dispensation more effectively by improving their early warning and mediation capabilities. This paper firstly seeks among other things to provide a conceptual understanding of what security sector governance is, and also highlight the overview of ECOWAS and to closely examine the benchmark for assessing progress in the promotion of democracy and political governance within the sub-region as well as conflict prevention techniques. The views and analysis expressed in this paper is based on secondary method of data collection alone and do not in any way represent the views of the institutions or their representatives involved in this assignment in one way or the other.

Keywords: challenges, security, governance, ecowas, response

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Authors: Lee Artz

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This presentation outlines US media frames of recent interventions in Iraq, Afghanistan, and Syria and their impact on global media and public discourse. A content analysis of sources, descriptors, and contexts of leading US media (AP, New York Times, Fox News) finds that news coverage highlights terrorism, justifies military action, and downplays the human costs. These media frames that normalize intervention also omit coverage of the environmental consequences of war, with scant or no reporting on pollution, destruction and contamination of agricultural infrastructures and the difficulty of any environmentally sustainable recovery. A content analysis of leading European and Middle East media (Daily Mail, Le Monde, Deutsch Welle, Al Jazeera) indicates that they have adopted the same reporting practices, frames, and techniques resulting in a hybrid, yet homogeneous, increasingly global news environment that does a disservice to the public interest and democracy.

Keywords: conflict, environment, media framing, public interest

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Authors: Henry Okechukwu Onyeiwu

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The role of media in the transformation of contemporary Nigeria's democracies is multifaceted and profoundly impactful. As Nigeria navigates its complex socio-political landscape, media serves as both a catalyst for democratic engagement and a platform for public discourse. This paper explores the various dimensions through which media influences democracy in Nigeria, including its role in informing citizens, shaping public opinion, and providing a forum for diverse voices. The increasing penetration of social media has revolutionized the political sphere, empowering citizens to participate in governance and hold leaders accountable. However, challenges such as misinformation, censorship, and media bias continue to pose significant threats to democratic integrity. This study critically analyzes the interplay between traditional and new media, highlighting their contributions to electoral processes, civic education, and advocacy for human rights. Ultimately, the findings illustrate that while media is a crucial agent for democratic transformation, its potential can only be realized through a commitment to journalistic integrity and the promotion of media literacy among the Nigerian populace. The media plays a critical role in shaping public democracies in Nigeria, yet it faces a myriad of challenges that hinder its effectiveness. This paper examines the various obstacles confronting media broadcasting in Nigeria, which range from political interference and censorship to issues of professionalism and the proliferation of fake news. Political interference is particularly pronounced, as government entities and political actors often attempt to control narratives, compromising the independence of media outlets. This control often manifests in the form of censorship, where journalists face threats and harassment for reporting on sensitive topics related to governance, corruption, and human rights abuses. Moreover, the rapid rise of social media has introduced a dual challenge; while it offers a platform for citizen engagement and diverse viewpoints, it also facilitates the spread of misinformation and propaganda. The lack of media literacy among the populace exacerbates this issue, as citizens often struggle to discern credible information from false narratives. Additionally, economic constraints deeply affect the sustainability and independence of many broadcasting organizations. Advertisers may unduly influence content, leading to sensationalism over substantive reporting. This paper argues that for media to effectively contribute to Nigerian public democracies, there needs to be a concerted effort to address these challenges. Strengthening journalistic ethics, enhancing regulatory frameworks, and promoting media literacy among citizens are essential steps in fostering a more vibrant and accountable media landscape. Ultimately, this research underscores the necessity of a resilient media ecosystem that can truly support democratic processes, empower citizens, and hold power to account in contemporary Nigeria.

Keywords: media, democracy, socio-political, governance

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Authors: Phillip F. Blaauw, Anna M. Pretorius

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South Africa re-entered the international economy in the early 1990s, after Apartheid, at a time when globalisation was gathering momentum. Globalisation led to a more open economy, increased export volumes and a changed export mix. Manufacturing goods gained ground relative to mining products. After 21 years of democracy, South African researchers and policymakers need to evaluate the impact of international trade on the level of employment and compensation of employees in the South African manufacturing industry. This is important given the consistent and high levels of unemployment in South Africa. This paper has this evaluation as its aim. Two complimenting approaches are utilised. The 27 sub divisions of the South African manufacturing industry are classified according to capital/labour ratios. Possible trends in employment levels and employee compensation for these categories are then identified when comparing levels in 1995 to those in 2014. The supplementing empirical approach is cross-sectional and panel data regressions for the same period. The aim of the regression analysis is to explain the observed changes in employment and employee compensation levels between 1995 and 2014. The first part of the empirical approach revealed that over the 20-year period the intermediate capital intensive, labour intensive an ultra-labour intensive manufacturing industries all showed massive declines in overall employment. Only three of the 19 industries for these classifications showed marginal overall employment gains. The only meaningful gains were recorded in three of the eight capital intensive manufacturing industries. The overall performance of the South African manufacturing industry is therefore dismal at best. This scenario plays itself out for the skilled section of the intermediate capital intensive, labour intensive an ultra-labour intensive manufacturing industries as well. 18 out of the 19 industries displayed declines even for the skilled section of the labour force. The formal regression analysis supplements the above results. Real production growth is a statistically significant (95 per cent confidence level) explanatory variable of the overall employment level for the period under consideration, albeit with a small positive coefficient. The variables with the most significant negative relationship with changes in overall employment were the dummy variables for intermediate capital intensive and labour intensive manufacturing goods. Disaggregating overall changes in employment further in terms of skill levels revealed that skilled employment in particular responded negatively to increases in the ratio between imported and local inputs for manufacturing. The dummy variable for the labour intensive sectors remained negative and statistically significant, indicating that the labour intensive sectors of South African manufacturing remain vulnerable to the loss of employment opportunities. Whereas the first period (1995 to 2001) after the opening of the South African economy brought positive changes for skilled employment, continued increases in imported inputs displaced some of the skilled labour as well, putting further pressure on the South African economy with already high and persistent unemployment levels. Given the negative for the world commodity cycle and a stagnant local manufacturing sector, the challenge for policymakers is getting even more pronounced after South Africa’s political coming of age.

Keywords: capital/labour ratios, employment, employee compensation, manufacturing

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Authors: Nina Bijedic, Drazena Gaspar, Mirsad Hadzikadic

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Corruption is an influential and widespread problem. One part of it is so-called petty corruption, related to large-scale bribe giving by ordinary citizens trying to influence the works of public administration or public services. As it is with all means of corruption, petty corruption is related to the level of democracy (or administration efficiency) in a society. The developed model captures some of the factors related to corruptive behavior, as well as people’s attitude towards petty corruption. It has four basic elements: user’s perception of corruption in the society of interest, the influence of social interactions, the influence of penalizing mechanism, and influence of campaigns against petty corruption. The model is agent-based, developed in NetLogo, with a lot of random settings that provide a wider scope of responses. Interactions of different settings for variables of elements provide insight into the influence of each element on attitude towards petty corruption, as well as petty corruptive behavior.

Keywords: agent-based model, attitude, influence, petty corruption, society

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Authors: Mengmeng Xiao

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The study examines the proactive promotion of feminist agendas by states experiencing prolonged one-party dominance, with a specific focus on Japan. Through a case study approach, it explores why leaders of the dominant party, the Liberal Democratic Party (LDP), actively endorse women-friendly initiatives. The findings reveal three primary motivations: 1) the adoption of women-friendly policies for legitimation, 2) the establishment or funding of women’s organizations for co-optation, and 3) the enhancement of women’s economic and employment rights for state-building purposes. These findings bridge theories across the democracy/autocracy spectrum, emphasizing the need to restructure the research framework on state feminism beyond the binary categorization of regime types. Additionally, they underscore the significance of acknowledging the discretion exercised by state officials, providing insights into instances where state feminism may fail in certain democratic contexts.

Keywords: state feminism, feminist policies, national machinery, regime types, political parties, Japan

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Authors: Rahaf Suleiman Altallaa

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City planning involves making plans, organizing and dealing with the cities urban areas. It attempts to organize socio-spatial relationships at exceptional ranges of governance Urban planning offers the social, monetary and environmental effects of defining spatial obstacles and the influence on the spatial distribution of resources. The dreams and methods of reaching such dissemination vary extensively traditionally and geographically and are often challenged through traditional strategies that expose the political nature of application interventions and the bounds of technical know-how claims. Space, network, argument, and postcolonial debates address how present-day socio-spatial organization is formed, what needs to or should not trade, and the way it underscores whether or not a good plan will contribute to a given situation. Inside the absence of an agreed-upon technical justification for the planning exercise, the planning idea has a tendency to focus on normative processes, positioning making plans as an area for participatory democracy.

Keywords: environmental governance, environmental planning, environmental management, sustainable competitiveness, sustainability

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Authors: Rosyidah Muhamad

Abstract:

Democracies are premised on the idea that citizens can hold their leaders accountable for their actions by voting for or against them in regular elections. However, in order this ideal to be realized, citizens must possess a minimum amount of information about their leaders’ performance. Citizens should be made aware of the performance of their elected representatives. This study seeks to analyse this critical information with special reference to Malaysian Parliamentarians (MPs). We adopted several existence Parliamentary Performance model with special reference to their performance inside the parliament. Among indicators used by the Scholastic for analysing this performance are the number of bills proposed by parliamentarian, the number of proposals that would benefit their constituency, the number of speeches made by the parliamentarian during plenary and the percentage of laws passed among the proposals made by certain parliamentary. The broad goals of the study include the analysis of the capacity of a representative body to accommodate the diverse claims and demands that are made on it. We find that overall performances of MPs are average. This is due to not only the background characteristic of individuals MPs but also the limitation of the mechanism provides in the Parliament itself.

Keywords: member of parliament, democracy, evaluation, Malaysia

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Authors: Chiung-Ju Huang

Abstract:

This study utilizes the quantile regression analysis to examine the impact of governance (including democratic quality and technical quality) on happiness in 101 countries worldwide, classified as “developed countries” and “developing countries”. The empirical results show that the impact of democratic quality and technical quality on happiness is significantly positive for “developed countries”, while is insignificant for “developing countries”. The results suggest that the authorities in developed countries can enhance the level of individual happiness by means of improving the democracy quality and technical quality. However, for developing countries, promoting the quality of governance in order to enhance the level of happiness may not be effective. Policy makers in developed countries may pay more attention on increasing real GDP per capita instead of promoting the quality of governance to enhance individual happiness.

Keywords: governance, happiness, multiple regression, quantile regression

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Authors: Rafat Fazeli, Reza Fazeli

Abstract:

This paper focuses on the study of the welfare state and social wage in the leading liberal economy of the United States. The welfare state acquired a broad acceptance as a major socioeconomic achievement of the liberal democracy in the Western industrialized countries during the postwar boom period. The modern and modified vision of capitalist democracy offered, on the one hand, the possibility of high growth rate and, on the other hand, the possibility of continued progression of a comprehensive system of social support for a wider population. The economic crises of the 1970s, provided the ground for a great shift in economic policy and ideology in several Western countries, most notably the United States and the United Kingdom (and to a lesser extent Canada under Prime Minister Brian Mulroney). In the 1980s, the free market oriented reforms undertaken under Reagan and Thatcher greatly affected the economic outlook not only of the United States and the United Kingdom, but of the whole Western world. The movement which was behind this shift in policy is often called neo-conservatism. The neoconservatives blamed the transfer programs for the decline in economic performance during the 1970s and argued that cuts in spending were required to go back to the golden age of full employment. The agenda for both Reagan and Thatcher administrations was rolling back the welfare state, and their budgets included a wide range of cuts for social programs. The question is how successful were Reagan and Thatcher’s efforts to achieve retrenchment? The paper involves an empirical study concerning the distributive role of the welfare state in the two countries. Other studies have often concentrated on the redistributive effect of fiscal policy on different income brackets. This study examines the net benefit/ burden position of the working population with respect to state expenditures and taxes in the postwar period. This measurement will enable us to find out whether the working population has received a net gain (or net social wage). This study will discuss how the expansion of social expenditures and the trend of the ‘net social wage’ can be linked to distinct forms of economic and social organizations. This study provides an empirical foundation for analyzing the growing significance of ‘social wage’ or the collectivization of consumption and the share of social or collective consumption in total consumption of the working population in the recent decades. The paper addresses three other major questions. The first question is whether the expansion of social expenditures has posed any drag on capital accumulation and economic growth. The findings of this study provide an analytical foundation to evaluate the neoconservative claim that the welfare state is itself the source of economic stagnation that leads to the crisis of the welfare state. The second question is whether the increasing ideological challenges from the right and the competitive pressures of globalization have led to retrenchment of the American welfare states in the recent decades. The third question is how social policies have performed in the presence of the rising inequalities in the recent decades.

Keywords: the welfare state, social wage, The United States, limits to growth

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Authors: Febi Eka Putri, Prabowo Anggorono

Abstract:

Human Trafficking has become a threat in the global phenomenon, including Indonesia as a country adopting democracy to uphold the human rights value. Indonesia is classified as a source of trafficking in persons which dominate by women and children for sexual exploitation and forced labor purposes. In this case, Indonesia has committed to combat trafficking in persons by enacted domestic law to criminalize all types of human trafficking in domestic and international level. Tracing to the efforts, we cannot just simplify it, however, in 2016 Indonesia has placed as a tier 2 country because the government does not fully achieve the minimum standard by U. S. Trafficking Victims Protection Act due to only making efforts as progress. While as a part of ASEAN member, Indonesia has signed ASEAN Human Rights Declaration but when it comes to Human Trafficking issue, there is only few ASEAN member who has ratified ASEAN Convention on Trafficking in Persons, in particular Women and Children such as Singapore, Cambodia, and Thailand. This brings the evidence to structuring the role of Indonesia to combat human trafficking.

Keywords: Indonesia, Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN), human trafficking, Tier 2 country

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