Search results for: political rights

Authors: Husen Ahmed Tura

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There are strong links between secure land rights and food security in Africa. However, as land is owned by governments, land users do not have adequate legislative protection. This article explores normative and implementation gaps in relation to small-scale farmers’ land rights under the Ethiopia’s law. It finds that the law facilitates eviction of small-scale farmers and indigenous peoples from their land without adequate alternative means of livelihood. It argues that as access to land and other natural resources is strongly linked to the right to adequate food, Ethiopia should reform its land laws in the light of its legal obligations under international human rights law to respect, protect and fulfill the right to adequate food and ensure freedom from hunger.

Keywords: smallholder, secure land rights , food security, right to food, land grabbing, forced evictions

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Authors: Simont Toussi

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Cameroon and the Central African Republic arebound by the provisions of many regional and international charters, which condemn the manipulation of information, obstacles to access reliable information, or the limitation of freedoms of expression and opinion. These two countries also have constitutional guarantees for free speech and access to true and liable information. However, they are yet to define specific policies and regulations for access to information, disinformation, or misinformation. Yet, certain countries’ laws and regulations related to information and communication technologies, to criminal procedures, to terrorism, or intelligence services contain provisions that rather hider human rights by condemning false information. Like many other African countries, Cameroon and the Central African Republic face a profound democratic regression, and governments use multiple methods to stifle online discourse and digital rights. Despite the increased uptake of digital tools for political participation, there is a lack of interactivity and adoption of these tools. This enables a scarcity of information and creates room for the spreading of disinformation in the public space, hamperingdemocracy and the respect for human rights. This research aims to analyse the adequacy of stakeholders’ responses to disinformation in Cameroon and the Central African Republic in periods of political contestation, such as elections and anti-government protests, to highlight the nature, perpetrators, strategies, and channels of disinformation, as well as its effects on democratic actors, including civil society, bloggers, government critics, activists, and other human rights defenders. The study follows a qualitative method with literature review, content analysis, andkey informant’sinterviews with stakeholders’ representatives, emphasized crowdsourcing as a data and information collecting method in the two countries.

Keywords: disinformation, democracy, political manipulation, social media, media, fake news, central Africa, cameroon, misinformation, free speech

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Authors: Adadu Yahaya, Abdullahi Erunke Canice

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The study sets out to examine the interface that tends to exist in the relationship between gender policy and Nigeria’s socio-economic development. Despite Nigeria’s ratification of virtually all international instruments on the protection and promotion of gender rights and equality, it appears that the practice is honored in the breach than in observance; hence, these policies have not been adequately domesticated and implemented. The implication of this is that the women folks have generally been isolated from mainstream politics and their political rights and privileges truncated in the scheme of things. The paper observes that gender inequality and marginalization in Nigeria has practically occasioned the unwholesome subjugation of Nigerian women to the background, hence poses more critical questions and challenges to the national question. The consequence of this, to this paper, is that Nigeria’s development process will be adversely affected if this trend is not checked. The paper sums up with appropriate policy options which are believed to have the potentials of giving women the right pride of place in the socio-economic and political dynamics in the 21st century Nigeria and beyond.

Keywords: development, equality, gender, policy

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Authors: Ardawan Mustafa Ismail , Rebaz sdiq ismail

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The subject of minorities takes an exceptional importance at all levels, around the world, especially those whose population is composed of many nationalities, and this subject became a very affective part in every country for its security, entity and stability, such as the nationality, religion or culture, as a result of internal factors and external influences, and at the same time it became clear that enslaving minorities had become a matter of reality. Which made the rights of minorities one of the legal, political and geographical issues, many attempts emerged that specialists and non-specialists have given the minorities ’problems their realistic solutions away from theorizing and assumption. On this chosen topic, there are many researches that are written in general places, but… It is believed did not see any in-depth studies dealing with the protection of minority rights of the Region of Kurdistan/ Iraq, because in the Region of Kurdistan/ Iraq there are many minorities living in this area, such as: Muslims, Yazidi, Assyrian, Christian, Chaldeans, and others.

Keywords: minority, international law, protection, Kurdistan, people

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Authors: Hebert Sihle Ntuli

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Traditional cultural practices mirror or replicate the values and beliefs held by members of the community. Throughout the world, every social grouping has specific traditional practices, some of which are beneficial to all, while others have become harmful to specific group such as women. Like in some African states, these traditional cultural practices are performed in South Africa and are violating women’s rights. Women’s rights are human rights. The South African Constitution is one of the most progressive in the world, and notable includes the Bill of Rights which provides protection of socio-economic and cultural rights. Cultural rights are protected in Section 30 and 31 of the constitution, although such protection is not without limitation. This highly complex interplay and competition between human rights and cultural rights, which are manifested through cultural practices, is the golden thread that traces through this paper. The paper argues that there is conflict and the lack of balance between diverse cultural and legal or constitutional framework which promotes the value of human dignity and equality, especially for women. These practices are reviewed in connection with the South African government laws. This work adopted qualitative research method.

Keywords: cultural practices, conflict, South African constitution, laws

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Authors: Ugwu Chukwuka E.

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The African context of human right instruments as recognized today can be traced to Africa’s relationship with the Western World. A significant preponderance of these instruments are found in both colonial and post colonial statutes as the colonial laws, the post colonial legal documents as constitutions or Africa’s adherence to relevant international instruments on human rights as the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (1948) and the African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights (1981). In spite of all these human rights instruments inherent in the African continent, it is contended in this paper that, these Western-oriented notion of human rights, emphasizes rights that hardly meets the current needs of contemporary African citizens. Adopting a historical research methodology, this study interrogates the dynamics of the African poverty context in relation to the implementation of human rights instruments in the continent. In this vein, using human rights and poverty scenarios from one Anglophone (Uganda) and one Francophone (Senegal) countries in Africa, the study hypothesized that, majority of Africans are not in a historical condition for the realization of these rights. The raison d’etre for this claim emerges from the fact that, the present generations of African hoi polloi are inundated with extensive powerlessness, ignorance, diseases, hunger and overall poverty that emasculates their interest in these rights instruments. In contrast, the few Africans who have access to the enjoyment of these rights in the continent hardly needs these instruments, as their power and resources base secures them that. The paper concludes that the stress of African states and stakeholders on African affairs should concentrated significantly, on the alleviation of the present historical poverty squalor of Africans, which when attended to, enhances the realization of human right situations in the continent.

Keywords: Africa, human rights, poverty, western world

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Authors: M. Naidoo

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Artificial intelligence often requires large amounts of good quality data. Within important fields, such as healthcare, the training of AI systems predominately relies on health and personal data; however, the usage of this data is complicated by various layers of law and ethics that seek to protect individuals’ privacy rights. This research seeks to establish the challenges AI and data sciences pose to (i) informational rights, (ii) privacy rights, and (iii) data protection. To solve some of the issues presented, various methods are suggested, such as embedding values in technological development, proper balancing of rights and interests, and others.

Keywords: artificial intelligence, data science, law, policy

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Authors: Ankita Shanker, Angus Nurse

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The notion of animal rights is an emerging trend in various spaces, including judicial and societal discourse. But one of the key purposes of recognizing the fundamental rights of anyone is their de-objectification. Animals are a prime example of a group that has rights that are neither recognized nor protected in any meaningful way, and anything that purports differently fails to ameliorate this because it still objectifies animals. Animals are currently treated by law and society as commodities with primarily (though not exclusively) instrumental value to some other rights-holder, such as humans or nature. So most protections that are afforded to them are done so in furtherance of the interests that they allegedly further, be it social morality or environmental protection. Animal rights are thus often seen as an application or extension of the rights of humans or, more commonly, the rights of nature. What this means is that animal rights are not always protected or even recognized in their own regard, but as stemming from some other reason, or worse, instrumentally as means to some other ends. This has two identifiable effects from a legal perspective: animal rights are not seen as inherently justified and are not seen as inherently valuable. Which in turn means that there can be no fundamental protection of animal rights. In other words, judicial protection does not always entail protection of animal ‘rights’ qua animal rights, which is needed for any meaningful protections to be afforded to animals. But the effects of this legal paradigm do not end at the legal status of animals. Because this status, in turn, affects how persons and the societies of which they form part see animals as a part of the rights of others, such as humans or nature, or as valuable only insofar as they further these rights, as opposed to as individuals with inherent worth and value deserving of protection regardless of their instrumental usefulness to these other objectives. This does nothing to truly de-objectify animals. Because even though most people would agree that animals are not objects, they continue to treat them as such wherever it serves them. For individuals and society to resolve, this inconsistency between stance and actions is for them to believe that animals are more than objects on a psychological and societal level. In this paper, we examine the implications of this perception of animals and their rights on the legal protections afforded to them and on the minds of individuals and civil society. We also argue that a change in the legal and societal status of animals can be brought about only through judicial, psychological, and sociological acknowledgment that animals have inherent value and deserve protection on this basis. Animal rights derived in such a way would not need to place reliance on other justifications and would not be subject to subjugation to other rights should a conflict arise.

Keywords: animal rights law, animal protection laws, psycho-socio-legal studies, animal rights, human rights, rights of nature

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Authors: Amber Salamanca-Blazek

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This paper explores the connection between gender ideology and the legality of same-sex marriage cross-nationally. The author questions what role gender ideology plays in the cultural shift concerning same-sex marriage currently underway around the world and the variations in the legal treatment of same-sex marriage at the national level. Existing literature on gender, gender ideology, the role of gender ideology in traditional and same-sex marriage, and the extent to which this connection has previously been examined is explored. Also, the author explores the relationship between gender ideology and the legality of same-sex marriage in three countries with the differing legality of same-sex marriage - The United States, where same-sex marriage was legalized in 2015, Australia, where same-sex marriage was legalized in 2017, and Iran, where the death penalty for homosexuality still exists. A comparison of gender ideology frameworks and an analysis of the political rhetoric surrounding same-sex marriage in each country are performed. It is argued that the important role of gender ideology in the legality of same-sex marriage has been greatly ignored and is in need of increased attention to assist gay rights activists in their framework. The link of gender ideology and patriarchal authority between the gay rights movement and the women’s rights movement are subsequently discussed. The author argues that because of this linkage between movements, there is a necessity for joint frameworks. Suggestions for future research are also provided.

Keywords: gender ideology, same-sex marriage, same-sex marriage legality, women's rights movement

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Authors: Uche A. Nnawulezi

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This study evolved from the need to look at and evaluate the difficulties in the domestication of International Laws and Human Rights Laws in Nigeria. Essentially, the paper-based its examination on documentary evidence and depended much on secondary sources, for example, textbooks, journals, articles, periodicals and research reports emanating from suggestions of international law experts, jurists and human rights lawyers on the development challenges in domesticating international laws and human rights laws in Nigeria. These data were analyzed by the application of content analysis and careful observation of the current municipal laws which has posed great challenges in the domestication of International laws. This paper might follow the historical backdrop of the practices in the use of International law in Nigeria and should likewise consider the challenges inherent in these practices. The paper suggests that a sustainable domestication of International Laws and its application in Nigerian courts will ensure a better enforcement of human rights within the domestic jurisdiction.

Keywords: international law, human rights, domestication, challenges

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Authors: Bellinda R. Chinowawa

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As part of a wider strategy to stifle civil society, Governments routinely resort to judicial harassment through the use of civil and criminal to impugn the integrity of human rights defenders and that of perceived political opponents. This phenomenon is rife in militarised or autocratic regimes where there is no tolerance for dissenting voices. Zimbabwe, ostensibly a presidential republic founded on the values of transparency, equality, freedom, is characterised by brutal suppression of perceived political opponents and those who assert their basic human rights. This is done through a wide range of tactics including unlawful arrests and detention, torture and other cruel, inhuman degrading treatment and enforced disappearances. Professionals including, journalists and doctors are similarly not spared from state attack. For human rights defenders, the most widely used tool of repression is that of judicial harassment where the judicial system is used to persecute them. This can include the levying of criminal charges, civil lawsuits and unnecessary administrative proceedings. Charges preferred against range from petty offences such as criminal nuisance to more serious charges of terrorism and subverting a constitutional government. Additionally, government sponsored individuals and organisations file strategic lawsuits with pecuniary implications order to intimidate and silence critics and engender self-censorship. Some HRDs are convicted and sentenced to prison terms, despite not being criminals in a true sense. While others are acquitted judicial harassment diverts energy and resources away from their human rights work. Through a consideration of statistical data reported by human rights organisations and face to face interviews with a cross section of human rights defenders, the article will map the incidence of judicial harassment in Zimbabwe. The article will consider the multi-level sociological and contextual factors which influence the Government of Zimbabwe to have easy recourse to criminal law and the debilitating effect of these actions on HRDs. These factors include the breakdown of the rule of law resulting in state capture of the judiciary, the proven efficacy of judicial harassment from colonial times to date, and the lack of an adequate redress mechanism at international level. By mapping the use of the judiciary as a tool of repression, from the inception of modern day Zimbabwe to date, it is hoped that HRDs will realise that they are part of a greater community of activists throughout the ages and should emboldened in the realisation that it is an age old tactic used by fallen regimes which should not deter them from calling for accountability.

Keywords: autocratic regime, colonial legacy, judicial harassment, human rights defenders

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Authors: Mariel Encar H. Uy, Paula Marie G. Pacle

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The purpose of this research is to present a Single Country Comparative Contextual Description Study of Strong Islamic Influences in Relation to the Politics of Republic of Indonesia. This paper recognizes that even the coalition of secular and moderate Islamic parties protect the minority rights of all the constituents, Islam is still the dominant religion among the other recognized religions in Indonesia (Christianity, Hinduism and Buddhism). In this study, it will also detail the involvement on the religions’ beliefs and techniques; participation of political actors, depending on what religion they belong and adhere to; the tensions whenever the government interferes with Islamists and other religions; the government’s solution or public policies implemented to maintain peace and order of Indonesia. This paper will develop a conceptual framework to describe how the Religion and Political Stability is interdependent with each other.

Keywords: diversity of religion in indonesia, secularization in Indonesia, motivations of political actors, voter turnouts based on religion

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Authors: A. V. Shashkova

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The aim of the present article is to analyze the position of the Constitutional Court of the Russian Federation on the matter of restricting the constitutional rights of citizens to inviolability of professional and banking secrecy in effecting controlling activities. The methodological ground of the present Article represents the dialectic scientific method of the socio-political, legal and organizational processes with the principles of development, integrity, and consistency, etc. The consistency analysis method is used while researching the object of the analysis. Some public-private research methods are also used: the formally-logical method or the comparative legal method, are used to compare the understanding of the ‘secrecy’ concept. The aim of the present article is to find the root of the problem and to give recommendations for the solution of the problem. The result of the present research is the author’s conclusion on the necessity of the political will to improve Russian legislation with the aim of compliance with the provisions of the Constitution. It is also necessary to establish a clear balance between the constitutional rights of the individual and the limit of these rights when carrying out various control activities by public authorities. Attempts by the banks to "overdo" an anti-money laundering law under threat of severe sanctions by the regulators actually led to failures in the execution of normal economic activity. Therefore, individuals face huge problems with payments on the basis of clearing, in addition to problems with cash withdrawals. The Bank of Russia sets requirements for banks to execute Federal Law No. 115-FZ too high. It is high place to attract political will here. As well, recent changes in Russian legislation, e.g. allowing banks to refuse opening of accounts unilaterally, simplified banking activities in the country. The article focuses on different theoretical approaches towards the concept of “secrecy”. The author gives an overview of the practices of Spain, Switzerland and the United States of America on the matter of restricting the constitutional rights of citizens to inviolability of professional and banking secrecy in effecting controlling activities. The Constitutional Court of the Russian Federation basing on the Constitution of the Russian Federation has its special understanding of the issue, which should be supported by further legislative development in the Russian Federation.

Keywords: constitutional court, restriction of constitutional rights, bank secrecy, control measures, money laundering, financial control, banking information

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Authors: Pouira Askary

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Indeed, in our globalized world which is facing with various international crises, the transnational corporations and other business enterprises have the capacity to foster economic well-being, development, technological improvement and wealth, as well as causing adverse impacts on human rights. The UN Human Rights Council declared that although the primary responsibility to protect human rights lie with the State but the transnational corporations and other business enterprises have also a responsibility to respect and protect human rights in the framework of corporate social responsibility. In 2011, the Human Rights Council endorsed the Guiding Principles on Business and Human Rights, a set of guidelines that define the key duties and responsibilities of States and business enterprises with regard to business-related human rights abuses. In UN’s view, the Guiding Principles do not create new legal obligations but constitute a clarification of the implications of existing standards, including under international human rights law. In 2014 the UN Human Rights Council decided to establish a working group on transnational corporations and other business enterprises whose mandate shall be to elaborate an international legally binding instrument to regulate, in international human rights law, the activities of transnational corporations and other business enterprises. Extremely difficult task for the working group to codify a legally binding document to regulate the behavior of corporations on the basis of the norms of international law! Concentration of this paper is on the origins of those human rights applicable on business enterprises. The research will discuss that the social and ethical roots of the CSR are much more institutionalized and elaborated than the legal roots. Therefore, the first step is to determine whether and to what extent corporations, do have an ethical responsibility to respect human rights and if so, by which means this ethical and social responsibility is convertible to legal commitments.

Keywords: CSR, ethics, international law, human rights, development, sustainable business

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Authors: Mariam Begadze

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Separation of Powers (SOP) has often been the most frequently posed objection against the judicial enforcement of socio-economic rights. Although a lot has been written to refute those, very rarely has it been assessed what effect the current practice of social rights adjudication has had on the construction of SOP doctrine in specific jurisdictions. Colombia is an appropriate case-study on this question. The notion of collaborative SOP in the 1991 Constitution has affected the court’s conception of its role. On the other hand, the trends in the jurisprudence have further shaped the collaborative notion of SOP. Other institutional characteristics of the Colombian constitutional law have played its share role as well. Tutela action, particularly flexible and fast judicial action for individuals has placed the judiciary in a more confrontational relation vis-à-vis the political branches. Later interventions through abstract review of austerity measures further contributed to that development. Logically, the court’s activism in this sphere has attracted attacks from political branches, which have turned out to be unsuccessful precisely due to court’s outreach to the middle-class, whose direct reliance on the court has turned into its direct democratic legitimacy. Only later have the structural judgments attempted to revive the collaborative notion behind SOP doctrine. However, the court-supervised monitoring process of implementation has itself manifested fluctuations in the mode of collaboration, moving into more managerial supervision recently. This is not surprising considering the highly dysfunctional political system in Colombia, where distrust seems to be the default starting point in the interaction of the branches. The paper aims to answer the question, what the appropriate judicial tools are to realize the collaborative notion of SOP in a context where the court has to strike a balance between the strong executive and the weak and largely dysfunctional legislative branch. If the recurrent abuse lies in the indifference and inaction of legislative branches to engage with political issues seriously, what are the tools in the court’s hands to activate the political process? The answer to this question partly lies in the court’s other strand of jurisprudence, in which it combines substantive objections with procedural ones concerning the operation of the legislative branch. The primary example is the decision on value-added tax on basic goods, in which the court invalidated the law based on the absence of sufficient deliberation in Congress on the question of the bills’ implications on the equity and progressiveness of the entire taxing system. The decision led to Congressional rejection of an identical bill based on the arguments put forward by the court. The case perhaps is the best illustration of the collaborative notion of SOP, in which the court refrains from categorical pronouncements, while does its bit for activating political process. This also legitimizes the court’s activism based on its role to counter the most perilous abuse in the Colombian context – failure of the political system to seriously engage with serious political questions.

Keywords: Colombian constitutional court, judicial review, separation of powers, social rights

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Authors: Timothy Fwa Yerima

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This paper evaluates the development of human rights jurisprudence in Africa by the ECOWAS Court of Justice. It traces that though ECOWAS was not established with the aim of promoting and protecting human rights as the African Court of Human and Peoples’ Rights, no doubt, the 1991 ECOWAS Court Protocol and the 1993 ECOWAS Revised Treaty give the ECOWAS Court its human rights mandate. The paper, however, points out that despite the availability of these two Laws, the ECOWAS Court had difficulty in its human rights mandate, in view of the twin problems of lack of access to the Court by private parties and personal jurisdiction of the Court to entertain cases filed by private parties. The paper considers the 2005 Supplementary Protocol, not only as an effective legal framework in West African Sub-Region that tackles these problems in human rights cases but also a strong foundation upon which the Court has been developing human rights jurisprudence in Africa through the interpretation and application of this Law and other sources of Law of the Court. After a thorough analysis of some principles laid down by the ECOWAS Court so far, the paper observes that human rights jurisprudence in Africa is growing rapidly; depicting that though the ECOWAS Court initially had difficulty in its human rights mandate, today it has a bright and visionary landing. The paper concludes that West African Sub-Region will witness a more effective performance of the ECOWAS Court if some of its challenges are tackled.

Keywords: access, African human rights, ECOWAS court of justice, jurisprudence, personal jurisdiction

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Authors: Prajwal Raj Gyawali, Aastha Dahal

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The tension between human rights and loans provided by international development banks with hidden conditions in the pretext of development is a complex issue with significant implications for the rights of citizens in borrowing countries. It is important for all parties involved, including international banks, borrowing countries, and affected communities, to consider and respect human rights in the negotiation and implementation of development projects. Yet, it is rare for human rights actors or communities to have a seat at the negotiation table when loans are finalized. In our research, we conducted negotiation simulations in law schools to examine how international loan negotiations would play out if human rights actors and communities had seats at the table. We ran the negotiation simulations in Bangladesh, Nepal and India. We found that the presence of community groups and human rights actors makes a difference in loan outcomes. While the international development loan was accepted as opposed to rejected by negotiators in three countries, the cultural values of the respective countries played a significant part in terms of the final agreement. We present the findings and their implications for the design of human rights courses in law schools as well as larger policy implications for expanding the participation of actors in international development loan negotiations.

Keywords: law, development, debt, human rights

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Authors: Luljeta Plakolli-Kasumi

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In the digital age, the relationship between traditional property rights and online intellectual property rights is becoming increasingly complex. On the one hand, the internet and advancements in technology have allowed for the widespread distribution and use of digital content, making it easier for individuals and businesses to access and share information. On the other hand, the rise of digital piracy and illegal file-sharing has led to increased concerns about the protection of intellectual property rights. This paper aims to examine the relationship between traditional property rights and online intellectual property rights in the digital age by analyzing the current legal frameworks, key challenges and controversies that arise, and potential solutions for addressing these issues. The paper will look at how traditional property rights concepts such as ownership and possession are being applied in the online context and how they intersect with new and evolving forms of intellectual property such as digital downloads, streaming services, and online content creation. It will also discuss the tension between the need for strong intellectual property protection to encourage creativity and innovation and the public interest in promoting access to information and knowledge. Ultimately, the paper will explore how the legal system can adapt to better balance the interests of property owners, creators, and users in the digital age.

Keywords: intellectual property, traditional property, digital age, digital content

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Authors: Rafael Bezerra de Souza, José Ribas Vieira

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The judicial litigation on socio-economic rights (SERs), in a context of increasing centrality of the judiciary as an area of political debate for civil society actors, has assumed greater importance in the last two decades. This tendency to seek social change through the courts generated a long tradition of research on the role of legal institutions and of legal mobilization in the US and some European countries. However, little is known about these processes in Latin America, Asia and Africa. A significant portion of the Brazilian constitutional doctrine did not bother to investigate the phenomenon of constitutional judicial litigation of socio-economic rights, in a practical and empirical look, from the functioning of democratic institutions. The central issue of this study draws attention to the theoretical and analytic deficit of Brazilian constitutional doctrine: the lack of a holistic understanding of the effects and impact of judicial decisions. Consequently, for a proper understanding was analyzed if the trend of judicial litigation in Brazil - to ensure the fulfillment of its institutional mission to protect and ensure the effectiveness of socio-economic rights - has been accompanied by the establishment of institutional mechanisms that enable decision making and the implementation of SERs in complex cases involving structural and public policy. The lack of empirical studies in Law in order to verify this hypothesis justified the adoption of the case study method as an interdisciplinary methodological strategy between Law and Political Science, aiming to construct an explanation of the Raposa Serra do Sol Case and, in a complementary way, the process-tracing technique. Drawings of small-n type or case studies, when guided by theory, are more suitable to problems it is supposed to increase the potential of intensive analysis of causal processes. As a preliminary result, the Brazilian Supreme Court was not a sufficient agent to implement a relevant social change and to assure the protection of the social rights, because there were few measures that directly impacted the behavior of other institutional political actors and should, therefore, be considered another actor within a complex institutional arrangement.

Keywords: courts, case study, judicial litigation, social change

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Authors: Ayyoub Jamali, Alena Kozlova

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The Russian invasion of Ukraine has tested the mettle of the international community, prompting not only States but also non-state actors to take deterrent action in response. Indeed, international sports organisations, namely FIFA and UEFA, have been rather successful in shifting the power dynamics by introducing a complete ban on the Russian national and club teams. This article aims to inquire into the human rights implications of such actions taken by international sports organisations. First, the article departs from an assessment of the legal status of FIFA and UEFA under international law and reflects on how a legal link could be established vis-à-vis their human rights obligations. Second, it examines the human rights aspects of the impugned measures by FIFA and UEFA on the part of the Russian athletes, further scrutinising them against the international human rights law principle of non-discrimination through a proportionality test. Last, it draws basic pathways for how possible human rights violations committed in the context of measures adopted by such organisations could be remedied, outlining the challenges of arbitration and litigation in Switzerland.

Keywords: FIFA, UEFA, FUR, ban, human rights, Russia, Ukraine, non-state actors

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Authors: Yin Cheung Lam

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In 1949, the ratification of the Geneva Conventions heralded the international community’s adoption of a new universal and non-discriminatory approach to human rights in situations of conflict. However, with the proliferation of international terrorism after the 9/11 attacks on the United States (U.S.), the international community’s uneven and contradictory implementations of international humanitarian law (IHL) questioned its agenda of universal human rights. Specifically, the derogation from IHL has never been so pronounced in the U.S. led ‘War on Terror’. While an extensive literature has ‘assessed the impact’ of the implementation of the Geneva Conventions, limited attention has been paid to interrogating the ways in which the Geneva Conventions and its resulting implementation have functioned to discursively reproduce certain understandings of human rights between states and non-state actors. Through a discursive analysis of the Geneva Conventions and the conceptualization of human rights in relation to terrorism, this thesis problematises the way in which the U.S. has understood and reproduced understandings of human rights. Using the U.S. ‘War on Terror’ as an example, it seeks to extend previous analyses of the U.S.’ practice of IHL through a qualitative discursive analysis of the human rights content that appears in the Geneva Conventions in addition to the speeches and policy documents on the ‘War on Terror’.

Keywords: discursive analysis, human rights, non-state actors, war on terror

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Authors: Donato Vese

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According to the common interpretation, in a legal system, public powers are established by law. Exceptions are admitted in an emergency or particular relationship with public power. However, we currently agree that law allows public administration a margin of decision, even in the case of non-discretionary acts. Hence, the administrative decision not exclusively established by law becomes the rule in the ordinary state of things, non-only in state of exception. This paper aims to analyze and discuss different ideas on discretionary power on the Rule of Law and Rechtsstaat. Observing the legal literature in Europe and Nord and South America, discretionary power can be described as follow: it could be considered a margin that law accords to the executive power for political decisions or a choice between different interpretations of vague legal previsions. In essence, this explanation admits for the executive a decision not established by law or anyhow not exclusively established by law. This means that the discretionary power of public administration integrates the law. However, integrating law does not mean to decide according to the law, but it means to integrate law with a decision involving public power. Consequently, discretionary power is essentially free will. In this perspective, also the Rule of Law and the Rechtsstaat are notions explained differently. Recently, we can observe how the European notion of Rechtsstaat is founded on the formal validity of the law; therefore, for this notion, public authority’s decisions not regulated by law represent a problem. Thus, different systems of law integration have been proposed in legal literature, such as values, democracy, reasonableness, and so on. This paper aims to verify how, looking at those integration clauses from a logical viewpoint, integration based on the recourse to the legal system itself does not resolve the problem. The aforementioned integration clauses are legal rules that require hard work to explain the correct meaning of the law; in particular, they introduce dangerous criteria in favor of the political majority. A different notion of public power can be proposed. This notion includes two main features: (a) sovereignty belongs to persons and not the state, and (b) fundamental rights are not grounded but recognized by Constitutions. Hence, public power is a system based on fundamental rights. According to this approach, it can also be defined as the notion of public interest as concrete maximization of fundamental rights enjoyments. Like this, integration of the law, vague or subject to several interpretations, must be done by referring to the system of fundamental individual rights. We can think, for instance, to fundamental rights that are right in an objective view but not legal because not established by law.

Keywords: administrative discretion, free will, fundamental rights, public power, sovereignty

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Authors: Lottie Lane

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It is habitually assumed and stated that the World Bank should engage and comply with international human rights standards. However, the basis for holding the Bank to such standards is unclear. Most advocates of the idea invoke aspects of international law to argue that the Bank has existing obligations to act in compliance with human rights standards. The Bank itself, however, does not appear to accept such arguments, despite having endorsed the importance of human rights for a considerable length of time. A substantial challenge is that under the current international human rights law framework, the World Bank is considered a non-state actor, and as such, has no direct human rights obligations. In the absence of clear legal duties for the Bank, it is necessary to look at the tools available beyond the international human rights framework to encourage the Bank to comply with human rights standards. This article critically examines several bases for arguing that the Bank should comply and engage with human rights through its policies and practices. Drawing on the Bank’s own ‘good governance’ approach as well as the United Nations’ ‘human rights-based-approach’ to development, a new basis is suggested. First, the relationship between the World Bank and human rights is examined. Three perspectives are considered: (1) the legal position – what the status of the World Bank is under international human rights law, and whether it can be said to have existing legal human rights obligations; (2) the Bank’s own official position – how the Bank envisages its relationship with and role in the protection of human rights; and (3) the relationship between the Bank’s policies and practices and human rights (including how its attitudes are reflected in its policies and how the Bank’s operations impact human rights enjoyment in practice). Here, the article focuses on two examples – the (revised) 2016 Environmental and Social Safeguard Policies and the 2012 case-study regarding Gambella, Ethiopia. Both examples are widely considered missed opportunities for the Bank to actively engage with human rights. The analysis shows that however much pressure is placed on the Bank to improve its human rights footprint, it is extremely reluctant to do so explicitly, and the legal bases available are insufficient for requiring concrete, ex ante action by the Bank. Instead, the Bank’s own ‘good governance’ approach to development – which it has been advocating since the 1990s – can be relied upon. ‘Good governance’ has been used and applied by many actors in many contexts, receiving numerous different definitions. This article argues that human rights protection can now be considered a crucial component of good governance, at least in the context of development. In doing so, the article explains the relationship and interdependence between the two concepts, and provides three rationales for the Bank to take a ‘human rights-based approach’ to good governance. Ultimately, this article seeks to look beyond international human rights law and take a governance approach to provide a convincing basis upon which to argue that the World Bank should comply with human rights standards.

Keywords: World Bank, international human rights law, good governance, human rights-based approach

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Authors: Sara Vora (Hoxha)

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The present article delves into the intricate matters concerning Intellectual Property Rights (IPR) and cross-border jurisdiction within the confines of the European Union (EU). The prevalence of cross-border intellectual property rights (IPR) disputes has increased in tandem with the globalization of commerce and the widespread adoption of technology. The European Union (EU) is not immune to this trend. The manuscript presents a comprehensive analysis of various forms of intellectual property rights (IPR), such as patents, trademarks, and copyrights, and the regulatory framework established by the European Union (EU) to oversee these rights. The present article examines the diverse approaches employed for ascertaining the appropriate jurisdiction within the European Union (EU), and their potential application in the sphere of cross-border intellectual property rights (IPR) conflicts. The article sheds light on jurisdictional issues and outcomes of significant cross-border intellectual property rights (IPR) disputes in the European Union (EU). Additionally, the document provides suggestions for effectively managing intellectual property rights conflicts across borders within the European Union, which encompasses the utilization of alternative methods for resolving disputes. The article highlights the significance of comprehending the relevant jurisdiction in the European Union for Intellectual Property Rights (IPR). It also offers optimal approaches for enterprises and individuals who aim to safeguard their intellectual property beyond national boundaries. The primary objective of this article is to furnish a thorough comprehension of Intellectual Property Rights (IPR) and the relevant jurisdiction in the European Union (EU). Additionally, it endeavors to provide pragmatic recommendations for managing cross-border IPR conflicts in this intricate and ever-changing legal milieu.

Keywords: intellectual property rights (IPR), cross-border jurisdiction, applicable laws and regulations, dispute resolution, best practices

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Authors: Yustina Trihoni Nalesti Dewi

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Gross violations of human rights consisting of crime against humanity, genocide and war crime, are serious international crimes. Prohibition such crimes have obtain to the level of international norms of jus cogens based on conventions and customary international law. Therefore, the duty of the state to punish the crimes is obligatory. The legal consequence of jus cogens is obligation erga omnes which are a matter of state responsibility. When a state is not willing or neglects to do so in its national law, it results in state responsibility to be imposed by international human rights and humanitarian law. This article reviews the concept of jus cogens and obligatio erga omnes that appear as two sides of the same coin. It also explains how international human rights and humanitarian law set down the duty of the state to punish gross violations of human rights.

Keywords: duty of states, gross violations of human rights, jus cogens, obligatio erga omnes

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Authors: Yrfet Shkreli

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To determine the content of human rights norms in national constitutions, international law - in the form of treaties, declarations and case law from international monitoring bodies, and comparative case law from other countries - is often discussed in the judgments of domestic courts. This paper explores the extent to which international law has influenced domestic human rights case law in Africa. The paper first explores how the human rights provisions of African constitutions came into being before turning to the role played by international law in the constitutional order of various African states and how treaties, declarations and findings of international monitoring bodies have been used in African countries to interpret and expand on constitutional human rights provisions.

Keywords: European Union, global governance, globalization, normative power

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Authors: Afeez Kolawole Shittu

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Democracy as practiced across the globe is sustained with the increase participation of all eligible voters irrespective of class, race, colour, and disabilities. However, there is a perception within the contemporary African society that people with disability (PWDs) belongs to charity and welfare. This is exacerbated with little understanding among African counties including Nigeria that persons with disability have fundamental rights inevitably rooted in the constitution. This significant viewpoint has continued to militate against the social inclusion of persons with disabilities in various aspects of societal lives including their political participation It is instructive to note that the political right of PWDs has been protected by various international conventions. Article 29 of the United Nations Convention on the Rights and Dignities for Persons with Disability (CRPD) guaranteed the participation of persons with disability in the political process. Domesticating and ratification of this right has been a challenge for many African countries including Nigeria. Against the backdrop, the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC), the body saddled with the responsibility of conducting elections in Nigeria provided forum for the participation of persons with disability in election through implementations of electoral act. Section 56 (1) and (2) of the 2010 Electoral Act (as amended) provide for voting participation of persons with disability. This study examines the implementation of the electoral act and how it impacts the voting participation of persons with disability vis-à-vis other challenges affecting the participation of PWDs in electoral process in Nigeria’s 2019 general election. This paper draws on mixed method in sourcing relevant information from the respondents. Interview will be conducted among INEC officials, Civil Society Organisations, Joint National Association of Persons with Disability (JONAPWD). Questionnaire and Focus Group Discussion will be held among different forms of PWDs. The data will be analysed using appropriate descriptive statistics and inferential statistics, as well as thematic content analysis. The study will enlighten understanding on the awareness of the political rights of PWDs as well as improving their electoral participation for sustainable democracy in Nigeria, Africa’s most populous country.

Keywords: electoral reforms, voting participation, persons with disabilities

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Authors: Lina Fernanda González

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Through this essay, an attempt will be made to make visible the work of the international network of the Women in Black (henceforth WB), on the one hand. On the other hand, the work of Women International Courts as a political practice will be showed as well, focusing their work into generating a collective identity - becoming thusly a peace building space, rescuing in this way the symbolic value of their practices consisting in peaceful resistance as political scenarios, that serve, too, a pedagogical and healing purposes.

Keywords: collective actions, women, peace, human rights and humanitarian international law

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Authors: Rose Hattab

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Women have been an important dynamic in religious context and the state-building process of Arab countries throughout history. During the 1970s as the movement for women’s activism and rights developed, the Iraqi state under the Ba’ath Party began to provide Iraqi women with legal and civil rights. This was done to liberate women from the grasps of social traditions and was a tangible espousing of equality between men and women in the process of nation-building. Whereas women’s rights were stronger and more supported throughout the earliest years of the Ba’ath Regime (1970-1990), the aftermath of the Gulf War and economic sanctions on the conditions of Iraqi society laid the foundation for a division of women’s rights between civil and religious authorities. Personal status codes that were secured in 1959 were being pushed back by amendments made in coordination with religious leaders. Civil laws were present on paper, but religious authority took prominence in practice. The written legal codes were inclusive of women’s rights, but there is not an active or ensured practice of these rights within Iraqi society. This is due to many different factors, such as religious, sectarian, political and conservative reasons that hold back or limit the ability for Iraqi women to have autonomy in aspects such as participation in the workforce, getting married, and ensuring social justice. This paper argues that the Personal Status Code introduced in 1959 – which replaced Sharia-run courts with personal status courts – provided Iraqi women with equality and increased mobility in social and economic dynamics. The statewide crisis felt after the Gulf War and the economic sanctions imposed by the United Nations led to a stark shift in the Ba’ath party’s political ideology. This ideological turn guided the social system to the embracement of social conservatism and religious traditions in the 1990s. The effect of this implementation continued after the establishment of a new Iraqi government during 2003-2005. Consequently, Iraqi women's rights in employment, marriage, and family became divided into paper and practice by religious authorities and civil law from that period to the present day. This paper also contributes to the literature by expanding on the gap between legal codes on paper and in practice, through providing an analysis of Iraqi women’s rights in the Iraqi Constitution of 2005 and Iraq’s Penal Code. The turn to conservative and religious traditions is derived from the multiplicity of identities that make up the Iraqi social fabric. In the aftermath of a totalitarian regime, active wars, and economic sanctions, the Iraqi people attempted to unite together through their different identities to create a sense of security in the midst of violence and chaos. This is not an excuse to diminish the importance of women’s rights, but in the process of building a new nation-state, women were lost from the narrative. Thus, the presence of gender equity is found in the written text but is not practiced and upheld in the social context.

Keywords: civil rights, Iraqi women, nation building, religion and conflict

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Authors: Abdulrahman Fahim M. Alsulami

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This paper is dedicated to a detailed investigation of the interaction between the agreement on trade-related aspects of intellectual property rights (TRIPS) and bilateral investment treaties (BITs) in the regulation of health-related intellectual property rights in Australia and the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia. The chosen research object is complex and requires a thorough examination of a set of factors influencing the problem under investigation. At the moment, to the author’s best knowledge’ there is no academic research that would conceptualize and critically compare the regulation of health-related intellectual property rights in these two countries. While there is a substantial amount of information in the literature on certain aspects of the problem, the existing knowledge about certain aspects of the health-related regulatory frameworks in Australia and Saudi Arabia barely explains in detail the specifics of the ways in which the TRIPS agreement interacts with (BITs) in the regulation of health-related intellectual property rights. Therefore, this paper will address an evident research gap by studying an intriguing yet under-researched problem. The paper comprises five subsections. The first subsection provides an overview of the investment climate in Saudi Arabia and Australia with an emphasis on the health care industry. It will cover political, economic, and social factors influencing the investment climate in these countries, the systems of intellectual property rights protection, recent patterns relevant to the investment climate’s development, and key characteristics of the investment climate in the health care industry. The second subsection analyses BITs in Saudi Arabia and Australia in light of the countries’ responsibilities under the TRIPS Agreement. The third subsection provides a critical examination of the interaction between the TRIPS Agreement and BITs in Saudi Arabia on the basis of data collected and analyzed in previous subsections. It will investigate key discrepancies concerning the regulation of health-related intellectual property rights in Saudi Arabia and Australia from the position of BITs’ interaction with the TRIPS Agreement and explore the existing procedures for clarifying priorities between them in regulating health-related intellectual property rights. The fourth subsection of the paper provides recommendations concerning the transformation of BITS into a TRIPS+ dimension in regulating health-related intellectual property rights in Saudi Arabia and Australia. The final subsection provides a summary of differences between the Australian and Saudi BITs from the perspective of the regulation of health-related intellectual property rights under the TRIPS agreement and bilateral investment treaties.

Keywords: Australia, bilateral investment treaties, IP law, public health sector, Saudi Arabia

Procedia PDF Downloads 127