Search results for: radical politics

Authors: Ashir Ahmed

Abstract:

Generally, radicalization happens when a person's thinking and behaviour become significantly different from how most of the members of their society and community view social issues and participate politically. Radicalization often leads to violent extremism that refers to the beliefs and actions of people who support or use violence to achieve ideological, religious or political goals. Studies on radicalization negate the common myths that someone must be in a group to be radicalised or anyone who experiences radical thoughts is a violent extremist. Moreover, it is erroneous to suggest that radicalisation is always linked to religion. Generally, the common motives of radicalization include ideological, issue-based, ethno-nationalist or separatist underpinning. Moreover, there are number of factors that further augments the chances of someone being radicalised and may choose the path of violent extremism and possibly terrorism. Since there are numbers of factors (and sometimes quite different) contributing in radicalization and violent extremism, it is highly unlikely to devise a single solution that could produce effective outcomes to deal with radicalization, violent extremism and terrorism. The pathway to deradicalization, like the pathway to radicalisation, is different for everyone. Considering the need of having customized deradicalization resolution, this study proposes a multi-tier framework, called ‘pyramid of deradicalization’ that first help identifying the stage at which an individual could be on the radicalization pathway and then propose a customize strategy to deal with the respective stage. The first tier (tier 1) addresses broader community and proposes a ‘universal approach’ aiming to offer community-based design and delivery of educational programs to raise awareness and provide general information on possible factors leading to radicalization and their remedies. The second tier focuses on the members of community who are more vulnerable and are disengaged from the rest of the community. This tier proposes a ‘targeted approach’ targeting the vulnerable members of the community through early intervention such as providing anonymous help lines where people feel confident and comfortable in seeking help without fearing the disclosure of their identity. The third tier aims to focus on people having clear evidence of moving toward extremism or getting radicalized. The people falls in this tier are believed to be supported through ‘interventionist approach’. The interventionist approach advocates the community engagement and community-policing, introducing deradicalization programmes to the targeted individuals and looking after their physical and mental health issues. The fourth and the last tier suggests the strategies to deal with people who are actively breaking the law. ‘Enforcement approach’ suggests various approaches such as strong law enforcement, fairness and accuracy in reporting radicalization events, unbiased treatment by law based on gender, race, nationality or religion and strengthen the family connections.It is anticipated that the operationalization of the proposed framework (‘pyramid of deradicalization’) would help in categorising people considering their tendency to become radicalized and then offer an appropriate strategy to make them valuable and peaceful members of the community.

Keywords: deradicalization, framework, terrorism, violent extremism

Procedia PDF Downloads 261

Authors: Inka Maria Vilhelmiina Hiltunen

Abstract:

The crisis of liberal democracy has been recognized from many sites of political literature; scholars of Marxist critical political economy and deliberative democracy, as well as critics of neoliberalism, have become concerned about how either the rise of populism and authoritarianism, institutional decline or the overarching economic rationality erode political democratic citizenship in favor of economic technocracy or conservative protectionism. However, even if these bodies of literature recognize the generalized crisis that haunts Western democracies, dialogue between them has been very limited. That said, drawing from contemporary Marxist perspectives, this article aims at bridging the gap between the criticism of neoliberalism and theories of deliberative democracy. The first section starts by outlining what is meant by neoliberalism, liberal democracy, and the crisis of liberal democracy. The next section explores how contemporary capitalism acts upon society and transforms it. It introduces Jurgen Habermas’ thesis of the ‘colonization of the lifeworld’, Wendy Brown’s analysis of neoliberal rationality and Étienne Balibar’s concepts of ‘absolute capitalism’ and ‘total subsumption,’ that the essay aims at connecting in the last section. The third section is concerned with the deliberative democratic theory and practice. The section highlights the qualitative socio-political impacts of deliberation, as predicted by theorists and shown by empirical studies. The last section draws from contemporary Marxist perspectives to examine the question if deliberative democratic theories and practices can resolve the crisis of liberal democracy in the current financially driven era of neoliberal capitalism. By asking this question, the essay aims to consider what is required to reverse the current global trend of rising inequality. If liberal democracy has declined towards commodified and reactionary forms of politics and if ‘market rationality’ has shaped social agency to the extent that politicians and the public struggle to imagine ‘any alternatives’, the most urgent political task is to bring to life a new political imagination based on democratic ideals of equality, inclusivity, reciprocity, and solidarity, that thereby enables the revision of the transnational institutional design. This part focuses on the hegemonic role of finance and money. The essay concludes by stating that the implementation of substantive global democracy must start from the dissolution of the hegemony of finance, centered on U.S., and from the remaking of the conditions of socioeconomic reproduction world-wide. However, given the still present overarching neoliberal status quo, the essay is skeptical of the ideological feasibility of this remaking.

Keywords: deliberative democracy, criticism of neoliberalism, marxist political economy, crisis of liberal democracy

Procedia PDF Downloads 102

Authors: Mustafa M. Donma, Orkide Donma

Abstract:

Iron is physiologically essential. However, it also participates in the catalysis of free radical formation reactions. Its deficiency is associated with amplified health risks. This trace element establishes some links with another physiological process related to cell death, apoptosis. Both iron deficiency and iron overload are closely associated with apoptosis. Soluble tumor necrosis factor-like weak inducer of apoptosis (sTWEAK) has the ability to trigger apoptosis and plays a dual role in the physiological versus pathological inflammatory responses of tissues. The aim of this study was to investigate the status of these parameters as well as the associations among them in children with obesity, a low-grade inflammatory state. The study was performed on groups of children with normal body mass index (N-BMI) and obesity. Forty-three children were included in each group. Based upon age- and sex-adjusted BMI percentile tables prepared by World Health Organization, children whose values varied between 85 and 15 were included in N-BMI group. Children whose BMI percentile values were between 99 and 95 comprised obese (OB) group. Institutional ethical committee approval and informed consent forms were taken prior to the study. Anthropometric measurements (weight, height, waist circumference, hip circumference, head circumference, neck circumference) and blood pressure values (systolic blood pressure and diastolic blood pressure) were recorded. Routine biochemical analysis including serum iron, total iron binding capacity (TIBC), transferrin saturation percent (Tf Sat %), and ferritin were performed. Soluble tumor necrosis factor-like weak inducer of apoptosis levels were determined by enzyme-linked immunosorbent assay. Study data was evaluated using appropriate statistical tests performed by the statistical program SPSS. Serum iron levels were 91±34 mcrg/dl and 75±31 mcrg/dl in N-BMI and OB children, respectively. The corresponding values for TIBC, Tf Sat %, ferritin were 265 mcrg/dl vs 299 mcrg/dl, 37.2±19.1 % vs 26.7±14.6 %, and 41±25 ng/ml vs 44±26 ng/ml. in N-BMI and OB groups, sTWEAK concentrations were measured as 351 ng/L and 325 ng/L, respectively (p>0.05). Correlation analysis revealed significant associations between sTWEAK levels and iron related parameters (p<0.05) except ferritin. In conclusion, iron contributes to apoptosis. Children with iron deficiency have decreased apoptosis rate in comparison with that of healthy children. sTWEAK is inducer of apoptosis. Obese children had lower levels of both iron and sTWEAK. Low levels of sTWEAK are associated with several types of cancers and poor survival. Although iron deficiency state was not observed in this study, the correlations detected between decreased sTWEAK and decreased iron as well as Tf Sat % values were valuable findings, which point out decreased apoptosis. This may induce a proinflammatory state, potentially leading to malignancies in the future lives of obese children.

Keywords: apoptosis, children, iron-related parameters, obesity, soluble tumor necrosis factor-like weak inducer of apoptosis

Procedia PDF Downloads 128

Authors: D. Cole, S. Mahootian, P. Medlock

Abstract:

This research contributes to existing knowledge of the complexities surrounding women’s relationship to beauty standards by examining their lived experiences. While there is much academic work on the effects of culturally imposed and largely unattainable beauty standards, the arguments tend to fall into two paradigms. On the one hand is the radical feminist perspective that argues that women are subjected to absolute oppression within the patriarchal system in which beauty standards have been constructed. This position advocates for a complete restructuring of social institutions to liberate women from all types of oppression. On the other hand, there are liberal feminist arguments that focus on choice, arguing that women’s agency in how to present themselves is empowerment. These arguments center around what women do within the patriarchal system in order to liberate themselves. However, there is very little research on the lived experiences of women negotiating these two realms: the complex negotiation between the pressure to adhere to cultural beauty standards and the agency of self-expression and empowerment. By exploring beauty standards through the intersection of societal messages (including macro-level processes such as social media and advertising as well as smaller-scale interactions such as families and peers) and lived experiences, this study seeks to provide a nuanced understanding of how women navigate and negotiate their own presentation and sense of self-identity. Current research sees a rise in incidents of body dysmorphia, depression and anxiety since the advent of social media. Approximately 91% of women are unhappy with their bodies and resort to dieting to achieve their ideal body shape, but only 5% of women naturally possess the body type often portrayed by Americans in movies and media. It is, therefore, crucial we begin talking about the processes that are affecting self-image and mental health. A question that arises is that, given these negative effects, why do companies continue to advertise and target women with standards that very few could possibly attain? One obvious answer is that keeping beauty standards largely unattainable enables the beauty and fashion industries to make large profits by promising products and procedures that will bring one up to “standard”. The creation of dissatisfaction for some is profit for others. This research utilizes qualitative methods: interviews, questionnaires, and focus groups to investigate women’s relationships to beauty standards and empowerment. To this end, we reached out to potential participants through a video campaign on social media: short clips on Instagram, Facebook, and TikTok and a longer clip on YouTube inviting users to take part in the study. Participants are asked to react to images, videos, and other beauty-related texts. The findings of this research have implications for policy development, advocacy and interventions aimed at promoting healthy inclusivity and empowerment of women.

Keywords: women, beauty, consumerism, social media

Procedia PDF Downloads 51

Authors: Taarika Singh

Abstract:

Military wives – women married to army officers have largely been recognized as mere supporters or as auxiliaries to military men rather than propagators of thought and ideologies. The military wife (and her participation) is often dismissed as 'private', 'domestic', or 'trivial' and is acknowledged, if at all, only as an (inevitable/normative) entity, seen as a natural product/outcome of militarization. It is because the military wife has come to be constructed and accepted as normative by states and militaries that women of the military are easily ‘trivialised’ and are made to appear to be socially, politically, or theoretically irrelevantand/or insignificant. This paper, using ethnography-- structured and semi-structured interviews -- makes a gendered analysis of militarization, by bringing the military wife to the forefront and placing her at the nexus of the military and state apparatus. Moving away from gendered analyses that focus on the impact of militarization on women or draw attention to the ways in which militarization has been challenged/resisted by women, the paper pays attention to the centrality of women in shaping, validating, and perpetuating militarization, patriarchal control, and gendered hierarchies. The paper will demonstrate how military wives accept and comply with patriarchy as an institutional form of social organization that extends beyond the family and kinship relations into the military as an organization of the state. The paper will draw attention to the ways in which military norms, patriarchal values, and belief systems shape the social personhood, identity, and worldview of military wives; as a consequence of which, women play a central role in upholding and reproducing social inequalities and hierarchies; in shaping social status, and power relationships amongst men and women within and outside the military. The paper will allude to the processes and ideologies via which womena) accept and reproducemen as exclusive holders of power, status, and privilege; and b) recognize international relations, politics, andmatters related to security to be male dominated arenas inviting overwhelming masculine participation. In doing so, the paper will argue that women of the military play a critical role in perpetuating and upholding gendered meanings associated with the notion of and discourse around security. The paper will illustratehow military wives accept and assume security to be inherently a gendered idea -- a masculine notion, a male dominated arena, as something granted by men. In other words, the paper will demonstrate how the militarization of the military wives and the perpetuation of militarization by military wives plays a crucial role in propagating and perpetuating security to be a masculine notion or a male dominated arena. The paper will then question the degree to which such gendered analyses can shape the broader meanings, definitions, and discourses around security, matters related to security, and security threats.

Keywords: gender, militarisation, security, women

Procedia PDF Downloads 142

Authors: Konstantinos Kottikas, Vlasis Stathakopoulos, Ioannis G. Theodorakis, Efthymia Kottika

Abstract:

Theorists have argued that Market Orientation is comprised of two facets, namely the Market Driven and the Market Driving components. The present theoretical paper centers on the latter, which to date has been notably under-investigated. The term Market Driving (MD) pertains to influencing the structure of the market, or the behavior of market players in a direction that enhances the competitive edge of the firm. Presently, the main objectives of the paper are the specification of key antecedents and outcomes of Market Driving behavior. Market Driving firms behave proactively, by leading their customers and changing the rules of the game rather than by responding passively to them. Leading scholars were the first to conceptually conceive the notion, followed by some qualitative studies and a limited number of quantitative publications. However, recently, academicians noted that research on the topic remains limited, expressing a strong necessity for further insights. Concerning the key antecedents, top management’s Transformational Leadership (i.e. the form of leadership which influences organizational members by aligning their values, goals and aspirations to facilitate value-consistent behaviors) is one of the key drivers of MD behavior. Moreover, scholars have linked the MD concept with Entrepreneurship. Finally, the role that Employee’s Creativity plays in the development of MD behavior has been theoretically exemplified by a stream of literature. With respect to the key outcomes, it has been demonstrated that MD Behavior positively triggers firm Performance, while theorists argue that it empowers the Competitive Advantage of the firm. Likewise, researchers explicate that MD Behavior produces Radical Innovation. In order to test the robustness of the proposed theoretical framework, a combination of qualitative and quantitative methods is proposed. In particular, the conduction of in-depth interviews with distinguished executives and academicians, accompanied with a large scale quantitative survey will be employed, in order to triangulate the empirical findings. Given that it triggers overall firm’s success, the MD concept is of high importance to managers. Managers can become aware that passively reacting to market conditions is no longer sufficient. On the contrary, behaving proactively, leading the market, and shaping its status quo are new innovative approaches that lead to a paramount competitive posture and Innovation outcomes. This study also exemplifies that managers can foster MD Behavior through Transformational Leadership, Entrepreneurship and recruitment of Creative Employees. To date, the majority of the publications on Market Orientation is unilaterally directed towards the responsive (i.e. the Market Driven) component. The present paper further builds on scholars’ exhortations, and investigates the Market Driving facet, ultimately aspiring to conceptually integrate the somehow fragmented scientific findings, in a holistic framework.

Keywords: entrepreneurial orientation, market driving behavior, market orientation

Procedia PDF Downloads 380

Authors: Muhammed Jamiu Mustapha, Jamiu Folarin, Stephen Obiri Agyei, Rasheed Ademola Adebiyi, Mutiu Iyanda Lasisi

Abstract:

The role of the media in political discourse cannot be overemphasized as they form an important part of societal development. The media institution is considered the fourth estate of the realm because it serves as a check and balance to the arms of government (Executive, Legislature and Judiciary) especially in a democratic setup, and makes public office holders accountable to the people. They scrutinize the political candidates and conduct a holistic analysis of the achievement of the government in order to make the people’s representative accountable to the electorates. The media in Nigeria play a seminal role in shaping how people vote during elections. Newspaper headlines are catchy phrases that easily capture the attention of the audience and call them (audience) to action. Research conducted on newspaper headlines looks at the linguistic aspect and how the tenses used has a resultant effect on peoples’ attitude and behaviour. Communication scholars have also conducted studies that interrogate whether newspaper headlines influence peoples' voting patterns and decisions. Propaganda and negative stories about political opponents are stapling features in electioneering campaigns. Nigerian newspaper readers have the characteristic of scanning newspaper headlines. And the question is whether politicians effectively have played into this tendency to brand opponents negatively, based on half-truths and inadequate information. This study illustrates major trends in the Nigerian political landscape looking at the past four presidential elections and frames the progress of the research in the extant body of political propaganda research in Africa. The study will use the quantitative content analysis of newspaper headlines from 2007 to 2019 to be able to ascertain whether newspaper headlines had any effect on the election results of the presidential elections during these years. This will be supplemented by Key Informant Interviews of political scientists or experts to draw further inferences from the quantitative data. Drawing on newspaper headlines of selected newspapers in Nigeria that have a political propaganda angle for the presidential elections, the analysis will correspond to and complements extant descriptions of how the field of political propaganda has been developed in Nigeria, providing evidence of four presidential elections that have shaped Nigerian politics. Understanding the development of the behavioural change of the electorates provide useful context for trend analysis in political propaganda communication. The findings will contribute to how newspaper headlines are used partly or wholly to decide the outcome of presidential elections in Nigeria.

Keywords: newspaper headlines, political propaganda, presidential elections, trend analysis

Procedia PDF Downloads 228

Authors: Qi Peng

Abstract:

The Chinese sport sector is currently undergoing a dramatic institutional change. A sport system that was heavily dominated by the government is starting to shift towards one that is driven by the market. During the past sixty years, the Chinese Football Association (CFA), although ostensibly a ‘non-governmental organization’, has been in fact operated under the close supervision and control of the government. The double-identity of CFA has taken most of the blame for the poor performance of the Chinese football team, especially the men’s team. In 2015, a policy initiated by the Chinese government introduced a potentially radical change to the institutional structure of CFA by delegating the power of government agency – the General Administration of Sport of China - to the organization (CFA) itself. Against such background, an overarching research question was brought up- will an organization remained institutionalized within the system change in response to the external (policy) jolt? To answer this question, three principal data collection methods were employed: document review, participant observation and semi-structured interviews. Document review provides the mapping of the structural and cultural framework in which the CFA functions during the change process. The author have had the chance to interact closely with the organization as participant observer in the organization for a period of time, long enough to collect the data, but never too long to get biased view of the situation. This stage enables the author to gain an in-depth understanding of how CFA managed to restructure the governance and legitimacy. Conducting semi-structured interviews with staff within the CFA and from staff within selected stakeholders of CFA also provided a crucial step to gain an insight into the factors for change as well as the implications of the change. A wide range of interviewees that have been and to be interviewed include: CFA members (senior officials and staff); local football associations members; senior Chinese Super League football club managers; CFA Super League Co., LTD (senior officials and staff); CSL broadcasters; Chinese Olympic Committee members. The preliminary research data shows that the CFA is currently undergoing two levels of change: although the settings of CFA has been gradually restructured (organizational framework), the organizational values and beliefs remain almost the same as the CFA before the reform. This means that the plan of shifting from a governmental agency to an autonomous association is an going process, and that organizational core beliefs and values are more difficult to change than its structural framework. This is due to the inertia of the organizational history and the effect of institutionalization. The change of Chinese Football Association is looked at as a pioneering sport organization in China to undertake the “decoupling” road. It is believed that many other sport organizations, especially sport governing bodies will follow the step of CFA in the near future. Therefore, the experience of CFA change is worthy of studying.

Keywords: Chinese Football Association, Organizational Change, Organizational Culture, Structural Framework

Procedia PDF Downloads 336

Authors: S. Opadere Olaolu

Abstract:

Religion, as a belief-system, has been with humanity for a long time. It has been recognised to impact the lives of individuals, groups, and communities that hold it dear. Whether the impact is regarded as positive or not depends on the assessor. Thus, for reasons of likely subjectiveness, possible irrationality, and even outright deliberate abuse, most emerging economies seek to follow the pattern of separating the State from religion; yet it is certain that the influence of religion on the State is incontrovertible. Corruption, on the other hand, though difficult to define in precise terms, is clearly perceptible. It could manifest in very diverse ways, including the abuse of a position of trust for the gain of an individual, or of a group with shared ulterior motive. Religion has been perceived, among others, as a means to societal stability, marital stability, infusion of moral rectitude, and conscience with regards to right and wrong. In time past, credible and dependable characters reposed largely and almost exclusively with those bearing deep religious conviction. Even in the political circle, it was thought that the involvement of those committed to religion would bring about positive changes, for the benefit of the society at large. On the contrary, in recent times, religion has failed in these lofty expectations. The level of corruption in most developing economies, and the increase of religion seem to be advancing pari passu. For instance, religion has encroached into political space, and vice versa, without any differentiable posture to the issue of corruption. Worse still, religion appears to be aiding and abetting corruption, overtly and/or covertly. Therefore, this discourse examined from the Nigerian perspective—as a developing economy—, and from a multidisciplinary stand-point of Law and Religion, the issue of religion; secularism; corruption; romance of religion and politics; inability of religion to exemplify moral rectitude; indulgence of corruption by religion; and the need to keep religion in private sphere, with proper checks. The study employed primary and secondary sources of information. The primary sources included the Constitutions of the Federal Republic of Nigeria 1999, as amended; judicial decisions; and the Bible. The secondary sources comprised of information from books, journals, newspapers, magazines and Internet documents. Data obtained from these sources were subjected to content analysis. Findings of this study include the breach of constitutional provisions to keep religion out of State affairs; failure of religion to curb corruption; outright indulgence of corruption by religion; and religion having become a political tool. In conclusion, it is considered apposite still to keep the State out of religion, and to seek enforcement of the constitutional provisions in this respect. The stamp of legality placed on overt and covert corruption by religion should be removed by all means.

Keywords: corruption, complicity, legalizing, religion

Procedia PDF Downloads 399

Authors: Anna Drabczyk, Sonia Kudlacik-Kramarczyk, Dagmara Malina, Bozena Tyliszczak, Agnieszka Sobczak-Kupiec

Abstract:

Nowadays, nano-size materials are very popular group of materials among scientists. What is more, these materials find an application in a wide range of various areas. Therefore constantly increasing demand for nanomaterials including metallic nanoparticles such as silver of gold ones is observed. Therefore, new routes of their preparation are sought. Considering potential application of nanoparticles, it is important to select an adequate methodology of their preparation because it determines their size and shape. Among the most commonly applied methods of preparation of nanoparticles chemical and electrochemical techniques are leading. However, currently growing attention is directed into the biological or biochemical aspects of syntheses of metallic nanoparticles. This is associated with a trend of developing of new routes of preparation of given compounds according to the principles of green chemistry. These principles involve e.g. the reduction of the use of toxic compounds in the synthesis as well as the reduction of the energy demand or minimization of the generated waste. As a result, a growing popularity of the use of such components as natural plant extracts, infusions or essential oils is observed. Such natural substances may be used both as a reducing agent of metal ions and as a stabilizing agent of formed nanoparticles therefore they can replace synthetic compounds previously used for the reduction of metal ions or for the stabilization of obtained nanoparticles suspension. Methods that proceed in the presence of previously mentioned natural compounds are environmentally friendly and proceed without the application of any toxic reagents. Methodology: Presented research involves preparation of silver nanoparticles using selected plant extracts, e.g. artichoke extract. Extracts of natural origin were used as reducing and stabilizing agents at the same time. Furthermore, syntheses were carried out in the presence of additional polymeric stabilizing agent. Next, such features of obtained suspensions of nanoparticles as total antioxidant activity as well as content of phenolic compounds have been characterized. First of the mentioned studies involved the reaction with DPPH (2,2-Diphenyl-1-picrylhydrazyl) radical. The content of phenolic compounds was determined using Folin-Ciocalteu technique. Furthermore, an essential issue was also the determining of the stability of formed suspensions of nanoparticles. Conclusions: In the research it was demonstrated that metallic nanoparticles may be obtained using plant extracts or infusions as stabilizing or reducing agent. The methodology applied, i.e. a type of plant extract used during the synthesis, had an impact on the content of phenolic compounds as well as on the size and polydispersity of obtained nanoparticles. What is more, it is possible to prepare nano-size particles that will be characterized by properties desirable from the viewpoint of their potential application and such an effect may be achieved with the use of non-toxic reagents of natural origin. Furthermore, proposed methodology stays in line with the principles of green chemistry.

Keywords: green chemistry principles, metallic nanoparticles, plant extracts, stabilization of nanoparticles

Procedia PDF Downloads 121

Authors: C. Shekhar Parajulee

Abstract:

Nepal practiced a centralized unitary governing system for a long and has gone through the federal system after the promulgation of the new constitution on 20 September 2015. There is a big paradigm shift in terms of governance after it. Now, there are three levels of governments, one federal government in the center, seven provincial governments and 753 local governments. Federalism refers to a political governing system with multiple tiers of government working together with coordination. It is preferred for self and shared rule. Though it has opened the door for rights of the people, political stability, state restructuring, and sustainable peace and development, there are many prospects and challenges for its proper implementation. This research analyzes the discourses of federalism implementation in Nepal with special reference to one of seven provinces, Gandaki. Federalism is a new phenomenon in Nepali politics and informed debates on it are required for its right evolution. This research will add value in this regard. Moreover, tracking its evolution and the exploration of the attitudes and behaviors of key actors and stakeholders in a new experiment of a new governing system is also important. The administrative and political system of Gandaki province in terms of service delivery and development will critically be examined. Besides demonstrating the performances of the provincial government and assembly, it will analyze the inter-governmental relation of Gandaki with the other two tiers of government. For this research, people from provincial and local governments (elected representatives and government employees), provincial assembly members, academicians, civil society leaders and journalists are being interviewed. The interview findings will be analyzed by supplementing with published documents. Just going into the federal structure is not the solution. As in the case of other provincial governments, Gandaki had also to start from scratch. It gradually took a shape of government and has been functioning sluggishly. The provincial government has many challenges ahead, which has badly hindered its plans and actions. Additionally, fundamental laws, infrastructures and human resources are found to be insufficient at the sub-national level. Lack of clarity in the jurisdiction is another main challenge. The Nepali Constitution assumes cooperation, coexistence and coordination as the fundamental principles of federalism which, unfortunately, appear to be lacking among the three tiers of government despite their efforts. Though the devolution of power to sub-national governments is essential for the successful implementation of federalism, it has apparently been delayed due to the centralized mentality of bureaucracy as well as a political leader. This research will highlight the reasons for the delay in the implementation of federalism. There might be multiple underlying reasons for the slow pace of implementation of federalism and identifying them is very tough. Moreover, the federal spirit is found to be absent in the main players of today's political system, which is a big irony. So, there are some doubts about whether the federal system in Nepal is just a keepsake or a substantive.

Keywords: federalism, inter-governmental relations, Nepal, provincial government

Procedia PDF Downloads 183

Authors: Wafa Unus

Abstract:

Science journalism has been vanishing from America’s national newspapers for decades. Reportage on scientific topics is limited to only a handful of newspapers and of those, few employ dedicated science journalists to cover stories that require this specialized expertise. News organizations' lack of readiness to convey complex scientific concepts to a mass populace becomes particularly problematic when events like the Covid-19 pandemic occur. The lack of coverage of Covid-19 prior to its onset in the United States, suggests something more troubling - that the deprioritization of reporting on hard science as an educational tool in favor of political frames of coverage, places dangerous blinders on the American public. This research looks at the disparity between voices of health and science experts in news articles and the voices of political figures, in order to better understand the approach of American newspapers in conveying expert opinion on Covid-19. A content analysis of 300 articles on Covid-19 by major newspapers in the United States between January 1st, 2020 and April 30th, 2020 illuminates this investigation. The Boston Globe, the New York Times, and the Los Angeles Times are included in the content analysis. Initial findings reveal a significant disparity in the number of articles that mention Anthony Fauci, the director of the National Institute Allergy and Infectious Disease, and the number that make reference to political figures. Covid-related articles in the New York Times that focused on health topics (as opposed to economic or social issues) contained the voices of 54 different politicians who were mentioned a total of 608 times. Only five members of the scientific community were mentioned a total of 24 times (out of 674 articles). In the Boston Globe, 36 different politicians were mentioned a total of 147 times, and only two members of the scientific community, one being Anthony Fauci, were mentioned a total of nine times (out of 423 articles). In the Los Angeles Times, 52 different politicians were mentioned a total of 600 times, and only six members of the scientific community were included and were mentioned a total of 82 times with Fauci being mentioned 48 times (out of 851 articles). Results provide a better understanding of the frames in which American journalists in Covid hotspots conveyed information of expert analysis on Covid-19 during one of the most pressing news events of the century. Ultimately, the objective of this study is to utilize the exploratory data to evaluate the nature, extent and impact of Covid-19 reporting in the context of trustworthiness and scientific expertise. Secondarily, this data will illuminate the degree to which Covid-19 reporting focused on politics over science.

Keywords: science reporting, science journalism, covid, misinformation, news

Procedia PDF Downloads 209

Authors: Ikenna Stephen Ezennia, Sebnem Onal Hoscara

Abstract:

Successive governments in Nigeria are faced with the pressing problem of how to house an ever-expanding urban population, usually low-income earners. The question of housing and affordability presents a complex challenge for these governments, as the commodification of housing links it inextricably to markets and capital flows. Therefore, placing it as at the center of the government’s agenda. However, the provision of decent and affordable housing for average Nigerians has remained an illusion, despite copious schemes, policies and programs initiated and carried out by various successive governments. Similarly, this phenomenon has also been observed in many countries of Africa, which is largely a result of economic unpredictability, lack of housing finance and insecurity, among other factors peculiar to a struggling economy. This study reviews recent dynamics and factors challenging the provision and development of affordable housing for the low income urban populace of Nigeria. Thus, the aim of the study is to present a comprehensive approach for understanding recent trends in the provision of affordable housing for Nigerians. The approach is based on a new paradigm of research: transdisciplinarity; a form of inquiry that crosses the boundaries of different disciplines. Therefore, the review takes a retrospective gaze at the various housing development programs/schemes/policies taken by successive governments of Nigeria within the last few decades and exams recent efforts geared towards eradicating the problems of housing delivery. Sources of data included relevant English language articles and the results of literature search of Elsevier Science Direct, ISI Web of Knowledge, Pro Quest Central, Scopus, and Google Scholar. The findings reveal that factors such as; rapid urbanization, inadequate planning and land use control, lack of adequate and favorable finance, high prices of land, high prices of building material, youth/touts harassment of developers, poor urban infrastructure, multiple taxation, and risk share are the major factors posing as a hindrance to adequate housing delivery. The results show that the majority of Nigeria’s affordable housing schemes, programs and policies are in most cases poorly implemented and abandoned without proper coordination. Consequently, the study concludes that the affordable housing delivery strategies in Nigeria are an epitome of lip service politics by successive governments; and the current trend of leaving housing provision to the vagaries of market forces cannot be expected to support affordable housing especially for the low income urban populace.

Keywords: affordable housing, housing delivery, national housing policy, urban poor

Procedia PDF Downloads 209

Authors: Amy Y. Wang, Eko L. Yi

Abstract:

Can vicarious experiences of workplace ostracism affect employees’ willingness to voice? Given the increasingly interdependent nature of the modern workplace in which employees rely on social interactions to fulfill organizational goals, workplace ostracism –the extent to which an individual perceives that he or she is ignored or excluded by others in the workplace– has garnered significant interest from scholars and practitioners alike. Extending beyond conventional studies that largely focus on the perspectives and outcomes of ostracized targets, we address the indirect effects of workplace ostracism on third-party employees embedded in the same social context. Using a social information processing approach, we propose that the ostracism of coworkers acts as political information that influences third-party employees in their decisions to engage in risky and discretionary behaviors such as employee voice. To make sense of and to navigate through experiences of workplace ostracism, we posit that both political understanding and political skill allow third party employees to minimize the risks and uncertainty of voicing. This conceptual model was tested by a study involving 154 supervisor-subordinate dyads of a publicly listed bio-technology firm located in Mainland China. Each supervisor and their direct subordinates composed of a work team; each team had a minimum of two subordinates and a maximum of four subordinates. Human resources used the master list to distribute the ID coded questionnaires to the matching names. All studied constructs were measured using existing scales proved effective in previous literature. Hypotheses were tested using Confirmatory Factor Analysis and Hierarchal Multiple Regression. All three hypotheses were supported which showed that employees were less likely to engage in voice behaviors when their coworkers reported having experienced ostracism in the workplace. Results also showed a significant three-way interaction between political understanding and political skill on the relationship between coworkers’ ostracism and employee voice, indicating that political savviness is a valuable resource in mitigating ostracism’s negative and indirect effects. Our results illustrated that an employee’s coworkers being ostracized indeed adversely impacted his or her own voice behavior. However, not all individuals reacted passively to the social context; rather, we found that politically savvy individuals – possessing both political understanding and political skill – and their voice behaviors were less impacted by ostracism in their work environment. At the same time, we found that having only political understanding or only political skill was significantly less effective in mitigating ostracism’s negative effects, suggesting a necessary duality of political knowledge and political skill in combatting ostracism. Organizational implications, recommendations, and future research ideas are also discussed.

Keywords: employee voice, organizational politics, social information processing, workplace ostracism

Procedia PDF Downloads 132

Authors: Paola Millare, Nelinda Catherine Pangilinan

Abstract:

Background and Aim: Cervical cancer is the most commonly diagnosed gynecological malignancy during pregnancy. Owing to the rarity of the disease, and the complexity of all factors that have to be taken into consideration, standardization of treatment is very difficult. Cervical cancer is the second most common malignancy among women. The treatment of cancer during pregnancy is most challenging in the case of cervical cancer, since the pregnant uterus itself is affected. This report aims to present a case of cervical cancer in a pregnant woman and how to manage this case and several issues accompanied with it. Methods: This is a case of a 28 year-old, Gravida 4 Para 2 (1111), who presented with watery to mucoid, whitish, non-foul smelling and increasing in amount. Internal examination revealed normal external genitalia, parous outlet, cervix was transformed into a fungating mass measuring 5x4 cm, with left parametrial involvement, body of uterus was enlarged to 24 weeks size, no adnexal mass or tenderness. She had cervical punch biopsy, which revealed, adenocarcinoma, well-differentiated cervical tissue. Standard management for cases with stage 2B cervical carcinoma was to start radiation or radical hysterectomy. In the case of patients diagnosed with cervical cancer and currently pregnant, these kind of management will result to fetal loss. The patient still declined the said management and opted to delay the treatment and wait for her baby to reach at least term and proceed to cesarean section as route of delivery. Results: The patient underwent an elective cesarean section at 37th weeks age of gestation, with an outcome of a term, live baby boy APGAR score 7,9 birthweight 2600 grams. One month postpartum, the patient followed up and completed radiotherapy, chemotherapy and brachytherapy. She was advised to go back after 6 months for monitoring. On her last check up, an internal examination was done which revealed normal external genitalia, vagina admits 2 fingers with ease, there is a palpable fungating mass at the cervix measuring 2x2 cm. A repeat gynecologic oncologic ultrasound was done revealing cervical mass, endophytic, grade 1 color score with stromal invasion 35% post radiation reactive lymph nodes with intact paracolpium, pericervical, and parametrial involvement. The patient was then advised to undergo pelvic boost and for close monitoring of the cervical mass. Conclusion: Cervical cancer in pregnancy is rare but is a dilemma for women and their physicians. Treatment should be multidisciplinary and individualized following careful counseling. In this case, the treatment was clearly on the side of preventing the progression of cervical cancer while she is pregnant, however due to ethical reasons, the management deviates on the right of the patient to decide for her own health and her unborn child. The collaborative collection of data relating to treatment and outcome is strongly encouraged.

Keywords: cancer, cervical, ethical, pregnancy

Procedia PDF Downloads 236

Authors: Maryam Azish

Abstract:

Russia, as an emerging global player in recent years, has projected a special place in the Middle East. Despite all the challenges it has faced over the years, it has always considered its presence in various fields with a strategy that has defined its maneuvering power as a level of competition and even confrontation with the United States. Therefore, its current approach is considered important as an influential actor in the Middle East. After the collapse of the Soviet Union, when the Russians withdrew completely from the Middle East, the American scene remained almost unrivaled by the Americans. With the start of the US-led war in Iraq and Afghanistan and the subsequent developments that led to the US military and political defeat, a new chapter in regional security was created in which ISIL and Taliban terrorism went along with the Arab Spring to destabilize the Middle East. Because of this, the Americans took every opportunity to strengthen their military presence. Iraq, Syria and Afghanistan have always been the three areas where terrorism was shaped, and the countries of the region have each reacted to this evil phenomenon accordingly. The West dealt with this phenomenon on a case-by-case basis in the general circumstances that created the fluid situation in the Arab countries and the region. Russian President Vladimir Putin accused the US of falling asleep in the face of ISIS and terrorism in Syria. In fact, this was an opportunity for the Russians to revive their presence in Syria. This article suggests that utilizing the recognition policy along with the constructivism theory will offer a better knowledge of Russia’s endeavors to endorse its international position. Accordingly, Russia’s distinctiveness and its ambitions for a situation of great power have played a vital role in shaping national interests and, subsequently, in foreign policy, in Putin's era in particular. The focal claim of the paper is that scrutinize Russia’s foreign policy with realistic methods cannot be attained. Consequently, with an aim to fill the prevailing vacuum, this study exploits the politics of acknowledgment in the context of constructivism to examine Russia’s foreign policy in the Middle East. The results of this paper show that the key aim of Russian foreign policy discourse, accompanied by increasing power and wealth, is to recognize and reinstate the position of great power in the universal system. The Syrian crisis has created an opportunity for Russia to unite its position in the developing global and regional order after ages of dynamic and prevalent existence in the Middle East as well as contradicting US unilateralism. In the meantime, the writer thinks that the question of identifying Russia’s position in the global system by the West has played a foremost role in serving its national interests.

Keywords: constructivism, foreign Policy, middle East, Russia, regionalism

Procedia PDF Downloads 143

Authors: Nuray Ocakli

Abstract:

19th century was the era of changes and transformations for the Ottoman Empire. The first sultan of this century, Mahmud II (1808-1839), was the architect of Ottoman modernization and fundamental changes. The most radical of these was abolishing the Janissary corps and the traditional Ottoman military band, Mehteran. Mahmud II introduced modernized military corps as well as western style royal and military music. Mahmut II invited the Italian composer Giuseppe Donizetti to establish a modern military band for the new army and to compose the Sultan’s royal anthem. In 1828, Donizetti composed the first western-style Ottoman anthem, Mahmudiyye anthem. During the 19th and early 20th century, four other western style Ottoman anthems (Aziziyye, Mecidiyye, Hamidiyye, and Resadiyye) were composed but the last anthem adopted in the reign of Mehmet VI (r. 1918-1922) was again Mahmudiyye anthem. This paper aims to analyze the Mahmudiyye anthem composed as royal anthem in 1828 but adopted as national anthem in 1918. Research questions of this paper are as follows: What were the characteristics of the Mahmudiyye anthem making it the best choice of the last sultan for the last national anthem? Are there specific reasons of the last sultan to adopt Mahmudiyye anthem or not to adopt any of the other four anthems? The musical characteristics of the anthem are analyzed based on the Cerulo’s empirical research. Cerulo examined the musical structures of 124 western style anthems from 150 countries in the 1580-1976 period. Cerulo’s research categorizes musical codes of the anthems as basic and embellished related with the level of sociopolitical control. Musical analysis of the anthem indicates that the basic musical code of the anthem implies a high level of socio-political control during the reign of both Mahmut II and Mehmet VI. Historical analysis of each sultans’ reign shows that both sultans were autocratic. Mahmut II designed authoritarian government policies to suppress possible reactions against his reforms. On the other hand, authoritarian policies of Mehmet VI are related with the domestic and international political conditions following the World War I. Historical analysis of the research questions show that compared to the other western style Ottoman anthems, Mahmudiyye anthem remained the only neutral anthem symbolizing modernization and westernization of the empire. Other anthems were all the symbols of failed ideologies such as Ottomanism, pan-Islamism, and pan-Turkism. In the early 20th century, there were a few common things remained among the diverse communities of the Ottoman Empire: The land they shared as homeland and the idea of modernization to save the homeland. For this reason, the last sultan Mehmet VI adopted Mahmudiyye anthem as the memory of a unified empire under the rule of a powerful and modernist sultan. The last sultan’s reign lasted just for four years, and the Ottoman Empire disintegrated in 1922, but his adaptation of the Mahmudiyye anthem indicates his unifying policies, his attitudes to save the empire and the caliphate.

Keywords: Mahmudiyye anthem, musical code, national anthem, Ottoman Empire, royal anthem

Procedia PDF Downloads 196

Authors: J. A. N. Sandamali, R. P. Hewawasam, K. A. P. W. Jayatilaka, L. K. B. Mudduwa

Abstract:

Introduction: Doxorubicin is widely used in the treatment of solid organ tumors and hematological malignancies, but the dose-dependent cardiotoxicity due to free radical formation compromises its clinical utility. Therapeutic strategies which enhance cellular endogenous defense systems have been identified as promising approaches to combat oxidative stress-associated conditions. Cinnamomum zeylanicum (Ceylon cinnamon) has a number antioxidant compounds, which can effectively scavenge reactive oxygen including superoxide anions, hydroxyl radicals and as well as other free radicals. Therefore, the objective of the study was to elucidate the most effective dose of Cinnamomum bark extract which ameliorates doxorubicin-induced cardiotoxicity. Materials and methods: Wistar rats were divided into seven groups of 10 animals in each. Group 1: normal control (distilled water, orally, for 14 days, 10 mL/kg saline, ip, after 16 hours fast on the 11th day); Group 2: doxorubicin control (distilled water, orally, for 14 days, 18 mg/kg doxorubicin, ip, after 16 hour fast on the 11th day); Groups 3-7: five doses of freeze dried aqueous bark extracts (0.125, 0.25, 0.5, 1.0, 2.0g/kg, orally, daily for 14 days, 18 mg/kg doxorubicin, ip, after 16 hours fast on the 11th day). Animals were sacrificed on the 15th day and blood was collected for the estimation of cardiac troponin I (cTnI), AST and LDH concentrations and myocardial tissues were collected for histopathological assessment of myocardial damage and irreversible changes were graded by developing a score. Results: cTnI concentration of groups 1-7 were 0, 161.9, 128.6, 95.9, 38, 19.41 & 12.36 pg/mL showing significant differences (p<0.05) between group 2 and groups 4-7. In groups 1-7, serum AST concentration were 26.82, 68.1, 37.18, 36.23, 26.8, 26.62 & 22.43U/L and LDH concentrations were 1166.13, 2428.84, 1658.35, 1474.34, 1277.58, 1110.21 & 974.40U/L and a significant difference (p<0.05) was observed between group 2 and groups 3-7. The maximum score for myocardial necrosis was observed in group 2. Parallel to the increase of the dosage of plant extract, a gradual reduction of the score for myocardial necrosis was observed in groups 3-7. Reversible histological changes such as vacuolation, congestion were observed in group 2 and all plant treated groups. Haemorrhages, inflammatory cell infiltrations, and interstitial oedema were observed in group 2, but absent in groups treated with higher doses of the plant extract. Discussion & Conclusion: According to the in vitro antioxidant assays performed, Cinnamomum zeylanicum (Ceylon cinnamon) bark possesses high amounts of polyphenolic substances and high antioxidant activity. The present study showed that Cinnamomum zeylanicum extract at 2.0 g/kg possesses the most significant cardioprotective effect against doxorubicin-induced cardiotoxicity. It can be postulated that pretreatment with Cinnamomum bark extract may replenish the cardiomyocytes with antioxidants that are needed for the defense against oxidative stress induced by doxorubicin.

Keywords: cardioprotection, Cinnamomum zeylanicum, doxorubicin, free radicals

Procedia PDF Downloads 158

Authors: Mairo H. Ipadeola, Catherine James Atteng

Abstract:

The term social inclusion refers to a process by which those disadvantaged in society can have access to fully participate in education like others. Student with special needs are expected to learn along with their peers within the some educational institutions which provide adequate access for all. There for, the study sort to understand the typical ways in which students with disabilities (SWD) were denied from fully participating as students in Kaduna Polytechnic. In doing this, two (2) objectives and research questions were raised. Firstly, to explore the attitudes of others towards students with disabilities in the institutions and secondly, to ascertain the extent of social participation and physical accessibility for students with disabilities (SWD) while in the institutions. Based on the objectives the paper postulated the research questions: what are the attitudes of management, teachers, and students towards students with special need in Kaduna Polytechnic and to what extent did the students with disabilities experience social participation and physical accessibility within Kaduna Polytechnic school environment? The study area was Kaduna Polytechnic. The study engaged the interview for the data collected which were transcribed and analyzed by thematic coding. The findings were categorized under themes, sub-themes, and codes. The findings revealed that the perception, behavior, and association experiences of students with disabilities within Kaduna Polytechnic were not encouraging. Their experiences were characterized by negative attitudes, feelings of rejection, neglect, and bullying. Data generated on social participation indicated that 71% of the respondents believed that learning, school activities, recreations, and student politics between SWD and the other student were in the direction of low / very low. All the respondents, particularly students with blindness and physical challenges faced difficulty with environmental and physical access above all within the school environment, classroom, walkways and ramps, Also, directions were none existent in most departments with physical access to classrooms, toilets, cafeterias, and school shops absent or very low (71% and 29% of the respondents). The conclusion was that the physical barriers limited the possibilities of social participation of SWD.The paper made some recommendations such as mass public enlightenment on radio and television to change the perception of society about people with disability. Also, the federal, state, and local governments enact building acts for fresh builders and adopted measures and time frames for existing public buildings to be made accessible for people with disabilities. All stakeholders should ensure that the five (5) percent budget set aside by State Universal Basic Education Board (SUBEB) and/or Tertiary Education Trust Fund (TETFUND) for the provision of specialized equipment and facilities for the student with special needs should be used prudently spent and monitored by the board.cm.

Keywords: social inclusion, students with disability, social participation, environmental/physical access

Procedia PDF Downloads 47

Authors: Murari Prasad

Abstract:

This paper is motivated by the implications of indentured migration depicted in Amitav Ghosh’s critically acclaimed novel, Sea of Poppies (2008). Ghosh’s perspective on the experiences of North Indian indentured labourers moving from their homeland to a distant and unknown location across the seas suggests a radical attitudinal change among the migrants on board the Ibis, a schooner chartered to carry the recruits from Calcutta to Mauritius in the late 1830s. The novel unfolds the life-altering trauma of the bonded servants, including their efforts to maintain a sense of self while negotiating significant social and cultural transformations during the voyage which leads to the breakdown of familiar life-worlds. Equally, the migrants are introduced to an alternative network of relationships to ensure their survival away from land. They relinquish their entrenched beliefs and prejudices and commit themselves to a new brotherhood formed by ‘ship siblings.’ With the official abolition of direct slavery in 1833, the supply of cheap labour to the sugar plantation in British colonies as far-flung as Mauritius and Fiji to East Africa and the Caribbean sharply declined. Around the same time, China’s attempt to prohibit the illegal importation of opium from British India into China threatened the lucrative opium trade. To run the ever-profitable plantation colonies with cheap labour, Indian peasants, wrenched from their village economies, were indentured to plantations as girmitiyas (vernacularized from ‘agreement’) by the colonial government using the ploy of an optional form of recruitment. After the British conquest of the Isle of France in 1810, Mauritius became Britain’s premier sugar colony bringing waves of Indian immigrants to the island. In the articulations of their subjectivities one notices how the recruits cope with the alienating drudgery of indenture, mitigate the hardships of the voyage and forge new ties with pragmatic acts of cultural syncretism in a forward-looking autonomous community of ‘ship-siblings’ following the fracture of traditional identities. This paper tests the hypothesis that Ghosh envisions a kind of futuristic/utopian political collectivity in a hierarchically rigid, racially segregated and identity-obsessed world. In order to ground the claim and frame the complex representations of alliance and love across the boundaries of caste, religion, gender and nation, the essential methodology here is a close textual analysis of the novel. This methodology will be geared to explicate the utopian futurity that the novel gestures towards by underlining new regulations of life during voyage and dissolution of multiple differences among the indentured migrants on board the Ibis.

Keywords: indenture, colonial, opium, sugar plantation

Procedia PDF Downloads 391

Authors: Nourah Almulhim

Abstract:

This paper takes a critical discourse analysis (CDA) approach to investigate discourse and ideology in political blogs, focusing in particular on the Conservative Home blog from the UK’s current governing party. The Conservative party member’s discourse strategies as the blogger, alongside the discourse used by members of the public who reply to the blog in the below-the-lines comments, will be examined. The blog discourse reflects the writer's political identity and authorial voice. The analysis of the below-the-lines comments enables members of the public to engage in creating adversative positions, introducing different language users who bring their own individual and collective identities. These language users can play the role of news reporters, political analysts, protesters or supporters of a specific agenda and current socio-political topics or events. This study takes a qualitative approach to analyze the discriminatory context towards Islam/Muslims in ' The Conservative Home' blog. A cognitive approach is adopted and an analysis of dominant discourses in the blog text and the below-the-line comments is used. The focus of the study is, firstly, on the construction of self/ collective national identity in comparison to Muslim identity, highlighting the in-group and out-group construction. Second, the type of attitudes, whether feelings or judgments, related to these social actors as they are explicated to draw on the social values. Third, the role of discursive strategies in justifying and legitimizing those Islamophobic discriminatory practices. Therefore, the analysis is based on the systematic analysis of social actors drawing on actors, actions, and arguments to explicate identity construction and its development in the different discourses. A socio-semantic categorization of social actors is implemented to draw on the discursive strategies in addition to using literature to understand these strategies. An appraisal analysis is further used to classify attitudes and elaborate on core values in both genres. Finally, the grammar of othering is applied to explain how discriminatory dichotomies of 'Us' Vs. ''Them' actions are carried in discourse. Some of the key findings of the analysis can be summarized in two main points. First, the discursive practice used to represent Muslims/Islam as different from ‘Us’ are different in both genres as the blogger uses a covert voice while the commenters generally use an overt voice. This is to say that the blogger uses a mitigated strategy to represent the Muslim identity, for example, using the noun phrase ‘British Muslim’ but then representing them as ‘radical’ and ‘terrorists'. Contrary to this is in below the lines comments, where a direct strategy with an active declarative voice is used to negatively represent the Muslim identity as ‘oppressors’ and ‘terrorists’ with no inclusion of the noun phrase ‘British Muslims’. Second, the negotiation of the ‘British’ identity and values, such as culture and democracy, are prominent in the comment section as being unique and under threat by Muslims, while in the article, these standpoints are not represented.

Keywords: xenophobia, blogs, identity, critical discourse analysis

Procedia PDF Downloads 79

Authors: Hamed Movahedi, Nicolas Bovet, Henning Friis Poulsen

Abstract:

Following the advent of the Industrial Revolution, there has been a significant increase in the extraction and utilization of hydrocarbon and fossil fuel resources. However, a new era has emerged, characterized by a shift towards sustainable practices, namely the reduction of carbon emissions and the promotion of renewable energy generation. Given the substantial number of mature oil and gas wells that have been developed inside the petroleum reservoir domain, it is imperative to establish an environmental strategy and adopt appropriate measures to effectively seal and decommission these wells. In general, the cement plug serves as a material for plugging purposes. Nevertheless, there exist some scenarios in which the durability of such a plug is compromised, leading to the potential escape of hydrocarbons via fissures and fractures within cement plugs. Furthermore, cement is often not considered a practical solution for temporary plugging, particularly in the case of well sites that have the potential for future gas storage or CO2 injection. The Danish oil and gas industry has promising potential as a prospective candidate for future carbon dioxide (CO2) injection, hence contributing to the implementation of carbon capture strategies within Europe. The primary reservoir component consists of chalk, a rock characterized by limited permeability. This work focuses on the development and characterization of a novel hydrogel variant. The hydrogel is designed to be injected via a low-permeability reservoir and afterward undergoes a transformation into a high-viscosity gel. The primary objective of this research is to explore the potential of this hydrogel as a new solution for effectively plugging well flow. Initially, the synthesis of polyacrylamide was carried out using radical polymerization inside the confines of the reaction flask. Subsequently, with the application of the Hoffman rearrangement, the polymer chain undergoes partial amination, facilitating its subsequent reaction with the crosslinker and enabling the formation of a hydrogel in the subsequent stage. The organic crosslinker, glutaraldehyde, was employed in the experiment to facilitate the formation of a gel. This gel formation occurred when the polymeric solution was subjected to heat within a specified range of reservoir temperatures. Additionally, a rheological survey and gel time measurements were conducted on several polymeric solutions to determine the optimal concentration. The findings indicate that the gel duration is contingent upon the starting concentration and exhibits a range of 4 to 20 hours, hence allowing for manipulation to accommodate diverse injection strategies. Moreover, the findings indicate that the gel may be generated in environments characterized by acidity and high salinity. This property ensures the suitability of this substance for application in challenging reservoir conditions. The rheological investigation indicates that the polymeric solution exhibits the characteristics of a Herschel-Bulkley fluid with somewhat elevated yield stress prior to solidification.

Keywords: polyacrylamide, hofmann rearrangement, rheology, gel time

Procedia PDF Downloads 73

Authors: Bec Strating

Abstract:

This paper examines the ways that domestic politics and pressure–generated through lobbying, public diplomacy campaigns and other tools of soft power-contributes to the formation of short-term and long-term national interests, priorities and strategies of states in their international relations. It primarily addresses the conceptual problems regarding the kinds of influence that lobby groups wield in foreign policy and how this influence might be assessed. Scholarly attention has been paid to influential foreign policy lobbies and interest groups, particularly in the areas of US foreign policy. Less attention has been paid to how lobby groups might influence the foreign policy of a middle power such as Australia. This paper examines some of the methodological complexities in developing and conducting a research project that can measure the nature and influence of lobbies on foreign affairs priorities and activities. This paper will use Australian foreign policy in the context of its historical bilateral relationship with Indonesia as a case study for considering the broader issues of domestic influences on foreign policy. Specifically, this paper will use the so-called ‘pro-Jakarta lobby’ as an example of an interest group. The term ‘pro-Jakarta lobby’ is used in media commentary and scholarship to describe an amorphous collection of individuals who have sought to influence Australian foreign policy in favour of Indonesia. The term was originally applied to a group of Indonesian experts at the Australian National University in the 1980s but expanded to include journalists, think tanks and key diplomats. The concept of the ‘pro-Jakarta lobby’ was developed largely through criticisms of Australia’s support for Indonesia’s sovereignty of East Timor and West Papua. Pro-Independence supporters were integral for creating the ‘lobby’ in their rhetoric and criticisms about the influence on Australian foreign policy. In these critical narratives, the ‘pro-Jakarta lobby’ supported a realist approach to relations with Indonesia during the years of President Suharto’s regime, which saw appeasement of Indonesia as paramount to values of democracy and human rights. The lobby was viewed as integral in embedding a form of ‘foreign policy exceptionalism’ towards Indonesia in Australian policy-making circles. However, little critical and scholarly attention has been paid to nature, aims, strategies and activities of the ‘pro-Jakarta lobby.' This paper engages with methodological issues of foreign policy analysis: what was the ‘pro-Jakarta lobby’? Why was it considered more successful than other activist groups in shaping policy? And how can its influence on Australia’s approach to Indonesia be tested in relation to other contingent factors shaping policy? In addressing these questions, this case study will assist in addressing a broader scholarly concern about the capacities of collectives or individuals in shaping and directing the foreign policies of states.

Keywords: foreign policy, interests groups, Australia, Indonesia

Procedia PDF Downloads 335

Authors: Sean Yao Zu Kong, Khong Yik Chew

Abstract:

Introduction: We described a case report of the successful use of advanced surgical techniques in a patient with recurrent breast cancer who underwent a wide resection including the hemi-sternum, clavicle, multiple ribs, and a lobe of the lung due to tumor involvement. This extensive resection exposed critical structures, requiring a creative approach to reconstruction. To address this complex chest wall reconstruction, a free fibula flap and a 4-zone rectus abdominis musculocutaneous flap were successfully utilized. The use of a free vascularized bone flap allowed for rapid osteointegration and resistance against osteoradionecrosis after adjuvant radiation, while a four-zone tram flap allowed for reconstruction of both the chest wall and breast mound. Although limited recipient vessels made free flaps challenging, the free fibula flap served as both a bony reconstruction and vascular conduit, supercharged with the distal peroneal artery and veins of the peroneal artery from the fibula graft. Our approach highlights the potential of advanced surgical techniques to improve outcomes in complex cases of chest wall reconstruction in patients with recurrent breast cancer, which is becoming increasingly relevant as breast cancer incidence rates increases. Case presentation: This report describes a successful reconstruction of a patient with recurrent breast cancer who required extensive resection, including the anterior chest wall, clavicle, and sternoclavicular joint. Challenges arose due to the loss of accessory muscles and the non-rigid rib cage, which could lead to compromised ventilation and instability. A free fibula osteocutaneous flap and a four-zone TRAM flap with vascular supercharging were utilized to achieve long-term stability and function. The patient has since fully recovered, and during the review, both flaps remained viable, and chest mound reconstruction was satisfactory. A planned nipple/areolar reconstruction was offered pending the patient’s decision after adjuvant radiotherapy. Conclusion: In conclusion, this case report highlights the successful use of innovative surgical techniques in addressing a complex case of recurrent breast cancer requiring extensive resection and radical reconstruction. Our approach, utilized a combination of a free fibula flap and a 4-zone rectus abdominis musculocutaneous flap, demonstrates the potential for advanced techniques in chest wall reconstruction to minimize complications and ensure long-term stability and function. As the incidence of breast cancer continues to rise, it is crucial that healthcare professionals explore and utilize innovative techniques to improve patient outcomes and quality of life.

Keywords: free fibula flap, rectus abdominis musculocutaneous flap, post-adjuvant radiotherapy, reconstructive surgery, malignancy

Procedia PDF Downloads 59

Authors: A. Wolfe

Abstract:

Dayo Forster’s impressively crafted Reading the Ceiling (2007) enjoys a relatively high profile among Western readers. It is one of only a handful of Gambian novels to be published by an international publisher, Simon and Schuster of London, and was subsequently shortlisted for the Commonwealth Writer’s Best First Book Prize in 2008. It is currently available to US readers in print and as an e-book and has 167 ratings on Goodreads. This paper addresses the possible influence of the book on Western readers’ perception of The Gambia, or Africa in general, through its depiction of the conditions of Gambian women’s lives. Through a close reading of passages and analysis of imagery, intertextuality, and characterization in the book, the paper demonstrates that Forster portrays the culture of The Gambia as oppressively patriarchal and the prospects for young girls who stay in the country as extremely limited. Reading the Ceiling starts on Ayodele’s 18th birthday, the day she has planned to have sex for the first time. Most of the rest of the book is divided into three parts, each following the chain of events that occur after sex with a potential partner. Although Ayodele goes abroad for her education in each of the three scenarios, she ultimately capitulates to the patriarchal politics and demands of marriage and childrearing in The Gambia, settling for relationships with men she does not love, cooking and cleaning for husbands and children, and silencing her own opinions and desires in exchange for the familiar traditions of patriarchal—and, in one case, polygamous—marriage. Each scenario ends with resignation to death, as, after her mother’s funeral, Ayodele admits to herself that she will be next. Forster uses dust and mud imagery throughout the novel to indicate the dinginess of Ayodele’s life as a young woman, and then wife and mother, in The Gambia as well as the inescapability of this life. This depiction of earthen material is also present in the novel’s recounting of an oral tale about a mermaid captured by fishermen, a story that mirrors Ayodele’s ensnarement by traditional marriage customs and gender norms. A review of the fate of other characters in the novel reveals that Ayodele is not the only woman who becomes trapped by the expectations for women in The Gambia, as those who stay in the country end up subservient to their husbands and/or victims of men’s habitual infidelity. It is important to note that Reading the Ceiling is focused on the experiences of a minority—The Gambia’s middle class, Christian urban dwellers with money for education. Regardless of its limited scope, the novel clearly depicts The Gambia as a place where women are simply unable to successfully contend against traditional patriarchal norms. Although this novel evokes vivid imagery of The Gambia through original and compelling descriptions of food preparation, clothing, and scenery, it perhaps does little to challenge stereotypical perceptions of the lives of African women among a Western readership.

Keywords: African literature, commonwealth literature, marriage, stereotypes, women

Procedia PDF Downloads 166

Authors: Victoria C. Valdebenito

Abstract:

Located within the context of accelerating globalization in the 21^st-century knowledge society, this paper focuses on one selected university in Chile at which radical curriculum policy changes have been taking place, diverging from the traditional curriculum in Chile at the undergraduate level as a section of a larger investigation. Using a ‘policy trajectory’ framework, and guided by the interpretivist approach to research, interview transcripts and institutional documents were analyzed in relation to the meso (university administration) and the micro (academics) level. Inside the case study, participants from the university administration and academic levels were selected both via snow-ball technique and purposive selection, thus they had different levels of seniority, with some participating actively in the curriculum reform processes. Guided by an interpretivist approach to research, documents and interview transcripts were analyzed to reveal major themes emerging from the data. A further ‘bigger picture’ analysis guided by critical theory was then undertaken, involving interrogation of underlying ideologies and how political and economic interests influence the cultural production of policy. The case-study university was selected because it represents a traditional and old case of university setting in the country, undergoing curriculum changes based on international trends such as the competency model and the liberal arts. Also, it is representative of a particular socioeconomic sector of the country. Access to the university was gained through email contact. Qualitative research methods were used, namely interviews and analysis of institutional documents. In all, 18 people were interviewed. The number was defined by when the saturation criterion was met. Semi-structured interview schedules were based on the four research questions about influences, policy texts, policy enactment and longer-term outcomes. Triangulation of information was used for the analysis. While there was no intention to generalize the specific findings of the case study, the results of the research were used as a focus for engagement with broader themes, often evident in global higher education policy developments. The research results were organized around major themes in three of the four contexts of the ‘policy trajectory’. Regarding the context of influences and the context of policy text production, themes relate to hegemony exercised by first world countries’ universities in the higher education field, its associated neoliberal ideology, with accountability and the discourse of continuous improvement, the local responses to those pressures, and the value of interdisciplinarity. Finally, regarding the context of policy practices and effects (enactment), themes emerged around the impacts of the curriculum changes on university staff, students, and resistance amongst academics. The research concluded with a few recommendations that potentially provide ‘food for thought’ beyond the localized settings of this study, as well as possibilities for further research.

Keywords: curriculum, global-local dynamics, higher education, policy, sociology of education

Procedia PDF Downloads 69

Authors: Pataramon Satalak, Sakrit Isariyanon, Teerapong Puripanik

Abstract:

This article uses the recent events in Thailand as a case study for examining why democratic transition is necessary during political upheaval to ensure that the people’s power remains unaffected. After seizing power in May 2014, the military, backed by anti-government protestors, selected and established their own system to govern the country. They set up the National Council for Peace and Order (NCPO) which established a People’s Assembly, aiming to reach a compromise between the conflicting opinions of former, pro-government and anti-government protesters. It plans to achieve this through political reform before returning sovereign power to the people via an election in 2018. If a governmental authority is not representative of the people (e.g. a military government) it does not count as a legitimate government. During the last four years of military government, from May 2014 to January 2018, their rule of Thailand has been widely controversial, specifically regarding their commitment to democracy, human rights violations and their manipulation of the rule of law. Democratic legitimacy relies not only on established mechanisms for public participation (like referendums or elections) but also public participation based on accessible and educational reform (often via NGOs) to ensure that the free and fair will of the people can be expressed. Through their actions over the last three years, the Thai military government has damaged both of these components, impacting future public participation in politics. The authors make some observations about the specific actions the military government has taken to erode the democratic legitimacy of future public participation: the increasing dominance of military courts over civil courts; civil society’s limited involvement in political activities; the drafting of a new constitution and their attempt to master support through referenda and its consequence for delaying organic law-making process; the structure of the legislative powers (Senate and the members of parliament); and the control of people’s basic freedoms of expression, movement and assembly in political activities. One clear consequence of the military government’s specific actions over the last three years is the increased uncertainty amongst Thai people that their fundamental freedoms and political rights will be respected in the future. This will directly affect their participation in future democratic processes. The military government’s actions (e.g. their response to the UN representatives) will also have influenced potential international engagement in Thai civil society to help educate disadvantaged people about their rights, and their participation in the political arena. These actions challenge the democratic idea that there should be a checking and balancing of power between people and government. These examples provide evidence that a democratic transition is crucial during any process of political transformation.

Keywords: political tranformation, public participation, Thailand coup d'etat 2014, election 2018

Procedia PDF Downloads 146

Authors: Luciana S. Almeida

Abstract:

Nanotechnology has revolutionized the world of science and technology bringing great expectations due to its great potential of application in the most varied industrial sectors. The same characteristics that make nanoparticles interesting from the point of view of the technological application, these may be undesirable when released into the environment. The small size of nanoparticles facilitates their diffusion and transport in the atmosphere, water, and soil and facilitates the entry and accumulation of nanoparticles in living cells. The main objective of this study is to evaluate the environmental regulatory process of nanomaterials in the Brazilian scenario. Three specific objectives were outlined. The first is to carry out a global scientometric study, in a research platform, with the purpose of identifying the main lines of study of nanomaterials in the environmental area. The second is to verify how environmental agencies in other countries have been working on this issue by means of a bibliographic review. And the third is to carry out an assessment of the Brazilian Nanotechnology Draft Law 6741/2013 with the state environmental agencies. This last one has the aim of identifying the knowledge of the subject by the environmental agencies and necessary resources available in the country for the implementation of the Policy. A questionnaire will be used as a tool for this evaluation to identify the operational elements and build indicators through the Environment of Evaluation Application, a computational application developed for the development of questionnaires. At the end will be verified the need to propose changes in the Draft Law of the National Nanotechnology Policy. Initial studies, in relation to the first specific objective, have already identified that Brazil stands out in the production of scientific publications in the area of nanotechnology, although the minority is in studies focused on environmental impact studies. Regarding the general panorama of other countries, some findings have also been raised. The United States has included the nanoform of the substances in an existing program in the EPA (Environmental Protection Agency), the TSCA (Toxic Substances Control Act). The European Union issued a draft of a document amending Regulation 1907/2006 of the European Parliament and Council to cover the nanoform of substances. Both programs are based on the study and identification of environmental risks associated with nanomaterials taking into consideration the product life cycle. In relation to Brazil, regarding the third specific objective, it is notable that the country does not have any regulations applicable to nanostructures, although there is a Draft Law in progress. In this document, it is possible to identify some requirements related to the environment, such as environmental inspection and licensing; industrial waste management; notification of accidents and application of sanctions. However, it is not known if these requirements are sufficient for the prevention of environmental impacts and if national environmental agencies will know how to apply them correctly. This study intends to serve as a basis for future actions regarding environmental management applied to the use of nanotechnology in Brazil.

Keywords: environment; management; nanotecnology; politics

Procedia PDF Downloads 113

Authors: Tinnaphop Sinsomboonthong

Abstract:

The hashtag, #LoveWins, has been widely used for celebrating the victory of the LGBTQ movement since June 2015 when the US Supreme Court enacted the rights of same-sex marriage. Nowadays, the hashtag is generally used among active social media users in many countries, including Thailand. Amidst the political conflict between advocates of the junta-backed legislation related to same-sex marriage laws, known as ‘Thailand’s Civil Partnership Draft Bills,’ and its detractors, the hashtag becomes crucial for Thailand’s 2019 national election season and shortly afterward as it was one of the most crucial parts of a political campaign to rebrand many political parties’ image, create an LGBT-friendly atmosphere and neutralize the bi-polarized politics of the law. The use of the hashtag is, therefore, not just an online entertainment but a politico-discursive tool, used by many actors for many purposes. Behind the confrontation between supporters and opposers of the law, the hashtag is used by both sides to highlight the Western-centric normativity of homosexual love, closely associated with Eurocentric modernity and heteronormativity. As an online ethnographical study, this paper aims to analyze how #LoveWins is used among Thai social media users in late 2018 to mid-2019 and how it is signified by Thai social media users during the Drafted-Bills period and the 2019 national election. A number of preliminary surveys of data on Twitter were conducted in December 2018 and, more intensely, in January 2019. Later, the data survey was officially conducted twice during February and April 2019, while the data collection was done during May-June 2019. Only public posts on Twitter that include the hashtag, #LoveWins, or any hashtags quoting ‘love’ and ‘wins’ are the main targets of this research. As a result of this, the use of the hashtag can be categorized into three levels, including banal decoration, homosexual love celebration, and colonial discourse on homosexual love. Particularly in the third type of the use of the hashtag, discourse analysis is applied to reveal that this hashtag is closely associated with the discourse of development and modernity as most of the descriptive posts demonstrate aspirations to become more ‘developed and modernized’ like many Western countries and Taiwan, the LGBT capital in Asia. Thus, calls for the ‘right to homosexual love’ and the ‘right to same-sex marriage’ in Thailand are shaped and formulated within the discursive linkage between modernity, development, and love. Also, the use of #LoveWins can be considered as a de-queering process of love as only particular types of gender identity, sexual orientation, and relationships that reflect Eurocentric modernity and heteronormativity are acceptable and advocated. Due to this, more inclusive queer loves should be supported rather than a mere essentialist-traditionalist homosexual love. Homonormativity must be deconstructed, and love must no longer be reserved for only one particular type of relationship that is standardized from/by the West. It must become more inclusive.

Keywords: #LoveWins, homosexual love, LGBT rights, same-sex marriage

Procedia PDF Downloads 136

Authors: Sudipta Garai

Abstract:

Films as a cultural, social practice remains a dominant space for creation and destruction of ideologies and practices which make the sociological viewing, analysis, and interpretation of the same a complex affair. It remains the doorway between the interpretations and understanding of the writer/director and the reader/viewer. India, being a multi-linguistic culture, the media plays a much intriguing role than that of newspaper, books, stories, novels or any other medium of expression. Known to be the largest democracy, the State seem to guarantee and safeguard people’s choices and life of dignity through its Fundamental Rights and Directives. However, the laws contradict themselves when it comes to IPC 377 criminalizing anything except penovaginal sexual intercourse restricting alternative sexual preferences and practices questioning its sense of ‘democracy.' In this context, the issue of homosexuality came up in bits and pieces through various representations in ‘popular’ cinema mostly with sudden references of mockery and laughter where the explicit narratives of ‘queer’ seemed missing. Rituparno Ghosh, an eminent film maker of Bengal, came up as the ‘queer’ face in Kolkata specifically through his ‘queer’ trilogy (Memories in March, 2010; Arekti Premer Golpo, 2010; Chitrangada: A Crowning Wish, 2012) coming out of his own closet and speaking about his own sexual choices not only through the explicit narratives in films but also in person which made these films an important point of departure in Bengali film history. A sociological reading of these films through a discourse analysis is being done with the critical questions of ‘choice,' ’freedom,' ‘love and marriage’ and most importantly the ‘change.' This study not only focuses on the films and its analysis of content but also to engage with its audience, queer and not in order to extend beyond the art form into the actual vulnerabilities of life and experiences through informal interviews, focused group discussions and engaging with the real life narratives. A research of this kind is always looked upon as a medium of change hoping for a better world wiping away the discrimination and ‘shame’ the ‘queer’ faces in their everyday life, but a social science research is limited but its ‘time’ and academic boundary where the hope of change might be initiated but not fulfilled. The experiences and reflections of the ‘queer’ not only redefined the narratives of the films but also me as a researcher. The perspectives of the ‘hetero-normative’ informants gave a broader picture of the study and the socio-cultural complications that are intrigued with the ideas of resistance and change. The issues on subjectivity, power, and position couldn’t be wiped out in a study of this kind as both politics and aesthetics become integrated with each other in the creation of any art form be it films or a study of research.

Keywords: cinema, alternative sexualities, narratives, sexual choices, state and society

Procedia PDF Downloads 362