Search results for: political violence

Authors: Miyoko Taniguchi

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Conflict and violence have prevailed over the last four decades in conflict-affected areas in Muslim Mindanao, despite the signing of several peace agreements between the Philippine government and Islamic separatist insurgents (the Moro National Liberation Front (MNLF) and the Moro Islamic Liberation Front (MILF)), and peacebuilding activities on the ground. In the meantime, the peace talks had been facilitated and mediated by international actors such as the Organization of Islamic Cooperation (OIC) and its member countries such as Indonesia, and Malaysia, and Japan. In 2014, both the Government of the Philippines (GPH) and the MILF finally reached a Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CAB) in 2014 under the Aquino III administration, though a Bangsamoro Basic Law (BBL) based on the CAB was not enacted at the Catholic-majority of the Philippine Congress. After a long process of deliberations at the Congress, Republic Act 11054, known as the Bangsamoro Organic Law (BOL), was enacted in 2018 under the Duterate administration. In the beginning, President Duterte adopted an 'inclusive approach' that involves the MILF, all factions of the MNLF, non-Islamized indigenous peoples, and other influential clan leaders to align all peace processes under a single Bangsamoro peace process. A notable difference from past administrations, there is an explicit recognition of all agreements and legislations based on the rights of each stakeholder. This created a new identity as 'Bangsamoro', the residents of Muslim Mindanao, enhancing political legitimacy. Besides, it should be noted an important role of 'insider mediators' -a platform for the Bangsamoro from diverse sectors attempting to work within their respective organizations in Moro society. Give the above background, this paper aims at probing the effectiveness of insider mediation as one of the alternative approaches for mediation in the peace process. For the objectives, this research uses qualitative methods such as process-tracing and semi-structured interviews from diverse groups of stakeholders at from the state to the regional level, including the government officials involved in peace process under the Presidential Office, rebels (MILF and MNLF), civil society organizations involved in lobbying and facilitating peace process, especially in the legislative process. The key outcomes and findings are that the Insider Mediators Group, formed in 2016, had taken on a significant role in facilitating the achievement of a wider consensus among stakeholders on major Moro issues such as BBL’s passing during the last administration to call for unity among the Bangsamoro. Most of its members are well-educated professionals affiliated with the MILF, the MNLF, and influential clans. One of the group’s biggest achievements has been the lobbying and provision of legal advice to legislators who were not necessarily knowledgeable about the peace process during the deliberation of the bicameral conference of the BBL, which eventually led to its passage. It can be concluded that in the long run, strengthening vertical and horizontal relations between the Moro society and the State and among the Moro peoples that can be viewed as a means to sustainable peace.

Keywords: insider mediation, Mindanao, peace process, Moro Islamic liberation front

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Authors: Catherine McWhorter

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Robotics is a fast-evolving field lacking comprehensive and harm-mitigating regulation; it also lacks critical data on how human-robot interaction (HRI) may affect human psychology. As most anthropomorphic robots are intended as substitutes for humans, this paper asserts that the commercial robotics industry should be preemptively regulated at the federal level such that robots capable of embodying a victim role in criminal scenarios (“vicbots”) are prohibited until clinical studies determine their effects on the user and society. The results of these studies should then inform more permanent legislation that strives to mitigate risks of harm without infringing upon fundamental rights or stifling innovation. This paper explores these concepts through the lens of the sex robot industry. The sexbot industry offers some of the most realistic, interactive, and customizable robots for sale today. From approximately 2010 until 2017, some sex robot producers, such as True Companion, actively promoted ‘vicbot’ culture with personalities like “Frigid Farrah” and “Young Yoko” but received significant public backlash for fetishizing rape and pedophilia. Today, “Frigid Farrah” and “Young Yoko” appear to have vanished. Sexbot producers have replaced preprogrammed vicbot personalities in favor of one generic, customizable personality. According to the manufacturer ainidoll.com, when asked, there is only one thing the user won’t be able to program the sexbot to do – “…give you drama”. The ability to customize vicbot personas is possible with today’s generic personality sexbots and may undermine the intent of some current legislative efforts. Current debate on the effects of vicbots indicates a lack of consensus. Some scholars suggest vicbots may reduce the rate of actual sex crimes, and some suggest that vicbots will, in fact, create sex criminals, while others cite their potential for rehabilitation. Vicbots may have value in some instances when prescribed by medical professionals, but the overall uncertainty and lack of data further underscore the need for preemptive regulation and clinical research. Existing literature on exposure to media violence and its effects on prosocial behavior, human aggression, and addiction may serve as launch points for specific studies into the hyperrealism of vicbots. Of course, the customization, anthropomorphism and artificial intelligence of sexbots, and therefore more mainstream robots, will continue to evolve. The existing sexbot industry offers an opportunity to preemptively regulate and to research answers to these and many more questions before this type of technology becomes even more advanced and mainstream. Robots pose complicated moral, ethical, and legal challenges, most of which are beyond the scope of this paper. By examining the possibility for custom vicbots via the sexbots industry, reviewing existing literature on regulation, media violence, and vicbot user effects, this paper strives to underscore the need for preemptive federal regulation prohibiting vicbot capabilities in robots while advocating for further research into the potential for the user and societal harm by the same.

Keywords: human-robot interaction effects, regulation, research, robots

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Authors: Zhao Xinlei

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The outbreak of the Ukraine crisis has had an important impact on the global political and economic order, especially the global food crisis and energy crisis, thus aggravating social and political conflicts. At the same time, with the intensification of the Ukraine crisis, the United States and European countries have imposed severe economic sanctions on Russia to prevent and contain Russia's special military operations against Ukraine. The essence of the Ukraine crisis is a geopolitical conflict and competition between Russia and the United States. For a long time, the United States has always regarded Russia as a serious strategic crisis and challenge. Therefore, for the United States, the outbreak of the Ukraine crisis is an extremely important opportunity to condemn and stop Russia's actions from an international perspective. In this process, China plays a very special role. This special positioning is not only reflected in the long-term friendly relationship between China and Russia and mutual support and assistance on the international stage but also in the complex economic relationship and interdependence between China and the United States. Therefore, China has adopted a "hedging strategy" in dealing with the Ukrainian crisis, and the use of the hedging strategy not only plays a special role in safeguarding China's own security and interests but also because China can act as an intermediary to coordinate Russia and the United States to promote the resolution of the Ukrainian crisis in a peaceful manner.

Keywords: Ukraine crisis Russia-Ukraine conflict balanced strategy Sino-US competition

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Authors: Chaitanya Kanakamedala, Hansa Pradhan, Carter Gilbert

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Social media platforms, such as Twitter, are excellent datasets for understanding human interactions and sentiments. This report explores social dynamics among US Congressional members through a network analysis applied to a dataset of tweets spanning 2008 to 2017 from the ’US Congressional Tweets Dataset’. In this report, we preform network analysis where connections between users (edges) are established based on a similarity threshold: two tweets are connected if the tweets they post are similar. By utilizing the Natural Language Toolkit (NLTK) and NetworkX, we quantified tweet similarity and constructed a graph comprising various interconnected components. Each component represents a cluster of users with closely aligned content. We then preform sentiment analysis on each cluster to explore the prevalent emotions and opinions within these groups. Our findings reveal that despite the initial expectation of distinct ideological divisions typically aligning with party lines, the analysis exposed a high degree of topical convergence across tweets from different political affiliations. The analysis preformed in this report not only highlights the potential of social media as a tool for political communication but also suggests a complex layer of interaction that transcends traditional partisan boundaries, reflecting a complicated landscape of politics in the digital age.

Keywords: natural language processing, sentiment analysis, centrality analysis, topic modeling

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Authors: Uluhan Berk Ondul

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This article aims to shed light on the new stage of transitional justice in Argentina through examining the representations of the 2x1 decision of the Supreme Court and Santiago Maldonado’s Disappearance in the newspaper, La Nación. The two events hold the key to understanding Argentina’s journey since return to democracy as they are about the same crimes of the dictatorship, namely, the forced disappearance of civilians and the subsequent impunity that follows. In the case of a convicted torturer, The Supreme Court of Argentina ruled on 3rd of May 2017 that the days spent in preventive detention after two years should be counted double for the overall sentence. This court decision was met with severe resistance from the members of the parliament as well as the human rights movement. The second item on the list still continues and divides the country into two camps: (1) those who think that the police force has committed another act of forced disappearance in the case of activist Santiago Maldonado and (2) the others who blame the peronistas (the party and supporters of the ex-president Cristina Fernandez de Kirchner) of using this subject as a means to score political points. As a newspaper known for its proximity to the current administration, La Nación offers an insight to the direction of the country and also demonstrates how the neoliberal mindset works. The results of the study show that the transitional justice process in Argentina is far from being complete as the Promise of Nunca Más is still not a shared value but a political statement.

Keywords: Argentina, Fallo 2x1, impunity, Santiago Maldonado, transitional justice

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Authors: John Hardy, Paul Lushenko

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he twenty-first century international security order has been fraught with challenges to the credibility and stability of the post-Cold War status quo. Although the American-led international system has rarely been threatened directly by dissatisfied states, an underlying challenge to the international security order has emerged in the form of a slow-burning abnegation of small but significant aspects of the status quo. Meanwhile, those security challenges which have threatened to destabilize order in the international system have not clearly belonged to the traditional notions of diplomacy and armed conflict. Instead, the main antagonists have been both states and non-state actors, the issues have crossed national and international boundaries, and contestation has occurred in a ‘gray zone’ between peace and war. Gray zone conflicts are not easily categorized as military operations, national security policies or political strategies, because they often include elements of diplomacy, military operations, and statecraft in complex combinations. This study applies three approaches to conceptualizing the gray zone in which many contemporary conflicts take place. The first approach frames gray zone conflicts as a form of coercive diplomacy, in which armed force is used to add credibility and commitment to political threats. The second approach frames gray zone conflicts as a form of discrete military operation, in which armed force is used sparingly and is limited to a specific issue. The third approach frames gray zones conflicts as a form of proxy war, in which armed force is used by or through third parties, rather than directly between belligerents. The study finds that each approach to conceptualizing the gray zone accounts for only a narrow range of issues which fall within the gap between traditional notions of peace and war. However, in combination, all three approaches are useful in explicating the gray zone and understanding the character of contemporary security challenges which defy simple categorization. These findings suggest that coercive diplomacy, discrete military operations, and proxy warfare provide three overlapping lenses for conceptualizing the gray zone and for understanding the gray zone conflicts which threaten international security in the early twenty-first century.

Keywords: gray zone, international security, military operations, national security, strategy

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Authors: Cosette Maiky

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Seven years have passed since the crisis erupted and the list of challenges to peacebuilding and interreligious dialogue is still growing ever more discouraging: Violence, displacement, sectarianism, discrimination, radicalisation, fragmentation, and collapse of various social and economic infrastructure have notoriously plagued the war-torn country. As the situation in Syria and neighbouring countries is still creating a real concern about the future of the social cohesion and the coexistence in the region, in her function as Field Expert on Arab Countries at King Abdullah bin Abdelaziz Centre for Interreligious and Intercultural Dialogue, the author shall present a systematic review paper that focuses on the radicalization of Islam in Syria. The exercise was based on a series of research questions that guided both the review of literature as well as the interviews. Their relative meaningfulness shall be assessed and trade-offs discussed in each case to ensure that key questions were addressed and to avoid unnecessary effort. There was an element of flexibility, as the assessment progressed, to further provide and inject additional generic questions. The main sources for the information were: Documents and literature with a direct bearing on the issues of relevance collected in all available formats and information collected through key informant interviews. This latter was particularly helpful to understand what some of the capacity constraints are, as well as the gaps, enablers and barriers. Respondents were selected among those who are engaged in IRD activities clearly linked to peacebuilding (i.e. religious leaders, leaders in religious communities, peace actors, religious actors, conflict parties, minority groups, women initiatives, youth initiatives, civil society organizations, academia, etc.), with relevant professional qualifications and work experience. During the research process, the Consultant carefully took account of sensitivities around terminologies as well as a highly insecure and dynamic context. The Consultant (Arabic native speaker), therefore, adapted terminologies while conducting interviews according to the area and respondent. Findings revealed: the deep ideological polarization and lack of trust dividing communities and preventing meaningful dialogue opportunities; the challenge of prioritizing IRD and peacebuilding work in the context of such a severe humanitarian crisis facing the country; the need to engage religious leaders and institutions in peacebuilding processes and initiatives, the need to have institutions with specific IRD mandate, which can have a sustainable influence on peace through various levels of interventions (from grassroots level to policy and research), and lastly, the need to address stigma in media representation of Muslims and Islam. While religion and religious agendas have been massively used for political issues and power play in the Middle East – and elsewhere, more extensive policy and research efforts are needed to highlight the positive role of religion and religious actors in dialogue and peacebuilding processes.

Keywords: radicalisation, Islam, Syria, conflict

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Authors: Kendall Artz

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In the 1950s, a wave of violent labor unrest shook a small town in south-western Louisiana leading to the racialisation of workers—previously considered white—as ‘mixed-race’ or, in local terms, ‘Redbone.’ This paper examines why the group known as ‘Redbones’ were marked as non-white in relation to strike violence and their opposition to capitalist expansion. Utilising archival research, historiography and oral testimony, I examine how an instance of labor unrest was reinterpreted by local law enforcement, an interstate capitalist class and the national press as calling into question the racial integrity of a group of workers who had been formerly marked as white. This explosive and largely unstudied strike provides an opportunity to better understand how racialisation operates as a technology of control, even over individuals who appear phenotypically white. The strike at Elizabeth allows a glimpse at the tactics of representatives of white supremacy when white workers do not fully embrace the ‘wages of whiteness.

Keywords: American federation of labor, labor history, Louisiana history, wages of whiteness

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Authors: Lineo Dzansi

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South African government has been mandated by the Constitution (Act 108 of 1996) to deliver basic services to all who live in it. However, service delivery has always been marred with much criticism and citizens’ dissatisfaction regarding the quality of services rendered to them. This is evidenced by public protests that are common in South Africa lately which they are mostly alleged to link with failure by the government through various municipalities to meet citizens’ service delivery expectations. Municipalities render services through people. People management plays a crucial role in influencing employee and organisational performance and it thus needs to be conducted in a fair and just manner. Literature confirms that there is a relationship between organisational justice perceptions and employee behaviour, and that positive or negative justice perceptions can have an influence on employee attitudes, commitment to their jobs and organisation. The nature of the attachments formed by individuals to their employing organisations depends on the manner in which the organisation treats them. This implies that Municipal employees’ commitment could be linked to fair or unfair perceptions of Human Resource Management practices within their organisations. Unfortunately, the political nature of municipal environment could be a fertile ground for appointments of people based on political affiliation as a reward for political patronage rather than on merit. This paper seeks to investigate the relationship between municipal employees’ perceptions of fairness of Human Resource Management practices and employee commitment from the organisational justice point of view. Research on organisational justice has shown that employees’ organisational justice perceptions link directly with job satisfaction and employee organisational commitment. Quantitative research methods were employed to collect and analyse data from selected managerial and non-managerial municipal employees within selected municipalities in Free State Province of South Africa. Employee commitment has positive relationships with HRM practices at the .05 and .01 levels of significance – indicating that the higher the levels of HRM practices in municipal employees the higher the organisational commitment of employees. Therefore, it is concluded that organisational commitment of municipal employees (EOC) is positively related to their perceptions of fairness of HRM practices (PHF) of municipalities. In other words, fair HRM practices of municipalities promote organisational commitment in municipal employees.

Keywords: organisational Justice, HRM practices, employee organisational commitment, employee attitudes

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Authors: Anwar Hasan Abdullah Othman, Ahamed Kameel, Hasanuddeen Abdul Aziz

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In this study, an attempt has been made to investigate the relationship specifically the causal relation between fund unit prices of Islamic equity unit trust fund which measure by fund NAV and the selected macro-economic variables of Malaysian economy by using VECM causality test and Granger causality test. Monthly data has been used from Jan, 2006 to Dec, 2012 for all the variables. The findings of the study showed that industrial production index, political election and financial crisis are the only variables having unidirectional causal relationship with fund unit price. However, the global oil prices is having bidirectional causality with fund NAV. Thus, it is concluded that the equity unit trust fund industry in Malaysia is an inefficient market with respect to the industrial production index, global oil prices, political election and financial crisis. However, the market is approaching towards informational efficiency at least with respect to four macroeconomic variables, treasury bill rate, money supply, foreign exchange rate and corruption index.

Keywords: fund unit price, unit trust industry, Malaysia, macroeconomic variables, causality

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Authors: Oleg Sokolov

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Despite the fact that the epoch of the Crusades ended more than 700 years ago, its legacy still remains relevant both in the Middle East and in the West. There was made a comparison of the positions of the most prominent Western and Arab medievalists of XX-XXI centuries, using the example of their interpretations of the success of the First Crusade. The analyzed corpus consists of 70 works. In the modern Arab Historiography, it is often pointed out that the Seljuks' struggle against the crusaders of the First Crusade was seriously hampered by the raids of the Arab Bedouin tribes of Jazira. At the same time, it is emphasized that the Arab rulers of Northern Syria were ‘pleased’ with the defeats of the Turks and made peace with the Crusaders, refusing to fight them. At the same time it is usually underlined that the Fatimid aggression against the Turks led both the first and the second to defeat from the Crusaders and became one of the main reasons for the success of the First Crusade and the Muslims' loss of Jerusalem in 1099. The position of Western historians about the reasons for the success of the First Crusade differs significantly. First of all, in the Western Historiography, it is noted that the deaths of the Fatimid and Abbasid Caliphs and the Seljuk Sultan between 1092 and 1094 years created political vacuum just before the crusaders appeared in the Middle East political arena. In 1097-1099, when the Crusaders advanced through Asia Minor, Syria and Palestine to Jerusalem, there was an active internecine struggle between the parts of the Seljuq state that had broken up by that time, and the crusaders were not perceived as a general threat of all Muslims of this region at that time. It is also pointed out that the main goals of the Crusaders - Antioch, Edessa, and Jerusalem - were at that time periphery since the main struggle for power in the Middle East was at this time in Iran. Thus, Arab historians see the lack of support from Arabs of Syria and Jazira and the aggression from Egypt as a crucial factors preventing the Seljuks from defeating the Crusaders, while their Western counterparts consider the internal power struggle between the Seljuks as a more important reason for the success of the First Crusade. The reason for this divergence in the treatment of the events of the First Crusade is probably the prevailing in much of Arab historiography, the idea of the Franks as an enemy of all peoples and religions of the Middle East. At the same time, in contemporary Western Historiography, the crusaders are described only as one of the many military and political forces that operated in this region at the end of the eleventh century.

Keywords: Arabs, Crusades, historiography, Turks

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Authors: Elisa Orofino

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Islamism is a very debated topic in the West but almost exclusively explored in its violent forms. Nevertheless, a number of “vocal radical Islamist” groups exist in the West and legally operate because of their non-violent nature. Vocal radicals continually inspire individuals and lead them towards specific goals and priorities, sometimes even towards violence. This paper uses the long-living group Hizb ut-Tahrir (HT) to explore the elements that make the organization appealing to segments of Muslim community in the West. This paper uses three agency variables - reflexive monitoring, the rationalization of action and the motivations for actions – to analyze HT’s appeal vis-à-vis two other Islamist groups, Ikhwan al-Muslimun and Jamaat-e-Islami (JeI), having similar goals and the same high international profile. This paper concludes that HT’s uniqueness is given by its method, detailed vision of the caliphate, consistency over time and the emphasis placed on the caliphate as the leading force of HT’s unchanged motivation for action.

Keywords: agency, caliphate, Islamist groups, radicalization, vocal radicals

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Authors: Kenneth O. Otasowie, Matthew Ikuabe, Clinton Aigbavboa, Ayodeji Oke

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The practice of feasibility studies plays a huge role in the success of construction projects. Feasibility studies according to several research should be the reason for embarking on any project. However, it has been discovered that in South Africa (SA), feasibility studies are mainly done in the private sector construction but skipped in the construction of most public projects. Hence, this study aims to evaluate the barriers to feasibility studies practice in public projects and the implications. A survey design was adopted. A total number of One hundred and fifty (150) questionnaires were administered to Quantity Surveyors, Construction managers, Construction project managers, Project managers, Architects and Civil and Structural engineers in Guateng Province, SA and ninety (90) were returned and found suitable for analysis. Collected data was analysed using percentage, mean item score, standard deviation, one-sample t-test. The findings show that political interference and corruption are the most significant barriers to feasibility studies practice in the public construction projects in SA, while late project completion, poor quality infrastructure are among the implication of not conducting feasibility studies in SA public projects. Therefore, the study recommends the development of a framework for public projects execution that will reduce the interference of the political class in the country, that way the risk of late project completion and poor quality infrastructure will be mitigated.

Keywords: arriers, feasibility studies, public construction, South Africa.

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Authors: Epata Puji Astuti

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The Vagina Monologue is a play written by Eve Ensler, which is premiered at Off-Broadway, New York, in 1996. This play is quite different from the other play since it talks about the issue of t men's oppression toward women, and it is performed in monologue. The vagina becomes the main symbol of being discussed in the play. What did men do to women's vagina and how women view and treat her vagina reflects men's attitude toward women. Ensler had interviewed 200 women from various backgrounds to get their stories about the vagina. Ensler also has her own story about vagina. For the researcher, it is interesting to analyze how Ensler represented women in the symbol of vagina. What happened toward vagina reflected the reality about what happened toward women. How Ensler voices the issues of women, such as love, birth, rape, sex work, sexual harassment, etc. are interesting to be analyzed. This research tries to reveal how women are represented in the play. To understand about the representation of women, the researcher uses feminism theory. Textual analysis method is used to find out how women struggle for her own life and speak up for herself. Based on the analysis, it can be concluded that Ensler depicted vagina is not as dirty thing, vagina is a noble thing and men should honor it as they honor women. It reflected that women show their power and resistance toward men's oppression.

Keywords: feminism, vagina, women, violence

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Authors: James Taylor

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This paper considers the political, geo-philosophical musings of Deleuze and Guattari on spatialisation, place and movement in relation to the religious nomad (wandering ascetics and reclusive forest monks) inhabiting the borderlands of Thailand. A nomadic science involves improvised ascetic practices between the molar lines striated by modern state apparatuses. The wandering ascetics, inhabiting a frontier political ecology, stand in contrast to the appropriating, sedentary metaphysics and sanctifying arborescence of statism and its corollary place-making, embedded in rootedness and territorialisation. It is argued that the religious nomads, residing on the endo-exteriorities of the state, came to represent a rhizomatic and politico-ontological threat to centre-nation and its apparatus of capture. The paper also theorises transitions and movement at the borderlands in the context of the state’s monastic reforms. These reforms, and its pervasive royal science, problematised the interstitial zones of the early ascetic wanderers in their radical cross-cutting networks and lines, moving within and across demarcated frontiers. Indeed, the ascetic wanderers and their allegorical war machine were seen as a source of wild, free-floating charisma and mystical power, eventually appropriated by the centre-nation in it’s becoming unitary and fixed.

Keywords: Deleuze and Guattari, religious nomad, centre-nation, borderlands, Buddhism

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Authors: Rajeshwari Balasubramanian, Margit Van Wessel, Nandini Deo

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The participation of women in local bodies witnessed a rise after the implementation of 73rd and 74th Amendments to the Indian Constitution which created quotas for women representatives. However, even when participation increased, it did not translate into meaningful contributions by women in local bodies. This led some civil society organisations (CSOs) to begin working with women panchayat representatives in various states to build their capacity for political participation. The focus of this paper is to study capacity building training by CSOs in Jharkhand. The paper maps how the training helps women elected representatives to negotiate their autonomy at multiple levels. The paper describes the capacity building program conducted by an international feminist organisation along with its seven local partners in Jharkhand. The central question that the study asks is: How does capacity building training by CSOs in Jharkhand impact the autonomy of elected women representatives? It uses a qualitative research methodology based on empirical data gathered through field visits in four districts of Jharkhand (Chatra, Hazaribagh, East Singhbum and Ranchi) where the program was implemented for three years. The study found that women elected representatives had to develop strategies to negotiate their choice to move out of their homes and attend the training conducted by CSOs. The ability to participate in the training programs itself was a significant achievement of personal autonomy for many women. The training provided them a platform to voice their opinion and appreciate their own value as panchayat leaders. This realization allowed them to negotiate their presence and a space for themselves in Gram panchayats. A Foucauldian approach to analyze capacity building workshops might lead us to see them as systems in which CSOs impose a form of governmentality on rural elected representatives. Instead, what we see here is a much more complex negotiation of agency in which the CSO creates spaces and practices that allow women to achieve their own forms of autonomy. The study concludes that the impact of the training on the autonomy of these women is based on their everyday negotiations of time, space and mobility. Autonomy for these elected women representatives is also contextual and relative, as they seem to realize it during the training process. The training allows the women to not only negotiate their participation in panchayats but also challenge everyday practices that are rooted in patriarchy.

Keywords: autonomy, feminist organization, local bodies, political participation

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Authors: Natalie Thorburn

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New Zealand legalised and regulated prostitution 13 years ago with the hope of eradicating unsafe or exploitative practices in the sex trade, but the extent to which this has been successful has been hotly contested, with the New Zealand Government denying any existence of sex trafficking and evidence generally indicating the success of the 2004 reform. The aim of the research was therefore to establish the circumstances in which sex trafficking may be occurring without using any previously instrumental gatekeepers of the New Zealand sex industry. 14 survivors of gang, family, or intimate partner trafficking (all of whom had first been trafficked prior to the age of 16) were interviewed, as well as several key informants. It was found that there was a perceived lack of commitment by Police to investigate instances of trafficking, and this was considered to be linked to the legal status of prostitution. The lack of recognition at both community and political levels of the existence and prevalence of trafficking also meant that medical and social service practitioners were unaware trafficking was occurring, and would not know who to refer to if it was disclosed. Participants commonly normalised coercion into sex, seeing this as a continuation of prior sexually abusive experiences that were prevalent in their childhood and early adolescent environments. Their experiences with the helping services were typically either negative or non-existent, and they expressed frustration regarding the absence of justice, the lack of awareness, and health and outcomes they suffered in relation to their experiences of having been trafficked. Barriers to engagement and strategies to facilitate meaningful and sustainable engagement with this population group are therefore presented.

Keywords: legalisation, regulation, service access, socio-political context

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Authors: Rady Farag Aziz Ibrahim

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The gap between Islamic terrorism and human rights has become an important issue in the fight against Islamic terrorism worldwide. This situation is repeated because terrorism and human rights are interconnected in such a way that when the former begins, the latter becomes subject to violence. This unknown relationship was recognized in the Vienna Declaration and Program of Action adopted at the International Conference on Human Rights held in Vienna on 25 June 1993, confirming that terrorist acts, in all their forms and manifestations, aim to destroy the rights of individuals. humanity to destroy. Therefore, Islamic terrorism is a violation of basic human rights. For this purpose, the first part of the article will focus on the relationship between terrorism and human rights and the synergy between these two concepts. The second part then explores the emerging concept of cyber threats and how they exist. Additionally, technology analysis will be conducted against threats based on human rights. This will be achieved through analysis of the concept of 'securitization' of human rights and by striking a balance between counter-terrorism measures and the protection of human rights at all costs. This article concludes with recommendations on how to balance terrorism and human rights today.

Keywords: sustainable development, human rights, the right to development, the human rights-based approach to development

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Authors: Selifontova Darya Yurievna

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The study of the process of the emergence and evolution of socio-cultural ideas about the "Asian states" in the context of the development of US cinema in 1941-1945 will contribute both to the approbation of a new approach to the classical subject and will allow using the methodological tools of history, political science, philology, sociology for understanding modern military-political, historical, ideological, socio-cultural processes on a concrete example. This is especially important for understanding the process of constructing the image of the Japanese Empire in the USA. Assessments and images of China and Japan in World War II, created in American cinema, had an immediate impact on the media, public sentiment, and opinions. During the war, the US cinema created new myths and actively exploited old ones, combining them with traditional Hollywood cliches - all this served as a basis for creating the image of China and the Japanese Empire on the screen, which were necessary to solve many foreign policy and domestic political tasks related to the construction of two completely different, but at the same time, similar images of Asia (China and the Japanese Empire). In modern studies devoted to the history of wars, the study of the specifics of the information confrontation of the parties is in demand. A special role in this confrontation is played by propaganda through cinema, which uses images, historical symbols, and stable metaphors, the appeal to which can form a certain public reaction. Soviet documentaries of the war years are proof of this. The relevance of the topic is due to the fact that cinema as a means of propaganda was very popular and in demand during the Second World War. This period was the time of creation of real masterpieces in the field of propaganda films, in the documentary space of the cinema of 1941 – 1945. The traditions of depicting the Second World War were laid down. The study of the peculiarities of visualization and mythologization of the Second World War in Soviet cinema is the most important stage for studying the development of the specifics of propaganda methods since the methods and techniques of depicting the war formed in 1941-1945 are also significant at the present stage of the study of society.

Keywords: asian countries, politics, sociology, domestic politics, USA, cinema

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Authors: Adriana Pereira Arteaga

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In many Latin American countries the transition towards legal pluralism - has developed as part of what is called Latin-American-Constitutionalism over the last thirty years. The aim of this paper is to discuss how legal pluralism in its current form in Bolivia may produce exclusion and violence. Legal sources and discourse analysis - as an approach to examine written language on discourse documentation- will be used to develop this paper. With the constitution of 2009, Bolivia was symbolically "re-founded" into a multi-nation state. This shift goes hand in hand with the "indigenista" and "decolonisation" ideologies developing since the early 20th century. Discourses based on these ideologies reflect the rejection of liberal and western premises on which the Bolivian republic was originally built after independence. According to the "indigenista" movements, the liberal nation-state generates institutions corresponding to a homogenous society. These liberal institutions not only ignore the Bolivian multi-nation reality, but also maintain the social structures originating form the colony times, based on prejudices against the indigenous. The described statements were elaborated through the image: the indigenous people humiliated by a cruel western system as highlighted by the constitution's preamble. This narrative had a considerable impact on the sensitivity of people and received great social support. Therefore the proposal for changing structures of the nation-state, is charged with an emancipatory message of restoring even the pre-Columbian order. An order at times romantically described as the perfect order. Legally this connotes a rejection of the positivistic national legal system based on individual rights and the promotion of constitutional recognition of indigenous justice administration. The pluralistic Constitution is supposed to promote tolerance and a peaceful coexistence among nations, so that the unity and integrity of the country could be maintained. In its current form, legal pluralism in Bolivia is justified on pre-existing rights contained for example in the International - Labour - Organization - Convention 169, but it is more developed on the described discursive constructions. Over time these discursive constructions created inconsistencies in terms of putting indigenous justice administration into practice: First, because legal pluralism has been more developed on level of political discourse, so a real interaction between the national and the indigenous jurisdiction cannot be observed. There are no clear coordination and cooperation mechanisms. Second, since the recently reformed constitution is based on deep sensitive experiences, little is said about the general legal principles on which a pluralistic administration of justice in Bolivia should be based. Third, basic rights, liberties, and constitutional guarantees are also affected by the antagonized image of the national justice administration. As a result, fundamental rights could be violated on a large scale because many indigenous justice administration practices run counter to these constitutional rules. These problems are not merely Bolivian but may also be encountered in other regional countries with similar backgrounds, like Ecuador.

Keywords: discourse, indigenous justice, legal pluralism, multi-nation

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Authors: Aline Giardin, Maria Rosa Chitolina

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In the last decades, there have been changes in the organization of society. It is not by chance that in our schools we have witnessed a growing interest in actions to address violence, prejudice, and discrimination against gays, lesbians, bisexuals, transvestites, and transsexuals. Considering that gender is a category that is present in the broad scope of relations that physical education covers, it seems that the theme has not aroused due attention. The body is not just a body. It is also their environment. Society forms not only personality and behavior, but also, how the body appears. In order to problematize gender in the field of physical education, it makes sense to put the body in focus because it is of bodily practices, that body's movement, which is spoken. The sports are part of the cultural manifestations of the most different social groups. Through workshops and interviews, we will investigate the role of Sports in the process of conception and acceptance of the body in LGBTTI students. From this work we intend to work towards a greater inclusion of these students in physical education classes, as well as a better understanding of their body and their sexuality. We hope that our work will enable greater acceptance and better body design of LGBTTI students.

Keywords: body, conception, LGBTTI students, physical education

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Authors: Nancy Bartekian, Kaelan Vazquez, Christine Reyna

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Immigrants coming into the United States of America may justify the American system (political, economic, healthcare, criminal justice) and see it as functional. This may be explained because they may come from countries that are even more unstable than the U.S. and/or come here to benefit from the promise of the “American dream” -a narrative that they might be more likely to believe in if they were willing to undergo the costly and sometimes dangerous process to immigrate. Conversely, native-born Americans, as well as immigrants who may have lived in America for a longer period of time, would have more experiences with the various broken systems in America that are dysfunctional, fail to provide adequate services equitably, and/or are steeped in systemic racism and other biases that disadvantage lower-status groups. Thus, our research expects that system justification would decrease, and condemnation would increase with more time spent in the U.S. for immigrant groups. We predict that a) those not born in the U.S. will be more likely to justify the system, b) they will also be less likely to condemn the system, and c) the longer an immigrant has been in the U.S. the less likely they will to justify, and more they will to condemn the system. We will use a mixed-model multivariate analysis of covariance (MANCOVA) and control for race, income, and education. We will also run linear regression models to test if there is a relationship between the length of time in the United States and a decrease in system justification, and length of time and an increase in system condemnation for those not born in the U.S. We will also conduct exploratory analyses to see if the predicted patterns are more likely within certain systems over other systems (political, economic, healthcare, criminal justice).

Keywords: immigration, system justification, system condemnation, system qualification

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Authors: Forbah Julius Ajamah

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The protection of human rights and respect of the rule of law in Sub-Saharan African is a constant challenge due to ongoing and protracted conflict situations, political instability, shrinking democratic space and allegations of large-scale corruption in some countries. Conflict and/or crisis is most often resulting from constant violations of individual rights, with the risk increasing when many human rights are violated in a systematic or widespread fashion. Violations related to economic, social and cultural rights at times are as significant as violations of civil and political rights. Cameroon a country in Sub-Saharan African, for many years now has been confronted by numerous crises across different regions. Despite measures carried out, it has been reported that lesser and lesser attention has been placed on various conflict/crisis across Cameroon. To reach a common understanding of how both the economic, social and cultural rights has been violated and related impact on the quality of life, this paper evaluates justice, security and human rights violations in the present crisis situations. Without the prevention of human rights violations, wider conflict and/or crisis, will continue to have a negative impact in the lives of the inhabitants. This paper aims at providing evidence to support the fact that effective prevention requires early identification of risks that could allow for preventive and/or mitigatory measures to be designed and implemented.

Keywords: justice, security, human rights abuses, conflicts, crisis

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Authors: Ly Thi Hai Yen

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The Internet in Vietnam has developed significantly over the last 20 years and made impressive advances, permeating into every part of daily life, changing people's habits as well as the way people's communication. Under this situation, social media have become useful tools for the citizen to get and share information. About 10 years ago, most Vietnamese people got the information through state media, but thanks to the development of the Internet, nowadays, social media have been giving them rich sources of information at any area of society. By using case study research methods, documentary research method and in-depth interviews conducted with social media users, NGO activists, and Vietnamese scholars in 2017, the paper found that social media has been bringing a cyber public sphere to whom wish to discuss social and political issues. And, more importantly, it gives them a chance to connect with the government and policy makers quickly and effectively. Moreover, people use social media to supervise activities in society to prevent social evils and corruption in Vietnam. However, besides these positive points, people also have to cope with the rising situation of fake news which causing consequences for the society, such as pulling off crimes or cheating money and others. The paper concluded that social media plays important roles in the change of Vietnamese society, giving citizens a cyber public sphere unrestrictedly to discuss social and political issues but also bringing many bad risks to citizens.

Keywords: Vietnamese, social media, politics-society

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Authors: Md. Nurul Alom Siddikqe

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The purpose of this intervention was to describe how the marginalized people protect their rights and increase their self-dignity and self-esteem among brothel-based sex workers in 6 cities which are the victim of trafficked who came from different periphery areas Bangladesh. Eventually the sex workers are tortured by the pimp, clients, Msahi (so called guardian of bonded sex workers), Babu (So called husband) highly discriminated, vulnerable and stigmatized due to their occupation, movement, behavior and activities, which has got social disapproval. However, stigma, discrimination and violation of human rights not only bar them to access legal services, education of their kids, health, movement of outside of brothel, deprived of funeral after death, but also make them inaccessible due to their invisibility. Conducted an assessment among brothel-based sex workers setup to know their knowledge on human rights and find out their harassment and violence in their community. Inspired them to think about to be united and also assisted them to formation of self help group (SHG). Developed capacity of the SHG and developed leadership of its members through different trainings like administrative, financial management, public speaking and resource mobilization. Developed strategy to enhance the capacity of SHG so that they can collectively claim their rights and develop strategic partnership and network with the relevant service provider’s for restoring all sorts of rights. Conducted meeting with stakeholder including duty bearers, civil society organizations, media people and local government initiatives. Developed Networking with human rights commission, local elite, religious leaders and form human right watch committees at community level. Organized rally and observed national and international days along with government counterparts. By utilizing the project resources the members of SHG became capable to raise their collective voices against violence, discrimination and stigma as well as protected them from insecurity. The members of SHG have been participating in social program/event the SHG got membership of district level NGO coordination meeting through invitation from Deputy Commissioner, Civil Surgeon and Social welfare office of Government of Bangladesh. The Law Enforcement Agency is ensuring safety and security and the education department of government enrolled their children in primary level education. The Government provided land for grave yard after death for the Muslim sex workers and same for the other religious group. The SHGs are registered with government respective authorities. The SHGs are working with support from different development partners and implementing different projects sometime as consortium leaders. Opportunity created to take the vocational training from the government reputed department. The harassment by the clients reduced remarkably, babu, Mashi and other counterparts recognized the sex workers rights and ensure security with government counterpart access increased in legal, health and education. Indications are that the brothel based sex workers understood about their rights and became capable of ensuring their security through working under the self-help groups meaningfully.

Keywords: brothel, discrimination, harassment, stigma

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Authors: Emmanuel Ayobami Adesiyan

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Political theorists have identified ethnicity as an obstacle to democratic stability in deeply divided societies. Nigeria belongs to the categories of problematic states labeled divided or deeply divided societies, as such post-independence politics is characterized by ethnicity with its ruinous effect on democratic governance and development. Institutional Engineering, the purposive manipulation of the electoral rule relating to party organization and the electoral formula has been established in comparative political studies as a policy measure for managing ethnicity in order to stabilize politics in divided societies. This paper examines the use of electoral engineering tools in managing ethnic politics in Nigeria’s Fourth Republic. The study is guided by rational institutional theory. Secondary data on electoral rules and disaggregated results of presidential elections were collected from archival documents. Data were subjected to content analysis. Institutional changes in electoral rules have promoted the development of inter-ethnic bargaining and compromises within the party system. Presidential Electoral Formula aided the emergence of national rather parochial parties. Electoral engineering tools moved Nigerian Politics from ethnic parochialism to inclusion and accommodation. These innovations should be strengthened to enhance democratic stability.

Keywords: Nigeria, presidential-elections, ethnic politics, institutional engineering

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Authors: Vaiddehi Bansal, Ridhi Sahai, Kareem Kysia

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Overseas labor migration is currently one of the most important contributors to the economy of Bangladesh and is a highly profitable form of labor for Gulf Cooperative Council (GCC) countries. In 2019, 700,159 migrant workers from Bangladeshtraveled abroad for employment. GCC countries are a major destination for Bangladeshi migrant workers, with Saudi Arabia being the most common destination for Bangladeshi migrant workers since 2016. Despite the high rate of migration between these countries every year, the OLR industry remains complex and often leaves migrants susceptible to human trafficking, forced labor, and modern slavery. While the prevalence of forced labor among Bangladeshi migrants in GCC countries is still unknown, the IOM estimates international migrant workers comprise one fourth of the victims of forced labor. Moreover, the onset of the global COVID-19 pandemic has exposed migrant workers to additional adverse situations, making them even more vulnerable to forced labor and health risks. This paper presents findings from a rapid assessment of the impacts of COVID-19 on OLR in Bangladesh, with an emphasis on the increased risk of forced labor among vulnerable migrant worker populations, particularly women.Rapid reviews are a useful approach to swiftly provide actionable evidence for informed decision-making during emergencies, such as the COVID-19 pandemic. The research team conducted semi-structured key information interviews (KIIs) with a range of stakeholders, including government officials, local NGOs, international organizations, migration researchers, and formal and informal recruiting agencies, to obtain insights on the multi-facted impacts of COVID-19 on the OLR sector. The research team also conducted a comprehensive review of available resources, including media articles, blogs, policy briefs, reports, white papers, and other online content, to triangulate findings from the KIIs. After screening for inclusion criteria, a total of 110 grey literature documents were included in the review. A total of 31 KIIs were conducted, data from which was transcribed and translated from Bangla to English, andanalyzed using a detailed codebook. Findings indicate that there was limited reintegration support for returnee migrants. Facing increasing amounts of debt, financial insecurity, and social discrimination, returnee migrants, were extremely vulnerable to forced labor and exploitation. Growing financial debt and limited job opportunities in their home country will likely push migrants to resort to unsafe migration channels. Evidence suggests that women, who are primarily domestic works in GCC countries, were exposed to increased risk of forced labor and workplace violence. Due to stay-at-home measures, women migrant workers were tasked with additional housekeeping working and subjected to longer work hours, wage withholding, and physical abuse. In Bangladesh, returnee women migrant workers also faced an increased risk of domestic violence.

Keywords: forced labor, migration, gender, human trafficking

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Authors: Shafiqul Islam, Cordia Chu

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Bangladesh is one of the most vulnerable countries to climate related disasters such as flood and cyclone. Exploring from the semi-structured in-depth interviews of 38 stakeholders and literature review, this study examined the public spending distribution process in DRR. This paper demonstrates how the processes of political economy-enclosure, exclusion, encroachment, and entrenchment hinder the Disaster Risk Reduction (DRR) efforts of Department of Disaster Management (DDM) such as distribution of flood centres, cyclone centres and 40 days employment generation programs. Enclosure refers to when DRR projects allocated to less vulnerable areas or expand the roles of influencing actors into the public sphere. Exclusion refers to when DRR projects limit affected people’s access to resources or marginalize particular stakeholders in decision-making activities. Encroachment refers to when allocation of DRR projects and selection of location and issues degrade the environmental affect or contribute to other forms of disaster risk. Entrenchment refers to when DRR projects aggravate the disempowerment of common people worsen the concentrations of wealth and income inequality within a community. In line with United Nations (UN) Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs), Hyogo and Sendai Frameworks, in the case of Bangladesh, DRR policies implemented under the country’s national five-year plan, disaster-related acts and rules. These policies and practices have somehow enabled influential-elites to mobilize and distribute resources through bureaucracies. Exclusionary forms of fund distribution of DRR exist at both the national and local scales. DRR related allocations have encroached through the low land areas development project without consulting local needs. Most severely, DRR related unequal allocations have entrenched social class trapping the backward communities vulnerable to climate related disasters. Planners and practitioners of DRR need to take necessary steps to eliminate the potential risks from the processes of enclosure, exclusion, encroachment, and entrenchment happens in project fund allocations.

Keywords: Bangladesh, disaster risk reduction, fund distribution, political economy

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Authors: Recep Sait Arpat, Hakan Güreşci

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Emergency, disaster and crisis management terms are generally perceived as the same processes. This conflict effects the approach and delegating policy of the political order. Crisis management starts in the aftermath of the mismanagement of disaster and emergency. In the light of the information stated above in this article Turkey and United Kingdom(UK)’s crisis management systems are analyzed. This article’s main aim is to clarify the main points of the emergency management system of United Kingdom and Turkey’s disaster management system by comparing them. To do this: A prototype model of the political decision making processes of the countries is drawn, decision making mechanisms and the planning functions are compared. As a result it’s found that emergency management policy in Turkey is reactive whereas it’s proactive in UK; as the delegating policy Turkey’s system is similar to UK; levels of emergency situations are similar but not the same; the differences are stemming from the civil order and nongovernmental organizations effectiveness; UK has a detailed government engagement model to emergencies, which shapes the doctrine of the approach to emergencies, and it’s successful in gathering and controlling the whole state’s efforts; crisis management is a sub-phase of UK emergency management whereas it’s accepted as a outmoded management perception and the focal point of crisis management perception in UK is security crisis and natural disasters while in Turkey it is natural disasters. In every anlysis proposals are given to Turkey.

Keywords: crisis management, disaster management, emergency management, turkey, united kingdom

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Authors: Arshad Ali

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The Taliban insurgency in Swat which started apparently as a social movement in 2004 transformed into an anti-Pakistan Islamist insurgency by joining hands with the Tehrik-e-Taliban Pakistan (TTP) upon its formation in 2007. It quickly spread beyond Swat by 2009 making Swat the second stronghold of TTP after FATA. It prompted the Pakistan military to launch a full-scale counterinsurgency military operation code named Rah-i-Rast to regain the control of Swat. Operation Rah-i-Rast was successful not only in restoring the writ of the State but more importantly in creating a consensus against the spread of Taliban insurgency in Pakistan at political, social and military levels. This operation became a test case for civilian government and military to seek for a sustainable solution combating the TTP insurgency in the north-west of Pakistan. This study analyzes why the counterinsurgency operation Rah-i-Rast was successful and why the previous ones came into failure. The study also explores factors which created consensus against the Taliban insurgency at political and social level as well as reasons which hindered such a consensual approach in the past. The study argues that the previous initiatives failed due to various factors including Pakistan army’s lack of comprehensive counterinsurgency model, weak political will and public support, and states negligence. Also, the initial counterinsurgency policies were ad-hoc in nature fluctuating between military operations and peace deals. After continuous failure, the military revisited its approach to counterinsurgency in the operation Rah-i-Rast. The security forces learnt from their past experiences and developed a pragmatic counterinsurgency model: ‘clear, hold, build, and transfer.’ The military also adopted the population-centric approach to provide security to the local people. This case Study of Swat evaluates the strengths and weaknesses of the Pakistan's counterinsurgency operations as well as peace agreements. It will analyze operation Rah-i-Rast in the light of David Galula’s model of counterinsurgency. Unlike existing literature, the study underscores the bottom up approach adopted by the Pakistan’s military and government by engaging the local population to sustain the post-operation stability in Swat. More specifically, the study emphasizes on the hybrid counterinsurgency model “clear, hold, and build and Transfer” in Swat.

Keywords: Insurgency, Counterinsurgency, clear, hold, build, transfer

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