Search results for: constitutional monarchy

Authors: Samuel Pimpong

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In most liberal and constitutional democracies, the media serves as a dominant power in the construction of the fundamental building blocks for the consolidation of democratic governance. However, the extent to which the media can enhance democratic consolidation in a country depends to a large extent on the independence of the media, the robustness of legislative frameworks and the safety of journalists in discharging their duties without fear or favor. This study sought to examine pertinent issues, practices and challenges facing the media in Ghana’s Fourth Republic and attempts to make recommendations regarding the way forward. The work adopted a qualitative study approach. A total of sixteen (16) participants were purposively selected for face-to-face interviews. The study hinges on the democratic participant media theory and the development media theory. Primary data was analyzed via thematic analysis procedure. The study revealed that although Ghana has repealed its criminal libel laws, nonetheless other statutory Acts, such as the Electronic Communications Act 2008 (ACT 775) and the Criminal and other offences Act 1960 (Act 29), among others continue to stifle freedom of expression. On the other hand, press freedom is being abused by the use of fake content publication. Further, the study revealed that the absence of a comprehensive regulatory structure impedes the activities carried out by the media. Consequently, the study recommends a regulatory structure to oversee media activities and content, as the National Media Commission (NMC) lacks the authority to do so. In this direction, the study recommends a limitation on the role of the National Communications Authority (NCA) to administer broadcasting signals and transfer its licensing and sanctioning powers to the NMC in order to create one sole and completely independent media regulatory authority that deals with all media related issues.

Keywords: media, constitutional democracy, democratic consolidation, fourth republic

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Authors: Aarti Suryawanshi

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Royal Tourism has always been a popular niche activity for many tourists around the world. The United Kingdom being at the heart of it, has been a pioneering nation for Royal tourists. Though many other countries with monarchies such as India, Thailand, Japan, Spain, Netherlands, and many more have attracted tourists with the motivation to see and experience the royalty to their nations, the Middle Eastern countries have never really been the attraction for Royal tourists. Royalty in the middle east is fast emerging as a tourist product and also paving way to marketing opportunity that may lead to the increased popularity of the Royal Houses of the region. Dubai has been garnering the centre stage for futuristic developments, economic growth initiatives, and continuous efforts towards urbanisation which has brought the lime light on the Royal house of the Al Maktoum globally, along with the younger royal members being extensively recognised and appreciated for their public and private adventures which are shared through various social media platforms. The objective of this paper is to analyse the popularity of His Highness Sheikh Hamdan Bin Mohammed Bin Rashid Al Maktoum through social media platforms and the possibility of inducing Royal Tourism in Dubai. An empirical study has been performed to describe the automated repositioning of the city of Dubai as a royal tourism hub.

Keywords: royalty, royal tourism, monarchy, marketing strategy, repositioning

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Authors: Patthida Bunchavalit, Saharot Kittimahacharoen

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The objective of this article is to compare rice blessing ceremony between Thailand and Vietnam. Both countries are located in Southeast Asia where agriculture is the main occupation. As a result of the study, it is found that the rice blessing ceremony of Thai and Vietnamese societies have differences and similarities. A person leading the ceremony is a person who has the highest position in the country. For Thailand, it is the king or royal family member while for Vietnam, it is the president. In Thailand, the ceremony began in Ayutthaya period which derived from Buddhism and Brahmanism ideology. It is annually organized in the beginning of raining season. In Vietnam, it is annually organized in the beginning of spring. The first time it occurred was in Tien Le Monarchy period of Thien Phuc era deriving from Chinese ideology. The differences are ideas, believes, objectives and details of the ceremony. It is, in Thailand, to boost farmer’s morale and to predict the fertility of crops in each year. Additionally, there is a prediction using royal cows. Meanwhile, in Vietnam the purpose is to worship god of weather for seasonal rain and productive harvesting. Therefore, it is presumed that the rice blessing ceremony of Thailand and Vietnam somewhat have similarities in spite of having different origin but are on the same basis of belief.

Keywords: agriculture, ceremony, culture, Thailand, Vietnam

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Authors: Farida Ibrahim

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Right to information is the public's right to know through having access to public information held by state bodies. Recognized as a cornerstone in transparent, participatory and open democracies, the right to information is increasingly perceived today as an emerging human right on the international level. While this right is conceptualized in a range of different contexts, the paper focuses on its conceptualization as a force for socio-economic change for disadvantaged groups. The paper's goal is study the instrumental capacity of this right in empowering the public to access state-held information pertinent to their socio-economic rights. In this regard, the paper views the right to information as an inclusionary tool that is capable of spurring inclusion for individuals excluded from the ambits of both: public participation and social justice. For exploring this, the paper examines the advocacy role played by civil society groups in furthering this instrumental capacity. In particular, the paper presents a focused account on the Egyptian case. While Egypt has recently adopted its constitutional provision on access to information, doubts arise on Egyptian citizens' genuine ability to access information held by state bodies. The politico-economic environment, long term culture of bureaucratic secrecy, and legal framework do not provide promising outcomes on access to public information. Within the particular context of the Egyptian case, this paper questions the extent to which civil society in Egypt is capable of instrumentally employing the political opportunity offered by the constitutional entitlement to information access for pressuring public authorities to disclose information. Through four lawsuits brought by civil society groups in Egypt, the paper argues that the right to information has instrumentally provided civil society actors with new domains of mobilization for furthering the realization of social and economic rights, and ultimately, for renegotiating a new social order lining the relationship between the Egyptian state and its citizens marginalized by socio-economic imbalances.

Keywords: civil society, Egypt, right to information, socio-economic rights

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Authors: Shatakshi Garg

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As the world continues to grapple with the COVID-19 pandemic, India, one of the most populous democratic federal developing nation, continues to report the highest active cases and deaths, as well as struggle to let its health infrastructure not succumb to the exponentially growing requirements of hospital beds, ventilators, oxygen to save thousands of lives daily at risk. In this context, the paper outlines the handling of the COVID-19 pandemic since it first hit India in January 2020 – the policy decisions taken by the Union and the State governments from the larger perspective of its federal structure. The Constitution of India adopted in 1950 enshrined the federal relations between the Union and the State governments by way of the constitutional division of revenue-raising and expenditure responsibilities. By way of the 72nd and 73rd Amendments in the Constitution, powers and functions were devolved further to the third tier, namely the local governments, with the intention of further strengthening the federal structure of the country. However, with time, several constitutional amendments have shifted the scales in favour of the union government. The paper briefly traces some of these major amendments as well as some policy decisions which made the federal relations asymmetrical. As a result, data on key fiscal parameters helps establish how the union government gained upper hand at the expense of weak state governments, reducing the local governments to mere constitutional bodies without adequate funds and fiscal autonomy to carry out the assigned functions. This quasi-federal structure of India with the union government amassing the majority of power in terms of ‘funds, functions and functionaries’ exposed the perils of weakening sub-national governments post COVID-19 pandemic. With a complex quasi-federal structure and a heterogeneous population of over 1.3 billion, the announcement of a sudden nationwide lockdown by the union government was followed by a plight of migrants struggling to reach homes safely in the absence of adequate arrangements for travel and safety-net made by the union government. With limited autonomy enjoyed by the states, they were mostly dictated by the union government on most aspects of handling the pandemic, including protocols for lockdown, re-opening post lockdown, and vaccination drive. The paper suggests that certain policy decisions like demonetization, the introduction of GST, etc., taken by the incumbent government since 2014 when they first came to power, have further weakened the states and local governments, which have amounted to catastrophic losses, both economic and human. The role of the executive, legislature and judiciary are explored to establish how all these three arms of the government have worked simultaneously to further weaken and expose the fault-lines of the federal structure of India, which has lent the nation incapacitated to handle this pandemic. The paper then suggests the urgency of re-looking at the federal structure of the country and undertaking measures that strengthen the sub-national governments and restore the federal spirit as was enshrined in the constitution to avoid mammoth human and economic losses from a pandemic of this sort.

Keywords: COVID-19 pandemic, India, federal structure, economic losses

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Authors: Yasmin Nanabhay

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The paper scrutinizes the literature on accountability and non-accountability, and then presents an analysis of a South African case which demonstrated consequences of a lack of accountability. Ethical conduct displayed by members of the public sector is integral to creating a sustainable democratic government, which upholds the constitutional tenets of accountability, transparency and professional ethicality. Furthermore, a true constitutional democracy emphasises and advocates the notion of service leadership that nurtures public participation and engages with citizens in a positive manner. Ethical conduct and accountability in the public sector earns public trust; hence these are key principles in good governance. Yet, in the years since the advent of democracy in South Africa, the government has been plagued by rampant corruption and mal-administration by public officials and politicians in leadership positions. The control measures passed by government in an attempt to ensure ethicality and accountability within the public sector include codes of ethics, rules of conduct and the enactment of legislation. These are intended to shape the mindset of members of the public sector, with the ultimate aim of an efficient, effective, ethical, responsive and accountable public service. The purpose of the paper is to analyse control systems and accountability within the public sector and to present reasons for non-accountability by means of a selected case study. The selected case study is the corruption trial of Jackie Selebi, who served as National Commissioner of the South African Police Service but was dismissed from the post. The reasons for non-accountability in the public sector as well as recommendations based on the findings to enhance accountability will be undertaken. The case study demonstrates the experience and impact of corruption and/or mal-administration, as a result of a lack of accountability, which has contributed to the increasing loss of confidence in political leadership in the country as elsewhere in the world. The literature is applied to the erstwhile National Commissioner of the South African Police Service and President of Interpol, as a case study of non-accountability.

Keywords: corruption, internal control, maladministration, non-compliance, oversight mechanisms, public accountability, public sector

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Authors: Adriana Pereira Arteaga

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In many Latin American countries the transition towards legal pluralism - has developed as part of what is called Latin-American-Constitutionalism over the last thirty years. The aim of this paper is to discuss how legal pluralism in its current form in Bolivia may produce exclusion and violence. Legal sources and discourse analysis - as an approach to examine written language on discourse documentation- will be used to develop this paper. With the constitution of 2009, Bolivia was symbolically "re-founded" into a multi-nation state. This shift goes hand in hand with the "indigenista" and "decolonisation" ideologies developing since the early 20th century. Discourses based on these ideologies reflect the rejection of liberal and western premises on which the Bolivian republic was originally built after independence. According to the "indigenista" movements, the liberal nation-state generates institutions corresponding to a homogenous society. These liberal institutions not only ignore the Bolivian multi-nation reality, but also maintain the social structures originating form the colony times, based on prejudices against the indigenous. The described statements were elaborated through the image: the indigenous people humiliated by a cruel western system as highlighted by the constitution's preamble. This narrative had a considerable impact on the sensitivity of people and received great social support. Therefore the proposal for changing structures of the nation-state, is charged with an emancipatory message of restoring even the pre-Columbian order. An order at times romantically described as the perfect order. Legally this connotes a rejection of the positivistic national legal system based on individual rights and the promotion of constitutional recognition of indigenous justice administration. The pluralistic Constitution is supposed to promote tolerance and a peaceful coexistence among nations, so that the unity and integrity of the country could be maintained. In its current form, legal pluralism in Bolivia is justified on pre-existing rights contained for example in the International - Labour - Organization - Convention 169, but it is more developed on the described discursive constructions. Over time these discursive constructions created inconsistencies in terms of putting indigenous justice administration into practice: First, because legal pluralism has been more developed on level of political discourse, so a real interaction between the national and the indigenous jurisdiction cannot be observed. There are no clear coordination and cooperation mechanisms. Second, since the recently reformed constitution is based on deep sensitive experiences, little is said about the general legal principles on which a pluralistic administration of justice in Bolivia should be based. Third, basic rights, liberties, and constitutional guarantees are also affected by the antagonized image of the national justice administration. As a result, fundamental rights could be violated on a large scale because many indigenous justice administration practices run counter to these constitutional rules. These problems are not merely Bolivian but may also be encountered in other regional countries with similar backgrounds, like Ecuador.

Keywords: discourse, indigenous justice, legal pluralism, multi-nation

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Authors: Sunayana Basu Mallik, Shishira Prakash

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The inclusion of Rights of Author (Moral and Personal Rights) resonate the century long battle of rights of authors, composers, performers across developed and developing countries (whether following civil law or common law systems). But, the juxtaposition of author’s special, moral, personal rights within the legislative framework of Copyright statutes (Indian Copyright Act, 1957, applicable statutes) underscores the foundational role of the right which goes to the root of the constitutional structure of India and philosophies of political and literary leaders like Mahatma Gandhi and Gurudeb Rabindranath Tagore. In the pre-independence era when the concept of moral rights was unknown to both England and India’s statutory laws, the strategic deployment method of Gandhi, his ideologies and thoughts scripted the concept of moral rights for authors/composers. The preservation of Rabindric Style (Characteristic Tagore’s vocal renditions) by Vishwabharati University (successor in interest for Tagore’s literary and musical compositions) prior to the Copyright Amendment of 1999 recognizing Author’s Special Rights in line with 6bis of Berne Convention invigorates the fact that the right existed intrinsically prior to the legislative amendment. The paper would in addition to the academic probe carry out an empirical enquiry of the institution’s (Navjivan Trust and Vishwa Bharati University’s) reasoning on the same. The judicial discourse and transforming constitutional ideals between 1950s till date in India alludes Moral Rights to be an essential legal right which have been reasoned by Indian Courts based on the underlying philosophies in culture, customs, religion wherein composers and literary figures have played key roles in enlightening and encouraging the members of society through their literary, musical and artistic work during pre-independence renaissance of India. The discourses have been influenced by the philosophies reflected in the preamble of the Indian constitution, ‘socialist, secular, democratic republic’ and laws of other civil law countries. Lastly, the paper would analyze the adjudication process and witness involvement in ascertaining violations of moral rights and further summarize the indigenous and country specific economic thoughts that often chisel decisions on moral rights of authors, composers, performers which sometimes intersect with author’s right of privacy and against defamation. The exclusivity contracts or other arrangements between authors, composers and publishing companies not only have an erosive effect on each thread of moral rights but irreparably dents factors that promote creativity. The paper would also be review these arrangements in view of the principles of unjust enrichment, unfair trade practices, anti-competitive behavior and breach of Section 27 (Restrain of Trade) of Indian Contract Act, 1857. The paper will thus lay down the three pillars on which author’s rights in India should namely rest, (a) political and judicial discourse evolving principles supporting moral rights of authors; (b) amendment and insertion of Section 57 of the Copyright Act, 1957; (c) overall constitutional framework supporting author’s rights.

Keywords: copyright, moral rights, performer’s rights, personal rights

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Authors: Alphonso Goliath

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With mandatory minimum sentences, even with its qualification of “substantial and compelling circumstances”, the sentence severity for violent crimes has increased substantially to combat crime. Considering the upsurge in violent crime, the paper argues that minimum sentences failed to prevent or curb violent crime. These sentences deprive offenders more than what is reasonably necessary of their freedom to curb the offense and punish the offender. Minimum sentences amount to cruel, inhuman, and degrading punishment unjustified and vulnerable to constitutional challenge.

Keywords: constitutionality, deterrence, incapacitation, minimum sentencing legislation, prison overcrowding, rehabilitation, recidivism, retribution, violent crime

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Authors: Gabriel Dolabella, Henrique Rangel, Stella Araújo, Carlos Bolonha, Igor de Lazari

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Public security is a common subject on the Brazilian political agenda. The seventh largest economy in the world has high crime and insecurity rates. Specialists try to explain this social picture based on poverty, inequality or public policies addressed to drug trafficking. This excerpt approaches State measures to handle that picture. Therefore, the public security - law enforcement institutions - is at the core of this paper, particularly the relationship among federal and state law enforcement agencies, mainly ruled by a system of urgency. The problems are informal changes on law enforcement management and public opinion collaboration to these changes. Whenever there were huge international events, Brazilian armed forces occupied streets to assure law enforcement - ensuring the order. This logic, considered in the long time, could impact the federal structure of the country. The post-madisonian theorists verify that urgency is often associated to delegation of powers, which is true for Brazilian law enforcement, but here there is a different delegation: States continuously delegate law enforcement powers to the federal government throughout the use of Armed Forces. Therefore, the hypothesis is: Brazil is under a political process of federalization of public security. The political framework addressed here can be explained by the disrespect of legal constraints and the failure of rule of law theoretical models. The methodology of analysis is based on general criteria. Temporally, this study investigates events from 2003, when discussions about the disarmament statute begun. Geographically, this study is limited to Brazilian borders. Materially, the analysis result from the observation of legal resources and political resources (pronouncements of government officials). The main parameters are based on post-madisonianism and federalization of public security can be assessed through credibility and popularity that allow evaluation of this political process of constitutional change. The objective is to demonstrate how the Military Forces are used in public security, not as a random fact or an isolated political event, in order to understand the political motivations and effects that stem from that use from an institutional perspective.

Keywords: public security, governability, rule of law, federalism

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Authors: Charles A. Khamala

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In 2003, constrained by an absent “rule of law culture” and negative economic growth, the new Kenyan government chose to pursue incremental judicial reforms rather than comprehensive constitutional reforms. President Mwai Kibaki’s first administration’s judicial reform strategy was two pronged. First, to implement unprecedented “radical surgery,” he appointed a new Chief Justice who instrumentally recommended that half the purportedly-corrupt judiciary should be removed by Presidential tribunals of inquiry. Second, the replacement High Court judges, initially, instrumentally-endorsed the “radical surgery’s” administrative decisions removing their corrupt predecessors. Meanwhile, retention of the welfare-reducing Constitution perpetuated declining public confidence in judicial institutions culminating in refusal by the dissatisfied opposition party to petition the disputed 2007 presidential election results, alleging biased and corrupt courts. Fatefully, widespread post-election violence ensued. Consequently, the international community prompted the second Kibaki administration to concede to a new Constitution. Suddenly, the High Court then adopted a non-instrumental interpretation to reject the 2003 “radical surgery.” This paper therefore critically analyzes whether the Kenyan court’s inconsistent interpretations–pertaining to the constitutionality of the 2003 “radical surgery” removing corruption from Kenya’s courts–was predicated on political expediency or human rights principles. If justice “must also seen to be done,” then pursuit of the CJ’s, Judicial Service Commission’s and president’s political or economic interests must be limited by respect for the suspected judges and magistrates’ due process rights. The separation of powers doctrine demands that the dismissed judges should have a right of appeal which entails impartial review by a special independent oversight mechanism. Instead, ignoring fundamental rights, Kenya’s new Supreme Court’s interpretation of another round of vetting under the new 2010 Constitution, ousts the High Court’s judicial review jurisdiction altogether, since removal of judicial corruption is “a constitutional imperative, akin to a national duty upon every judicial officer to pave way for judicial realignment and reformulation.”

Keywords: administrative decisions, corruption, fair hearing, judicial review, (non) instrumental

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Authors: Henrique Rangel, Alexandre Fadel, Igor De Lazari, Bianca Neri, Carlos Bolonha

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This paper promotes a comparative analysis of American and Brazilian models of federalism assuming their levels of political centralization as main criterion. The central problem faced herein is the Brazilian approach of Unitarian regime. Although the hegemony of federative form after 1989, Brazil had a historical frame of political centralization that remains under the 1988 constitutional regime. Meanwhile, United States framed a federalism in which States absorb significant authorities. The hypothesis holds that the amount of alternative criteria of federalization – which can generate political centralization –, and the way they are upheld on judicial review, are crucial to understand the levels of political centralization achieved in each model. To test this hypothesis, the research is conducted by a methodology temporally delimited to 1994-2014 period. Three paradigmatic precedents of U.S. Supreme Court were selected: United States vs. Morrison (2000), on gender-motivated violence, Gonzales vs. Raich (2005), on medical use of marijuana, and United States vs. Lopez (1995), on firearm possession on scholar zones. These most relevant cases over federalism in the recent activity of Supreme Court indicates a determinant parameter of deliberation: the commerce clause. After observe the criterion used to permit or prohibit the political centralization in America, the Brazilian normative context is presented. In this sense, it is possible to identify the eventual legal treatment these controversies could receive in this Country. The decision-making reveals some deliberative parameters, which characterizes each federative model. At the end of research, the precedents of Rehnquist Court promote a broad revival of federalism debate, establishing the commerce clause as a secure criterion to uphold or not the necessity of centralization – even with decisions considered conservative. Otherwise, the Brazilian federalism solves them controversies upon in a formalist fashion, within numerous and comprehensive – sometimes casuistic too – normative devices, oriented to make an intense centralization. The aim of this work is indicate how jurisdictional federalism found in United States can preserve a consistent model with States robustly autonomous, while Brazil gives preference to normative mechanisms designed to starts from centralization.

Keywords: constitutional design, federalism, U.S. Supreme Court, legislative authority

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Authors: Samuel Holder

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Mass incarceration in the United States is a human rights issue, not merely a civil rights problem. It is a human rights problem not only because the United States has a high rate of incarceration, but more importantly because of who is jailed, for what purpose they are jailed and, ultimately, the manner in which they are jailed. To sustain the scale of the criminal justice system, one of the darker policies involves a multi-tiered strategy of fee- and fine-collection, targeting, usually, the most vulnerable and poor, many of whom run into the law via small offenses that do not rise to the level of felonies. This paper advances the notion that this debt collection-to-incarceration pipeline is tantamount to a modern-day debtors’ prison system. This article seeks to confront the thorny issue of incarceration via criminal justice debt from a human rights and cause-lawyering position. It will argue that a two-pronged cause-lawyering strategy: the first focused on traditional litigation along constitutional grounds, and the second, an advocacy approach rooted in grassroots campaigns, designed to shift the normative operation and understanding of the rights of marginalized and racialized offenders. Ultimately, the argument suggests that this approach will be effective in combatting the (often highly privatized) criminal justice debt system and bring the roles of 'incapacitation, rehabilitation, deterrence, and retribution' back into the criminal justice legal conversation. Part I contextualizes and historicizes the role of fees, penalties, and fines in American criminal justice. Part II examines the emergence of private industry in the criminal justice system, and its role in the acceleration of profit-driven criminal justice debt collection and incarceration. Part III addresses the failures of the federal and state law and legislation in combatting predatory incarceration and debt collection in the criminal justice system, particularly as waged against the indigent and/or ethnically or racially marginalized. Part IV examines the potential for traditional cause-lawyering litigation along constitutional grounds, using case studies across contexts for illustration. Finally, Part V will review the radical cause-lawyer’s role in the normative struggle in redefining prisoners’ rights and the rights of the marginalized (and racialized) as they intersect at the crossroads of criminal justice debt. This paper will conclude with recommendations for litigation and advocacy, drawing on hypotheses advanced, and informed by case studies from a variety of both national and international jurisdictions.

Keywords: cause-lawyering, criminal justice debt, human rights, judicial fees

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Authors: Sourina Bej

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Since the process of decolonization in 1940, several countries in South Asia have witnessed intra-state conflicts owing to ineffective political governance. The conflicts have remained protracted as the countries have failed to make a holistic transition to a democratic state. Nepal is one such South Asian country facing a turmultous journey from monarchy to republicanism. The paper aims to focus on the democratic transition in the context of Nepal’s political, legal and economic institutions. The presence of autocratic feudalistic and centralised state structure with entrenched socio-economic inequalities has resulted in mass uprising only to see the country slip back to the old order. Even a violent civil war led by the Maoists could not overhaul the political relations or stabilize the democratic space. The paper aims to analyse the multiple political, institutional and operational challenges in the implementation of the peace agreement with the Maoist. Looking at the historical background, the paper will examine the problematic nation-building that lies at the heart of fragile peace process in Nepal. Regional dynamics have played a big role in convoluting the peace-building. The new constitution aimed at conflict resolution brought to the open, deep seated hatred among different ethnic groups in Nepal. Apart from studying the challenges to the peace process and the role of external players like India and China in the political reconstruction, the paper will debate on a viable federal solution to the ethnic conflict in Nepal. If the current government fails to pass a constitution accepted by most ethnic groups, Nepal will remain on the brink of new conflict outbreaks.

Keywords: democratisation, ethnic conflict, Nepal, peace process

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Authors: Jyoti Sharma

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India and Pakistan are two strategically important neighboring countries in Asia-Pacific region. Since independence of more than six decades, both, India and Pakistan have transverse different paths, India as a Sovereign, Democratic, Republic Country and Pakistan as Islamic Republic of Pakistan. The advent of democracy in India and Islamic republic in Pakistan resulted in new hopes, aspirations and demands on education. During the six decades after Independence, teacher education in both countries has come a long way from its initial bleak stature to gain an identity as a complex network of institutions and programs. The present paper takes a close look into the paradigm shift in teacher education programs in India and Pakistan and how much the shift is influenced by constitutional frameworks of each country.

Keywords: pre-service teachers, teacher education reforms, India, Pakistan

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Authors: Agbana Olaseinde Julius, Opadere Olaolu Stephen

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The concept of cross carpeting is as old as politics itself. Basically, it entails an individual leaving a political party/group, to join another. The reasons for which cross carpeting is embarked upon are diverse: ideological differences; ethnic and/or religious differences; access to actual or perceived better political opportunities; liberty of association; rancor; etc. The current democratic dispensation in Nigeria has experienced renewed and rather alarming rate of cross carpeting, for reasons including those enumerated above and others. Right to cross carpet is inherent in a democratic setting as well as the political stakeholder; so does it also comprise of the constitutional right of ‘freedom of association’. However, the current species of cross carpeting in Nigeria requires scrutiny, in view of some potential legal and moral challenges it poses for both the present and the future. Cross carpeting is considered both legal and constitutional, but the current spate raises the question of expediency, particularly in a nascent democracy. It is considered to have a propensity of negatively impacting political stability in a polity with fragile nerves. Importantly too, cross carpeting is considered a potential damage to the psyche of posterity with regards to a warped disposition to promises, honour and integrity. The perceived peculiar dimension of cross carpeting in Nigeria raises questions on the quality of leadership presently obtainable in the country, vis-à-vis greed, self-centeredness, disregard for the concern and interest of avowed followers/fans, entrenchment of distrust, etc. Thus, the study made use of primary and secondary sources of information. The primary sources included the Constitutions of the Federal Republic of Nigeria 1999 (as amended); judicial decisions; and the Electoral Act, 2010 (as Amended). The secondary sources comprised of information from books, journals, newspapers, magazines and Internet documents. Data obtained from these sources were subjected to content analysis. Findings of this study show that though the act of cross carpeting may not be in breach of any Statute or Law, it however, in most cases, breaches the morals of expediency. The morality thereof is far from justifiable, and should be condemned in the interest of the present and posterity. There is a great and urgent need to embark on a re-entrenchment of the culture of political ideology in the Nigerian polity, as obtainable in developed democracies. In conclusion, the need to exercise the right of cross carpeting with caution cannot be overemphasized. Membership of a political group/party should be backed by commitment to well defined ideologies and values. Commitment to them should be regarded akin to that found in the family, which is not easily or flippantly jettisoned.

Keywords: cross-carpeting, Nigeria, legal, moral issues, politics

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Authors: S. Opadere Olaolu

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Religion, as a belief-system, has been with humanity for a long time. It has been recognised to impact the lives of individuals, groups, and communities that hold it dear. Whether the impact is regarded as positive or not depends on the assessor. Thus, for reasons of likely subjectiveness, possible irrationality, and even outright deliberate abuse, most emerging economies seek to follow the pattern of separating the State from religion; yet it is certain that the influence of religion on the State is incontrovertible. Corruption, on the other hand, though difficult to define in precise terms, is clearly perceptible. It could manifest in very diverse ways, including the abuse of a position of trust for the gain of an individual, or of a group with shared ulterior motive. Religion has been perceived, among others, as a means to societal stability, marital stability, infusion of moral rectitude, and conscience with regards to right and wrong. In time past, credible and dependable characters reposed largely and almost exclusively with those bearing deep religious conviction. Even in the political circle, it was thought that the involvement of those committed to religion would bring about positive changes, for the benefit of the society at large. On the contrary, in recent times, religion has failed in these lofty expectations. The level of corruption in most developing economies, and the increase of religion seem to be advancing pari passu. For instance, religion has encroached into political space, and vice versa, without any differentiable posture to the issue of corruption. Worse still, religion appears to be aiding and abetting corruption, overtly and/or covertly. Therefore, this discourse examined from the Nigerian perspective—as a developing economy—, and from a multidisciplinary stand-point of Law and Religion, the issue of religion; secularism; corruption; romance of religion and politics; inability of religion to exemplify moral rectitude; indulgence of corruption by religion; and the need to keep religion in private sphere, with proper checks. The study employed primary and secondary sources of information. The primary sources included the Constitutions of the Federal Republic of Nigeria 1999, as amended; judicial decisions; and the Bible. The secondary sources comprised of information from books, journals, newspapers, magazines and Internet documents. Data obtained from these sources were subjected to content analysis. Findings of this study include the breach of constitutional provisions to keep religion out of State affairs; failure of religion to curb corruption; outright indulgence of corruption by religion; and religion having become a political tool. In conclusion, it is considered apposite still to keep the State out of religion, and to seek enforcement of the constitutional provisions in this respect. The stamp of legality placed on overt and covert corruption by religion should be removed by all means.

Keywords: corruption, complicity, legalizing, religion

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Authors: Bagam Venkateswarlu

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NMDC Limited, Indian multinational mining company operates under administrative control of Ministry of Steel, Government of India. This study is undertaken to evaluate how sustainable mining practiced by the company fulfils the provisions of Indian Constitution to secure to its citizen – justice, equality of status and opportunity, promoting social, economic, political, and religious wellbeing. The Constitution of India lays down a road map as to how the goal of being a “Welfare State” shall be achieved. The vision of sustainable mining being practiced is oriented along the constitutional responsibilities on Indian Citizens and the Corporate World. This qualitative study shall be backed by quantitative studies of National Mineral Development Corporation performances in various domains of sustainable mining and ESG, that is, environment, social and governance parameters. For example, Five Star Rating of mine is a comprehensive evaluation system introduced by Ministry of Mines, Govt. of India is one of the methodologies. Corporate Social Responsibilities is one of the thrust areas for securing social well-being. Green energy initiatives in and around the mines has given the title of “Eco-Friendly Miner” to NMDC Limited. While operating fully mechanized large scale iron ore mine (18.8 million tonne per annum capacity) in Bacheli, Chhattisgarh, M/s NMDC Limited caters to the needs of mineral security of State of Chhattisgarh and Indian Union. It preserves forest, wild-life, and environment heritage of richly endowed State of Chhattisgarh. In the remote and far-flung interiors of Chhattisgarh, NMDC empowers the local population by providing world class educational & medical facilities, transportation network, drinking water facilities, irrigational agricultural supports, employment opportunities, establishing religious harmony. All this ultimately results in empowered, educated, and improved awareness in population. Thus, the basic tenets of constitution of India- secularism, democracy, welfare for all, socialism, humanism, decentralization, liberalism, mixed economy, and non-violence is fulfilled. Constitution declares India as a welfare state – for the people, of the people and by the people. The sustainable mining practices by NMDC are in line with the objective. Thus, the purpose of study is fully met with. The potential benefit of the study includes replicating this model in existing or new establishments in various parts of country – especially in the under-privileged interiors and far-flung areas which are yet to see the lights of development.

Keywords: ESG values, Indian constitution, NMDC limited, sustainable mining, CSR, green energy

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Authors: Zoaib Mirza

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Half of the Muslim countries in the world have declared Islam the state religion in their constitutions. Yet, none of these countries have implemented authentic Islamic laws in line with the Quran (Holy Book), practices of Prophet Mohammad (P.B.U.H) called the Sunnah, and his four successors known as the Rightly Guided - Khalifa. Since their independence, these countries have adopted different government systems like Democracy, Dictatorship, Republic, Communism, and Monarchy. Instead of benefiting the people, these government systems have put these countries into political, social, and economic crises. These Islamic countries do not have equal representation and membership in worldwide political forums. Western countries lead these forums. Therefore, it is now imperative for the Muslim leaders of all these countries to collaborate, reset, and implement the original Islamic form of government, which led to the prosperity and success of people, including non-Muslims, 1400 years ago. They should unite as one nation under Khalifat, which means establishing the authority of Allah (SWT) and following the divine commandments related to the social, political, and economic systems. As they have declared Islam in their constitution, they should work together to apply the divine framework of the governance revealed by Allah (SWT) and implemented by Prophet Mohammad (P.B.U.H) and his four successors called Khalifas. This paper provides an overview of the downfall and the end of the Khalifat system by 1924, the ways in which the West caused political, social, and economic crises in the Muslim countries, and finally, a summary of the social, political, and economic systems implemented by the Prophet Mohammad (P.B.U.H) and his successors, Khalifas, called the Rightly Guided – Hazrat Abu Bakr (RA), Hazrat Omar (RA), Hazrat Usman (RA), and Hazrat Ali (RA).

Keywords: khalifat, khilafat-e-Rashida, the rightly guided, colonization, capitalism, neocolonization, government systems

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Authors: S. Sunaina, Neha Saini

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Children are considered as future of a country. In order to have a better future, better laws are required in the present, especially for the children. Their development primarily revolves around physical, mental, psychological, emotional and financial facets. Hence the holistic development of a child in the contemporary society is a must in order to secure a better future. The present paper is an endeavour to analyse the development of children in India vis-a-vis The Child Development Bill 2016 and Child Labour (Abolition) Bill 2016 pending before the Indian Parliament. The findings of the study will attempt to highlight the flaws of the Bills and their probable repercussions, supporting the same with Constitutional provisions, judicial precedents, and the international perspective. Finally, the paper will conclude with concrete suggestions to overcome the flaws of the Bills so that the Bills, when passed, can be sincerely implemented.

Keywords: bill, children, development, repercussion

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Authors: Nqobizwe Mvelo Ngema

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Botswana has a dual legal system, one based on customary law and the other on the received law. This appears clearly from the Constitution that ring-fenced customary law from any constitutional scrutiny. A customary practice may continue even if it discriminates against women and children. As a result of this, numerous human rights of children are infringed. Firstly, if parents are married under customary law and separated, the custody is granted to the father and the mother merely having the right to visit. Secondly, female children are not entitled to inherit property. Thirdly, there is no age for marriage under customary law and even a child at the age of 10 years can get married. Lastly, marital power of a husband still continues under customary law and therefore females are still treated as perpetual minors. The latter infringement of rights is not in the best interests of children and conflicts with Botswana’s international obligations. Botswana is a signatory of various international and regional human rights instruments and it is suggested that it has to accelerate the incorporation of human rights instruments into domestic law in order to safeguard the best interest of children.

Keywords: custody, marital power, children's best interest, customary law

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Authors: Mariam Begadze

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Separation of Powers (SOP) has often been the most frequently posed objection against the judicial enforcement of socio-economic rights. Although a lot has been written to refute those, very rarely has it been assessed what effect the current practice of social rights adjudication has had on the construction of SOP doctrine in specific jurisdictions. Colombia is an appropriate case-study on this question. The notion of collaborative SOP in the 1991 Constitution has affected the court’s conception of its role. On the other hand, the trends in the jurisprudence have further shaped the collaborative notion of SOP. Other institutional characteristics of the Colombian constitutional law have played its share role as well. Tutela action, particularly flexible and fast judicial action for individuals has placed the judiciary in a more confrontational relation vis-à-vis the political branches. Later interventions through abstract review of austerity measures further contributed to that development. Logically, the court’s activism in this sphere has attracted attacks from political branches, which have turned out to be unsuccessful precisely due to court’s outreach to the middle-class, whose direct reliance on the court has turned into its direct democratic legitimacy. Only later have the structural judgments attempted to revive the collaborative notion behind SOP doctrine. However, the court-supervised monitoring process of implementation has itself manifested fluctuations in the mode of collaboration, moving into more managerial supervision recently. This is not surprising considering the highly dysfunctional political system in Colombia, where distrust seems to be the default starting point in the interaction of the branches. The paper aims to answer the question, what the appropriate judicial tools are to realize the collaborative notion of SOP in a context where the court has to strike a balance between the strong executive and the weak and largely dysfunctional legislative branch. If the recurrent abuse lies in the indifference and inaction of legislative branches to engage with political issues seriously, what are the tools in the court’s hands to activate the political process? The answer to this question partly lies in the court’s other strand of jurisprudence, in which it combines substantive objections with procedural ones concerning the operation of the legislative branch. The primary example is the decision on value-added tax on basic goods, in which the court invalidated the law based on the absence of sufficient deliberation in Congress on the question of the bills’ implications on the equity and progressiveness of the entire taxing system. The decision led to Congressional rejection of an identical bill based on the arguments put forward by the court. The case perhaps is the best illustration of the collaborative notion of SOP, in which the court refrains from categorical pronouncements, while does its bit for activating political process. This also legitimizes the court’s activism based on its role to counter the most perilous abuse in the Colombian context – failure of the political system to seriously engage with serious political questions.

Keywords: Colombian constitutional court, judicial review, separation of powers, social rights

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Authors: Amrisha Pandey

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Indian constitution has distributed the powers to govern and legislate between the centre and the state governments based on the list of subject-matter provided in the seventh schedule. By that schedule, the states are authorized to regulate the water resource within their territory. However, the centre/union government is authorized to regulate the inter-state water disputes. The powers entrusted to the union government mainly deals with the sharing of river water which flows through the territory of two or more states. For that purpose, a provision enumerated in Article 262 of the Constitution of India which empowers the parliament to resolve any such inter-state river water dispute. Therefore, the parliament has enacted the - ‘Inter-State River Water Dispute Tribunal, Act’, which allows the central/union government to constitute the tribunal for the adjudication of the disputes and expressly bars the jurisdiction of the judiciary in the concerned matter. This arrangement was intended to resolve the dispute using political or diplomatic means, without deliberately interfering with the sovereign power of the states to govern the water resource. The situation in present context is complicated and sensitive. Due to the change in climatic conditions; increasing demand for the limited resource; and the advanced understanding of the freshwater cycle, which is missing from the existing legal regime. The obsolete legal and political tools, the existing legislative mechanism and the institutional units do not seem to accommodate the rising challenge to regulate the resource. Therefore, resulting in the rise of the politicization of the inter-state water disputes. Against this background, this paper will investigate the inter-state river water dispute in India and will critically analyze the ability of the existing constitutional, and institutional units involved in the task. Moreover, the competence of the tribunal as the adjudicating body in present context will be analyzed using the long ongoing inter-state water dispute in India – The Cauvery Water Dispute, as the case study. To conduct the task undertaken in this paper the doctrinal methodology of the research is adopted. The disputes will also be investigated through the lens of sovereignty, which is accorded to the states using the theory of ‘separation of power’ and the ‘grant of internal sovereignty’, to its federal units of governance. The issue of sovereignty in this paper is discussed in two ways: 1) as the responsibility of the state - to govern the resource; and 2) as the obligation of the state - to govern the resource, arising from the sovereign power of the state. Furthermore, the duality of the sovereign power coexists in this analysis; the overall sovereign authority of the nation-state, and the internal sovereignty of the states as its federal units of governance. As a result, this investigation will propose institutional, legislative and judicial reforms. Additionally, it will suggest certain amendments to the existing constitutional provisions in order to avoid the contradictions in their scope and meaning in the light of the advanced hydrological understanding.

Keywords: constitution of India, federalism, inter-state river water dispute tribunal of India, sovereignty

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Authors: Tosin Osasona

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The Nigeria Police Force bears the constitutional mandate as the primary policing agency for the protection of life and property within Nigeria; however, the police have an historical ill-reputation for corruption, ineptitude and impunity. Using the institutional theory of police as the framework of analysis, the paper argues that the performance of the police in Nigeria mirrors the dominant political, social and economic institutions and the structural environment of the Nigerian state. The article puts in perspective the deliberate political decision to underfund the police, leaving officers of the force the extra task of foraging for funds to undertake the duty that the Nigeria state primarily exists for; the article further explores the nexus between corruption in the police in Nigeria and the issue of funding. The article finds that the Nigerian state, by deliberately under-funding the police, while expecting the agency to perform its duties, has indirectly sanctioned the corruption of the force and approved the cooption of the institution of police and policing for private use in Nigeria.

Keywords: Police Corruption, Funding , Informal Taxation, POlice Checkpoint

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Authors: Jan Podkowik

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The article discusses issues of mutual relationships of human dignity and personal autonomy. According to constitutions of many countries and international human rights law, human dignity is a fundamental and inviolable value. It is the source of all freedoms and rights, including personal autonomy. Human dignity, as an inherent, inalienable and non-gradable value comprising an attribute of all people, justifies freedom of action according to one's will and following one's vision of good life. On the other hand, human dignity imposes immanent restrictions to personal autonomy regarding decisions on commercialization of the one’s body, etc. It points to the paradox of dignity – the source of freedom and conditions (basic) of its limitations. The paper shows the theoretical concept of human dignity as an objective value among legal systems, determining the boundaries of legal protection of personal autonomy. It is not, therefore, the relevant perception of human dignity and freedom as opposite values. Reference point has been made the normative provisions of the Polish Constitution and the European Convention on Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms as well as judgments of constitutional courts.

Keywords: autonomy, constitution, human dignity, human rights

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Authors: Elkington Sibusiso Mnguni

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Although South Africa has made good progress in providing basic water and sanitation services to its citizens, there is still a large section of the population that has no access to these services. This paper reviews the performance of the government’s municipal infrastructure grant programme in providing basic water and sanitation services which are part of the constitutional requirements to the citizens. The method used to gather data and information was a desk top study which sought to review the progress made in rolling out the programme. The successes and challenges were highlighted and possible solutions were identified that can accelerate the elimination of the remaining backlogs and improve the level of service to the citizens. Currently, approximately 6.5 million citizens are without access to basic water services and approximately 10 million are without access to basic sanitation services.

Keywords: grant, municipal infrastructure, sanitation, services, water

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Authors: Ahmet Ekinci

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The new government system of Turkey can be described as hyper-presidentialism, this is because the president then becomes the arbiter of all powers. In another word, the power to enact decrees, appoint bureaucrats and judicial officials into offices, and the power to dissolve a parliament belongs solely to the president. As a strong presidency fuse with a disciplined party system as well as concurrent elections and 10 percent electoral threshold, the president possibly poses a great danger to the separation of powers. Additionally, with regards to the presidential term, the president constitutionally holds the power to be elected only for two terms in Turkey. However, Erdoğan and his supporters believe that the 2017 constitutional amendments that changed the system of government have reset the agenda. Thus, the 2017 amendments offered Erdoğan a secret opportunity to join the presidential election race for a third and even a fourth term.

Keywords: hyper-presidentialism, Turkish presidentialism, presidential decree, concurrent election, Erdogan’s term limit, Turkish government system

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Authors: Thiago R. Pereira

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The philosophical hermeneutics is able to change the Brazilian Judiciary because of the understanding of the characteristics of the human being. It is impossible for humans, to be invested in the function of being a judge, making absolutely neutral decisions, but the philosophical hermeneutics can assist the judge making impartial decisions, based on the federal constitution. The normative legal positivism imagined a neutral judge, a judge able to try without any preconceived ideas, without allowing his/her background to influence him/her. When a judge arbitrates based on legal rules, the problem is smaller, but when there are no clear legal rules, and the judge must try based on principles, the risk of the decision is based on what they believe in. Solipsistically, this issue gains a huge dimension. Today, the Brazilian judiciary is independent, but there must be a greater knowledge of philosophy and the philosophy of law, partially because the bigger problem is the unpredictability of decisions made by the judiciary. Actually, when a lawsuit is filed, the result of this judgment is absolutely unpredictable. It is almost a gamble. There must be the slightest legal certainty and predictability of judicial decisions, so that people, with similar cases, may not receive opposite sentences. The relativism, since classical antiquity, believes in the possibility of multiple answers. Since the Greeks in in the sixth century before Christ, through the Germans in the eighteenth century, and even today, it has been established the constitution as the great law, the Groundnorm, and thus, the relativism of life can be greatly reduced when a hermeneut uses the Constitution as North interpretational, where all interpretation must act as the hermeneutic constitutional filter. For a current philosophy of law, that inside a legal system with a Federal Constitution, there is a single correct answer to a specific case. The challenge is how to find this right answer. The only answer to this question will be that we should use the constitutional principles. But in many cases, a collision between principles will take place, and to resolve this issue, the judge or the hermeneut will choose a solipsism way, using what they personally believe to be the right one. For obvious reasons, that conduct is not safe. Thus, a theory of decision is necessary to seek justice, and the hermeneutic philosophy and the linguistic turn will be necessary for one to find the right answer. In order to help this difficult mission, it will be necessary to use philosophical hermeneutics in order to find the right answer, which is the constitutionally most appropriate response. The constitutionally appropriate response will not always be the answer that individuals agree to, but we must put aside our preferences and defend the answer that the Constitution gives us. Therefore, the hermeneutics applied to Law, in search constitutionally appropriate response, should be the safest way to avoid judicial individual decisions. The aim of this paper is to present the science of law starting from the linguistic turn, the philosophical hermeneutics, moving away from legal positivism. The methodology used in this paper is qualitative, academic and theoretical, philosophical hermeneutics with the mission to conduct research proposing a new way of thinking about the science of law. The research sought to demonstrate the difficulty of the Brazilian courts to depart from the secular influence of legal positivism. Moreover, the research sought to demonstrate the need to think science of law within a contemporary perspective, where the linguistic turn, philosophical hermeneutics, will be the surest way to conduct the science of law in the present century.

Keywords: hermeneutic, right answer, solipsism, Brazilian judiciary

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Authors: Zoe Polk

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In cities across the US, race continues to predict an individual’s likelihood to be employed, to receive a quality education, to live in a safe neighborhood, to life expectancy to contacts with the criminal justice system. Deep and pervasive disparities exist despite laws enacted at the federal, state and local level to eliminate discrimination. This paper examines the strengths of the U.S. civil rights movement in making discrimination a moral issue. Following the passage of the 1964 Civil Rights Act, cities throughout the US adopted laws that mirror the language, theories of practice and enforcement of the law. This paper argues that while those laws were relevant to the way discrimination was conducted in that time, they are limited in their ability to help cities address discrimination today. This paper reviews health indicators This paper concludes that in order for cities to create environments where race no longer predicts one’s success, cities must conduct institutional and structural racism audits.

Keywords: racism, racial equity, constitutional law, social justice

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Authors: Tim Bakken

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The paper will discuss to what extent political polarization contributes to censorship, lack of civil discourse, and even violence. Most researchers have been unable to identify precisely what factors or processes contribute significantly to conflict. Absent such recognition, we have been unable to select effective remedies to address conflict. Through this paper, it will consider whether legal remedies can help to reduce conflict and polarization. My sense is that many current conflicts cannot be remedied primarily by law. But, there is little research on this hypothesis. Absent research and findings, nations may be looking to law for relief when, in fact, they should be looking at conditions underlying the formation of law or the absence of a more precise and effective legal remedy. It is hypothesized that the underlying reasons for conflict include sub-groups’ separation from the larger democratic society; misplaced loyalty to members of sub-groups; a culture of silence when recognizing wrongdoing; and retaliation against people who speak up. In sum, the greater distance citizens or institutions place between themselves and democratic norms, the more likely the members of a sub-group or institution will be to adopt conflict, even violence, as a method to obtain personal goals.

Keywords: constitutional law, conflict, criminal law, polarization

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