Search results for: U.S. president

Authors: Ya Ting Tang

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Social learning theory has told us that the cognitions of gender roles come from learning. Thus, the images of gender roles which media describes will shape our cognitions. Taiwan and Japan are both in the East Asian cultural Sphere, and more or less influenced by the traditional Chinese culture. But our social structure and changes must be different. Others, the study also concerns that, with the rise of female consciousness in society, whether the female stereotype in drama of Taiwan and Japan are improved. This research first uses content analysis to analyze drama of Taiwan and Japan in 2003 and 2013 on how to shape female roles. Then use text analysis to conduct a qualitative analysis. Result of this study showed that drama on how to depict women indeed have changed, women are no longer just talk about love, but can serve as president or doctor, and show its mettle in the workplace. In Japanese drama, the female roles have diverse occupation than Taiwanese drama, and not just a background character set. But in most Taiwanese drama, female roles are given a career, but it always put emphasis on women emotionally. To include, although the stereotype in the drama of Taiwan and Japan are improved, female will still be derided due to their ages, love or marriage situations. Taiwanese drama must depict the occupation of female more diverse and let the female roles have more space to play, rather than focusing on romance which women of any occupation can have.

Keywords: female images, stereotype, TV drama, gender roles

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Authors: Rufat Nuriyev

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Located in the eastern part of the Republic of Azerbaijan and on the western shore of the Caspian Sea, Gobustan National Reserve was inscribed as Gobustan Rock Art Cultural Landscape into the World Heritage List in 2007. Gobustan is an outstanding rock art landscape, where over 6000 rock engravings were found and registered, since the end of Upper Paleolithic up to the Middle Ages. Being a rock art center, the Gobustan seeks to stimulate public awareness and disseminate knowledge of prehistoric art to enrich educational, cultural and artistic communities regionally, nationally and internationally. Due to the Decree of the President of the Republic of Azerbaijan and the “Action Plan” , planned actions started to realize. Some of them implemented before of stipulated date. For the attraction of visitors and improvement of service quality in the museum-reserve, various activities are organized. The building of a new museum center at the foot of the Beyukdash Mountain has been completed in 2011. Main aims of the new museum building and exhibition was to provide better understanding of the importance of this monument for local community, Azerbaijanian culture and the world. In the Petroglyph Museum at Gobustan, digital and traditional media are closely integrated to reveal the complexity of historical, cultural and artistic meaning of prehistoric rock carvings of Gobustan. Alongside with electronic devices, the visitor gets opportunity of direct contact with artifacts and ancient rock carvings.

Keywords: Azerbaijan, Gobustan, rock art, museum

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Authors: Uluhan Berk Ondul

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This article aims to shed light on the new stage of transitional justice in Argentina through examining the representations of the 2x1 decision of the Supreme Court and Santiago Maldonado’s Disappearance in the newspaper, La Nación. The two events hold the key to understanding Argentina’s journey since return to democracy as they are about the same crimes of the dictatorship, namely, the forced disappearance of civilians and the subsequent impunity that follows. In the case of a convicted torturer, The Supreme Court of Argentina ruled on 3rd of May 2017 that the days spent in preventive detention after two years should be counted double for the overall sentence. This court decision was met with severe resistance from the members of the parliament as well as the human rights movement. The second item on the list still continues and divides the country into two camps: (1) those who think that the police force has committed another act of forced disappearance in the case of activist Santiago Maldonado and (2) the others who blame the peronistas (the party and supporters of the ex-president Cristina Fernandez de Kirchner) of using this subject as a means to score political points. As a newspaper known for its proximity to the current administration, La Nación offers an insight to the direction of the country and also demonstrates how the neoliberal mindset works. The results of the study show that the transitional justice process in Argentina is far from being complete as the Promise of Nunca Más is still not a shared value but a political statement.

Keywords: Argentina, Fallo 2x1, impunity, Santiago Maldonado, transitional justice

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Authors: Laila Shikaki

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‘Writings about Home’ discusses the poetry of Palestinian American female poets, especially ones who write about their homelands, living away from home, as well as their family ties to the land. This is a paper about poetry, but it is also about Palestinian American women who use English to convey issues pertaining to homesickness, family, and language. She study poems by Naomi Shihab Nye and Natalie Hanal. In ‘My Father and the Fig Tree,’ for example, Nye depicts her father’s life away from Palestine and his attachment to a tree that represents his homeland and nostalgia. Nye’s style is diverse and unified, and her attention is to details and images. While her words and imagery are usually simple, they are always rich in meaning. Nathalie Handal’s poetry, on the other hand, has a more complicated, multi-layered, and nuanced style as the poet herself lived in many areas and spoke multiple languages. ‘Bethlehem,’ for instance, depicts her city of origin, recalling her grandfather. Her poem ‘Blue Hours’ illustrates a persona’s difficulty in belonging, switching from one language to the next, and feeling a betrayal in both. This paper pays attention to language and how being bilingual adds another level of exile and pain to those who have fled or were forced to leave Palestine. This paper is very timely as the issue of Palestinian freedom and its right to autonomy and self-determination is the central stage for many Americans, seen in their protests, university encampments, and graduation ceremonies, not forgetting its effect on voters’ decisions for president and elected officials.

Keywords: Palestinian American, poetry, homeland, Nye, Handal

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Authors: Judith Mwakalonge, Geophrey Mbatta, Cuthbert Ruseruka, Gurcan Comert, Saidi Siuhi

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Recent advancements in technology have fostered the development of Electric Vehicles (EVs) that provides relief from transportation dependence on natural fossil fuels as sources of energy. It is estimated that more than 50% of petroleum is used for transportation, which accounts for 28% of annual energy use. Vehicles make up about 82% of all transportation energy use. It is also estimated that about 22% of global Carbon dioxide (CO2) emissions are produced by the transportation sector, therefore, it raises environmental concerns. Governments worldwide, including the United States, are investing in developing EVs to resolve the issues related to the use of natural fossil fuels, such as air pollution due to emissions. For instance, the Bipartisan Infrastructure Law (BIL) that was signed by President Biden on November 15th, 2021, sets aside about $5 billion to be apportioned to all 50 states, the District of Columbia, and Puerto Rico for the development of EV chargers. These chargers should be placed in a way that maximizes their utility. This study aims at studying the charging behaviors of Electric Vehicle (EV) users to establish factors to be considered in the selection of charging locations. The study will focus on social-economic and land use data by studying the relationship between charging time and charging locations. Local factors affecting the charging time and the chargers’ utility will be investigated.

Keywords: electric vehicles, EV charging stations, social economic factors, charging networks

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Authors: Maryam Esfandiari, Bohdan Fridrich

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On December 28, 2017, a wave of protests erupted in several Iranian cities. Protesters demonstrated against the president, Hasan Rohani, and theocratical nature of the regime. Iran has a recent history with protest movements, such as Green Movement responsible for demonstrations after 2009 Iranian presidential election. However, the 2017/2018 protests differ from the previous ones in terms of organization and agenda. The events show little to no central organization and seem as being sparked by grass root movements and by citizens’ fatigue of government corruption, authoritarianism, and economic problems of the country. Social media has played important role in communicating the protests to the outside world and also in general coordination. By using content analyses, this paper analyzes the visual content of Twitter posts published during the protests. It aims to find the correlation between their decentralized nature and nature of the tweets – either emotionally arousing or efficiency-elicit. Pictures are searched by hashtags and coded by their content, such as ‘crowds,’ ‘protest activities,’ ‘symbols of unity,’ ‘violence,’ ‘iconic figures,’ etc. The study determines what type of content prevails and what type is the most impactful in terms of reach. This study contributes to understanding the role of social media both as a tool and a space in protest organization and portrayal in countries with limited Internet access.

Keywords: twitter, Iran, collective action, protest

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Authors: Zafar Iqbal

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This article aims at analyzing the U.S.-Taliban peace deal considering the cross- pressures that both parties (U.S. and Taliban) faced and eventually paved the way for a negotiated settlement to the two-decade-long war. The paper first discusses the peace process initiated by President Obama in 2009 and then explores the factors that compelled both the parties to sign this deal. The study is based on secondary data and interviews done with the leading experts on Afghanistan along with the Taliban Qatar office spokesperson’s interview. The theoretical framework is based on the interplay of diplomacy and domestic politics: two-level games logic proposed by Robert D. Putnam. The two-level games suggest that actors involved in negotiations face cross-pressures and are constrained both by the expectations of the domestic audience and their counterpart’s zone of possible agreement. This paper will take the cross pressures for both sides as the permissive factors for the entire process of negotiations. However, there will be a slight aberration in the application of Putnam’s two-level games. In this case, it is not inter-state negotiations but between an all-powerful state and the unyielding non-state actors. The study concludes that both the parties faced domestic as well as international pressure which compelled them to sign a deal that could lead to an end of the two-decade-long war. Furthermore, it looks at the potential prospects and challenges of the deal following the U.S. withdrawal.

Keywords: neo-Taliban insurgency, negotiations, two-level game, U.S.-Taliban peace deal, U.S. withdrawal

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Authors: Ray Maximillian, Idil Syawfi

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Indonesia’s Exclusive Economic Zone and the infamous China’s nine-dash line are intersected in Natuna waters. Even though from Indonesia perspective, that line does not possess any legal basis, China treat that line as their national boundaries, therefore allowing Chinese fishermen to fish in the area. Under President Joko Widodo leadership, Indonesia which now focusing to suppress illegal fishing cases while emphasizing their maritime sovereignty is facing an imminent threat from China’s presence in Natuna. Tension between these countries spiked after three incident happened on 2016, especially after Indonesian navy shot Chinese fishermen vessel that suspected doing illegal fishing activity. This action seen as an attempt to secure Indonesia’s law enforcement in their waters after several months before such attempt was intervened by Chinese coast guard. Indonesia tries to securitize this issue to justify the shooting they done to Chinese vessels. In the process of securitization, it is imperative to identify the existential threat that leads to implementation of emergency measures which responded by units in the cases. Chinese coast guard presence in Natuna perceived as an existential threat to Indonesia, therefore, responded by shooting to Chinese vessels on the next encounter. This action then responded by Chinese government who said that there is overlapping claim between them and Indonesia in Natuna.

Keywords: China, illegal fishing, Indonesia, natuna, securitization

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Authors: Mohamamd Ayish

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This study addresses media diplomacy as an integral component of public diplomacy which emerged in the United States in the post-World War II era and found applications in other countries around the world. The study seeks to evolve a conceptual framework for understanding the practice of public diplomacy through social networks, often referred to as social engagement diplomacy. This form of diplomacy is considered far more ahead of the other two forms associated with both government controlled and independent media. The cases of the Voice of America Arabic Service and the 1977 CBS interviews with the late Egyptian President Anwar Sadat and Israeli Prime Minister Menachem Begin are cited in this study as reflecting the two traditional models. The new social engagement model sees public diplomacy as an act of communication that seeks to effect changes in target audiences through a process of persuasion shaped by discourse orientations and technological features. The proposed conceptual framework for social, diplomatic engagement draws on an open communication environment, an empowered audience, an interactive and symmetrical process of communication, multimedia-based flows of information, direct and credible feedback, distortion and high risk. The writer believes this study would be helpful in providing appropriate knowledge pertaining to our understanding of social diplomacy and furnishing concrete insights into how diplomats could harness virtual space to maximize their goals in the global environment.

Keywords: diplomacy, engagement, social, globalization

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Authors: Jazmi Adlan Bohari, I. Dewa Ketut Kerta Widana

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Education on disaster management has been made as a mainstream focus of many countries. In Indonesia, this has been emphasized with the direct order of the President of Indonesia to implement disaster education at all levels in both formal and informal education. Indonesia Defense University (IDU) executes this order through Three Pillars of Higher Education, which consists of research, education, and community service. One of them is a five-day disaster management training for 105 participants divided into three batches that consist of faculty members and graduate students. This training uses the 2018 Basic Disaster Management Training Modul issued by the Indonesia National Disaster Management Agency (BNPB). This research aims to analyze the impact of this short training on the trainee’s knowledge and understanding of basic disaster management. This study is a qualitative research with case study approach. The research shows that after five days of training, there as a significant increase in knowledge and understanding of basic disaster management experienced by the trainees with a 61,73% overall increase. The post-training data shows that 61% of the trainees have a very good understanding, 24% with good understanding, 13% with adequate understanding, and 2% with poor understanding. The result suggests that a short-time education with a structured curriculum can successfully increase the knowledge and understanding of disaster management on a basic level and can hypothetically contribute to the effort to reduce disaster risks.

Keywords: disaster education, basic disaster management training, three Pillars of Higher Education, disaster risk reduction

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Authors: Mbuzeni Mathenjwa

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Upon their independence, most African countries adopted constitutions that proclaim respect for the rule of law. The decision to constitutionalise the rule of law is basically informed by the countries’ experience during the colonial era which was characterised by discrimination on various grounds including race, gender and religion. Despite the promise to be bound by and adhere to the rule of law, disrespect for the rule of law has become a norm in the African continent. This is evident from the reported incidence of abuse of power, failure to perform obligations imposed by law and flagrant disregard of the law by the Executive including the heads of states in the continent. In some African countries including South Africa, the courts of law have been approached to rule on the legality of the decisions of the executives, taken contrary to the prescripts of the law. South African Courts have laid down a number of decisions wherein they found that the conduct of the executive contravenes the rule of law. Consequently decisions of the executive have been declared invalid by courts. In this regard courts have become a safety net in preserving the rule of law in. Accordingly, this paper discusses the role of the courts in preserving the rule of law in Africa. This it does by explaining the notion of judicial independence and the doctrine of the rule of law. The explanation on the notion of judicial independence is relevant because only an independent judiciary can effectively review and set aside the decision of the executive including the president of a country. Furthermore, a comparative overview of the enforcement of the rule of law in African countries is done. The methods used for this research is literature review, and study of legislation and case law in selected African countries relating to the independence of the judiciary and the rule of law. Finally, a conclusion is drawn on the role of the independent judiciary to preserve the rule of law in Africa.

Keywords: Africa, constitutions, independence, judiciary

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Authors: Felsy J. Sandi

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There is a potential of growth in the spa industry due to the influx of domestic and international tourist coming to Sabah, Malaysia. It is a good opportunity to venture into this industry for the country’s economic future growth, and therefore, it is essential for this area to be researched. Being one of the fastest growing industries in the world, has led to enormous challenges, which need to be addressed. Malaysia is also riding with this phenomenon. The President of the Malaysian Association of Wellness and Spa stated that the misconception about the Spa industry’s image, especially amongst the elderly is the biggest challenge faced by the industry, as they perceived the spa industry is equivalent to a prostitution center. Therefore, the objective of this study is to explore the issue by analyzing whether image can be added in the theory of planned behavior to better understand the consumer’s intention to visit, in the spa context. The Theory of Planned Behavior by Ajzen, a theory or model in predicting intention, has three constructs; such as Attitude as the first construct, the second construct is Subjective Norm and the third construct is Perceived Behavioral Control. Qualitative research is used as this is an exploratory research. The site of study will be at Jari Jari Spa, located in Kota Kinabalu, the only spa in Sabah that was awarded as the Center of Excellence (CoE) by the Ministry of Tourism and Culture in Malaysia. The findings propose to provide useful information to the relevant stakeholders on ways to approach local customers to convince them to visit the spa and for spa marketers to help them develop and design effective marketing strategies. Future investigation should consider more on the perception and loyalty of the local customers.

Keywords: consumer's perception, image, local customer, spa, visit intention

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Authors: Uche A. Nnawulezi

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Over the past decades, the acquisition and utilization of nuclear energy have remained a standout amongst the most intractable issues which past world leaders have unsuccessfully endeavored to grapple with. This study analyzes the present advancement and enactment on the acquisition and utilization of nuclear energy in contemporary international law. It seeks to address international co-operations in the field of nuclear energy by looking at what nuclear energy is all about and how it came into being. It also seeks to address concerns expressed by a few researchers on the position of nuclear law in the most extensive domain of the law by looking at the authoritative procedure for nuclear law, system of arrangements and traditions. This study also agrees in favour of treaty on non-proliferation of nuclear weapons based on human right and humanitarian principles that are not duly moral, but also legal ones. Specifically, the past development activities on nuclear weapon and the practical system of the nuclear energy institute will be inspected. The study noted among others, former president Obama's remark on nuclear energy and Pakistan nuclear policies and its attendant outcomes. Essentially, we depended on documentary evidence and henceforth scooped a great part of the data from secondary sources. The study emphatically advocates for the adoption of absolute liability principles and setting up of a viability trust fund, all of which will help in sustaining global peace where global best practices in acquisition and use of nuclear energy will be widely accepted in the contemporary international law. Essentially, the fundamental proposals made in this paper if completely adopted, might go far in fortifying the present advancement and enactment on the application and utilization of nuclear energy and accordingly, addressing a portion of the intractable issues under international law.

Keywords: nuclear energy, international law, acquisition, development

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Authors: Mike Omilusi

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Since the Buhari administration came to power, it has gained the people’s confidence with its anti-corruption efforts. Making culprits account for their past unlawful deeds, in a very determined and aggressive manner ever witnessed in the nation’s political history, generates different reactions among Nigerians. However, some questions remain pertinent to this study: Are Nigerians really advocating persecution or prosecution in respect of the graft suspects? Do they want conviction without being convinced? Is their outburst propelled by emotions and revengeful anticipation of having suspected looters of the nation’s commonwealth behind bars? Can the war be successfully fought without resorting to impunity? Relying extensively on secondary sources with the aid of descriptive and narrative tools, this study seeks to interrogate the claim of fundamental human rights in the face of wanton looting of the nation’s resources. If, as opined by President Buhari, corruption is a crime against humanity, then it is argued that those who commit such crime should be subjected to penalties prescribed by law. Such crime -as corruption in this study- deprives the citizens of welfare, social amenities and good things of life. In this instance, it also poses threats to national security, having misappropriated funds meant for the war against the Boko Haram terrorism as revealed by the anti-corruption agency in the country. A theoretically-driven investigation, this essay raises some expectations within the context of good governance-propelled anti-corruption crusade, making modest recommendations as to how corruption should be prevented and combated within the confine of rule of law.

Keywords: corruption, rule of law, human rights, prosecution, commonwealth

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Authors: Omar Khalifah

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The emergence of Muhammad Fadel’s 1996 film ‘Nasser 56’ ushered in a new era in Egyptian cinema. Not only was it the first biographical film of late Egyptian president Gamal ‘Abdel Nasser (1918-1970); it also broke a long-accepted taboo against cinematic depiction of modern political leaders. Passionately received by Egyptians and Arabs throughout the world, the success of ‘Nasser 56’ empowered other filmmakers to follow Fadel’s suit. Interestingly, the three biographical films that followed had, completely or partially, a Nasser dimension. In addition to another biographical film of Nasser, Anwar al-Qawadri’s ‘Gamal ‘Abdel Nasser’ (1999); Muhammad Khan’s ‘Ayyam al-Sadat (Days of Sadat)’ (2001), and Sherif Arafa’s ‘Halim (Halim)’ (2006) portray, as the titles clearly suggest, two significant figures whose lives thoroughly intersected with Nasser’s - Nasser’s successor Anwar al-Sadat and the legendary singer Abdel Halim Hafiz. Expectedly, therefore, Nasser himself is abundantly referenced in those films, albeit differently. This paper seeks to examine the ways in which Egyptian filmmakers impersonate Nasser on the screen. Starting with scholarly definitions of the biopic, the paper will first ponder the reasons that have made the biopic an unattractive genre to Egyptian filmmakers. It will then argue that the popularity of Nasser and his wide appeal to the public has transformed the status of the biopic genre in Egyptian cinema. However, the impersonation of Nasser in the four films above proved a daunting mission to filmmakers. As this paper will show, unless he is the main character, the reenactment of Nasser in films will constantly pose dilemmas to filmmakers, a few of which will be discussed in this paper.

Keywords: Ahmad Zaki, bio-pictures, Egyptian cinema, Nasser, Nasser 56

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Authors: Nadeem Akhtar, An Ran, Cornelius B. Pratt

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China’s President Xi' vision of Belt and Road Initiative, an infrastructural project of development and connectivity, is attracting international students to Chinese universities, with Pakistan and India among the top-10 countries of origin of those students (Ministry of Education China, 2018). An additional factor in international students’ interest in Chinese universities is their improving global rankings of Chinese universities. Against that backdrop, this study addresses two overarching questions: (a) What factors explain South Asian students’ study-away experiences, particularly in their multicultural environments? and (b) What role do new media play in their adaptation to that environment? This study is guided by Stephen’s (2011) theoretical model, which suggests that social networks influence immigrants’ interactions with host and home culture. The present study used a structured questionnaire distributed through both WeChat and other online platforms to international students studying in Chinese universities. Preliminary results are threefold: (a) that the frequency of use of social media is a predictor of the level of adjustment of the students to their multicultural environment; (b) that social engagement with their international-student peers is a moderating factor in their experiential outcomes; and (c) length of stay in Chinese universities, surprisingly, was not a predictor of adaptation. A major implication of these findings is that, even though social media tend to be criticized for contributing to anomie and to diminishing social capital among youths and millennials, they can be poignant tools for cultural adaptation, particularly among international students in China. It remains to be seen if such outcomes occur among international students in other countries or world regions.

Keywords: adaptation, China's Belt and Road Initiative, international students, social media

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Authors: John Tate

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In 2004, the French Parliament banned the “hijab” in public schools, and in 2010 it prohibited the “burqa” and “niqab” in “public places.” The result was a “secular” outcome involving the removal of these garments, often identified with Islamic religious and cultural practice, from the French public sphere. Yet in 2016, the French local council bans on the “burqini” were overruled by France’s highest administrative court, the Conseil d’État, allowing for their retention in the public sphere. Unlike the burqa and hijab bans, the burqini bans produced significant divisions at the highest echelons of the French political class, with the Prime Minister, Manuel Valls, and the President, François Hollande, finding themselves at odds on the issue. This article seeks to achieve four aims. It seeks to (a) explain the contrary outcomes between key French state institutions, such as the Conseil d’État and the French Parliament, concerning the hijab and burqa bans, and the Conseil d’État and French local councils, concerning the burqini bans; (b) to do so by identifying two qualitatively distinct, and at times incompatible, conceptions of laïcité, present within official French public discourse, and applied by these French state institutions to underwrite these respective outcomes; (c) explain why, given these contrary conceptions of laïcité, and these contrary outcomes, the widespread identification of laïcité with “secularism” is both misleading and inaccurate; and (d) provide an explanation why senior members of the French political class were divided on the burqini bans when they were not divided on the nation-wide prohibitions of the hijab in public schools and the burqa in public places. In regard to this last question, the article seeks to ask why the Burqini was “different”?

Keywords: liberalism, republicanism, laïcité, citizenship

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Authors: N. Bekenova, A. Aitkaliyev, B. Kassiyeva, T. Vochshenkova

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Cardiac autonomic neuropathy is not always detected in diabetes, and its phenotypic manifestations may not be evident. Therefore, the study of genetic markers predisposing to the disease is gaining increasing relevance. Research Objective: The goal is to investigate the association of polymorphisms in the APOE and FTO genes with cardiac autonomic neuropathy among individuals of Kazakh nationality. Materials and Methods: A case-control study included 147 patients with cardiac autonomic neuropathy (cases) and 153 patients without cardiac autonomic neuropathy (controls). 300 individuals of Kazakh nationality were recruited from a hospital affiliated with the RSE ‘Medical Centre Hospital of the President's Affairs Administration of the Republic of Kazakhstan.’ Patients were genotyped for 5 FTO gene polymorphisms (rs17817449, rs1121980, rs11075995, rs9939609, rs12149832) and 2 APOE gene polymorphisms (rs429358, rs7412) using real-time PCR. Statistical analysis involved Chi-square methods and calculation of odds ratios (OR) with 95% confidence intervals (CI) and was performed using the Gen Expert genetic calculator. Results. Our research revealed an association between cardiac autonomic neuropathy and rs12149832 (FTO) and rs429358 (APOE). The AA genotype of the rs12149832 polymorphism was found to double the risk of neuropathy development, while the GA genotype decreased the risk of autonomic neuropathy (2.21 (1.38-3.52) and 0.61 (0.38-0.96), respectively, p=0.003). Additionally, we identified that the TC genotype of rs429358 predisposes individuals to the development of cardiac autonomic neuropathy, while the CC genotype decreases the risk (2.23 (1.18-4.22) and 0.26 (0.03-2.31), respectively). Conclusion. Thus, polymorphisms in the APOE and FTO genes (rs429358 and rs12149832) are associated with a predisposition to cardiac autonomic neuropathy and may play a significant role in the pathogenesis of the disease. Further research with a larger sample size and an assessment of their impact on the phenotype is necessary.

Keywords: polymorphisms, APOE gene, FTO gene, automatic neuropathy, Kazakh population.

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Authors: Ebru Nergiz

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The world is facing one of the biggest refugee crisis’ in history as hundred thousands of refugees who run away from the battle and genocide in the Middle East are travelling illegally to reach Europe over the Mediterranean and Aegean Sea. The number of refugees has reached huge numbers due to the civil war that was caused by the Arab Spring. The number of asylum applications to the European Union has also increased in parallel with the increase in the number of refugees. The conflict in Syria between the government of Bashar Al-Assad and various other forces, which started in the spring of 2011, continues to cause displacement within the country and across the region. The refugee situation caused by the Syrian conflict has placed enormous strain on neighboring countries Lebanon, Jordan, Iraq, Egypt, and especially Turkey. Turkey hosts massive numbers of Syrian refugees, almost 3 million and Syrians have been seeking protection in increasing numbers. The refugee crisis has affected the relationships between Turkey and the European Union deeply. President of the European Council Donald Tusk chaired a meeting of EU heads of state or government with Turkey on 29 November 2015. The meeting opened a new era in the relationships between Turkey and the European Union in terms of the migration crisis. The EU and Turkey agreed to negotiate Turkey's accession process to the European Union and to hold regular summits on Turkey-EU relations and discuss these issues. This paper looks at the reasons and consequences of the European refugee crisis and its effects on Turkey- European Union relationships. This paper also argues that the European Union has not sufficiently contributed toward alleviating the burden caused by the refugee influx, in terms of both financial assistance and refugee resettlement. The European Union’s priority is to guarantee that the lowest possible number of refugees reach Europe rather than to ensure the security of the refugees.

Keywords: European Union, human rights, refugee crisis, Turkey-European union relationships

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Authors: Eka Darbaidze

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Due to its important geopolitical location and strategic economic situation, the South Caucasus has been a region that has been a crossroads of interests between different states and empires since ancient times. Over the centuries, the forms of international relations with regard to the South Caucasus region have been constantly changing, however, the national interests of the Caucasian nations as well as the interests of the regional hegemonic powers in relation to the countries of the South Caucasus have remained almost unchanged. The conflict-ridden South Caucasus's attempt to create a new format of regional cooperation has a rather rich history, dating back to the collapse of the Soviet Union. However, despite the diversity of initiatives, they do not deviate from the format of political statements and it is natural that the case was never settled before their implementation, as none of the previous cooperation initiatives was able to reach all members of the region. The current regional co-operation platform is linked to the name of Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan, who spoke out about the initiative during a visit to Azerbaijan. The so-called 3 + 3 platform for regional cooperation involves cooperation between three countries in the South Caucasus (Armenia, Azerbaijan and Georgia) and three "big neighbors" - Russia, Turkey and Iran. Very soon, the initiative received a positive response from the authorities of Azerbaijan, Iran and Armenia. According to them, this cooperation platform will strengthen cooperation between the countries involved in the regional platform and will focus on security, economic and transport issues. Our goal is to determine the interests of the main regional actors involved in the South Caucasus Cooperation Platform (3 + 3): Iran, Russia and Turkey. Our goal is also to determine what threats, risks or benefits may be associated with the involvement of the three countries of the South Caucasus: Azerbaijan, Armenia and Georgia in this platform and what will be the consequences for Georgia, whose 20% of its internationally recognized borders are still occupied by Russia and whose territory is still under creeping occupation.

Keywords: South Caucasus, Georgia's interest, the interests of Iran, the interests of Turkey, Russian interests, Georgia's occupation

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Authors: Deria Adi Wijaya, Amad Saeroji, Jimmi Sandi P., Nanang Wijayanto

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Tourism and the creative economy are combinations that can become a sustainable source of welfare that can boost the economy so as to increase the country's foreign exchange. Therefore the development of the tourism sector is one of the priorities in President Joko Widodo's leadership framework for the 2019-2024 period. Entering the current pandemic, each party is required to be able to implement strict health protocols to slow the rate of SARS-Cov2 infection, or what is known as the coronavirus, but on the other hand, the need to turn the wheels of the economy must continue. Therefore, an effort is needed to develop tourism activities that are full of experiences that add health benefits. Anticipating this, the Ministry of Tourism and Creative Economy collaborated with the Ministry of Health to offer an innovative development model, namely wellness tourism. The development of wellness tourism is an alternative that can make a positive contribution to the development of Indonesian tourism during the pandemic. This research seeks to synergize efforts to develop national tourism into the regional sphere; in this case, Baluwarti Tourism Village, which is located within the walls of the Surakarta Sunanate Palace, has the potential to be developed into a wellness tourism destination in Surakarta City. Considering that a village that is in the immediate vicinity of a palace certainly has a variety of potential attractions for royal wellness tourism. The main objectives of this study are 1) to identify the potential for palace-style wellness tourism in Baluwarti Tourism Village; 2) to formulate development in the form of tour packages in Baluwarti Tourism Village. Of course, the development of the wellness tour package is still based on local wisdom, namely a tour package that raises local potential as a palace-style wellness tourism attraction that can improve the economy of the local people through the tourism sector in the post-pandemic era.

Keywords: potential, wellness tourism, Baluwarti Tourism Village, Surakarta Sunanate Palace, Surakarta City

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Authors: Samuel Francisco Ngovene

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Mozambique is a country with cultural segregation along its rivers, dividing the main ethnic groups of Machangana, Macena, and Macua, inter alia South, Centre, and North. This division has led to internal conflicts, seemingly rooted in ethnicity. The aim of this study is to analyze the tolerance of the main ethnic groups in Mozambique in terms of cohabitation, sharing opportunities, and political power. The study utilizes participant observation in the field, group discussions, and a questionnaire targeting 150 respondents split into 50 for each ethnic group. The study finds that people in Mozambique are generally tolerant of cohabiting or marrying individuals from different ethnic groups. However, when it comes to sharing opportunities such as employment or business, there is a perception that individuals from different ethnic groups may be taking away opportunities. Similarly, each ethnic group believes that having a president from their own group would lead to better opportunities for their community. The study highlights the importance of addressing this intolerance, as it can be a source of internal political conflicts. The anthropological approach provides a valuable tool for diplomacy channels to ensure long-lasting peace. Analysis procedures: The data collected through participant observation, group discussions are analytically crosschecked, comparing the opinions of people from different ethnic groups, while the data from the questionnaire are analyzed statistically to understand the level of tolerance among the ethnic groups and their perceptions of sharing opportunities and political power. The study addresses the question of whether the main ethnic groups in Mozambique are tolerant of cohabitation, sharing opportunities, and political power among themselves. The study concludes that while there is overall tolerance for cohabitation and marriage across ethnic groups, there is also a perception that individuals from different ethnic groups may take away opportunities. The study suggests that cultural education from a young age may be an effective way to promote tolerance.

Keywords: cohabitation, ethnicities, Mozambique, political conflicts, tolerance

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Authors: Karin Megheșan, Alexandra Popescu, Teodora Dobre

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In the past few years, the Russian Federation has become a central point on the security agenda of the most important international actors, due to its reloaded aggressiveness of foreign policy. Vladimir Putin, the actual president of the Russian Federation, has proven that Russia can and has the willingness to become the powerful actor that used to be during the Cold War. Russia’s new behavior on the international scene showed that Russia has not only expansionist (where expansionist is not only in terms of territory but also of ideology) intentions, but also the necessary resources, to build an empire that may have the power to counterbalance the influence of the United States and stop the expansion of the North-Atlantic Treaty Organization in an equation understood of multipolar Russian view. But in order to do this, there is necessary to follow a well-established plan or policy. Thus, the aim of the paper is to discuss how has the foreign policy of the Russian Federation evolved under the influence of the military and security strategies of the Russian nation, to briefly examine some of the factors that sculpture Russian foreign policy and behavior, in order to reshape a Russian (Soviet) profile so far considered antiquated. Our approach is an argument in favor of the analyses of the recent evolutions embedded in the course of history. In this context, the paper will include analytical thoughts about the Russian foreign policy and the latest strategic documents (security strategy and military doctrine) adopted by the Putin administration, with the purpose to highlight the main direction of action followed by all these documents together. The paper concludes that the military component is to be found in all these strategic documents, as well as at the core of Russian national interest, aspect that proves that Russia is still the adept of the traditional realist paradigm, reshaped in a Russian theory of the multipolar world.

Keywords: hybrid warfare, military component, military doctrine, Russian foreign policy, security strategy

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Authors: G. A. Kuanaliyeva, G. T. Aigarinova, G. K. Shulanbekova

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This article is devoted to judicial control in criminal legal proceedings of the Republic of Kazakhstan in the light of the new Concept of legal policy till 2020. In article the general characteristic and concept of judicial control, and also its signs and types are considered. Different views of scientists are analyzed. Foreign experiment on application of judicial control is given. The author states also the point sight on this problem and gives the definition to concept of judicial control. The code of criminal procedure of the Republic of Kazakhstan (RK Criminal Procedure Code) doesn't consolidate concept of judicial control. The author in article suggests making change and addition to the existing Code of criminal procedure of the Republic of Kazakhstan by definition of judicial control. The decree of the President of the Republic of Kazakhstan of August 24, 2009 No. 858 approved the Concept of legal policy of the Republic for the period from 2010 to 2020. The new Concept of legal policy of the Republic of Kazakhstan, defines prospects of development of national legal system of the country on the following decade. The concept of legal policy completely mentions also institute of judicial control. Since finding of the independence by Kazakhstan the set of laws, including the rights directed on providing, freedoms and a legitimate interest of citizens was accepted. Certainly, in any country, whatever democratic it was, there are problems to human rights. However, it is obvious that Kazakhstan strongly intends to guarantee all Republic of Kazakhstan proclaimed in the Constitution the rights and freedoms of the citizens. Our country seeks for creation of the constitutional state, tries to provide a guarantee from various arbitrariness in activity of competent government bodies, officials. In the concept of legal policy of the Republic of Kazakhstan it is specified: "...priority of development of the criminal procedure right there is a further consecutive realization of the fundamental principles of the criminal legal proceedings directed on protection of the rights and freedoms of the person". Judicial control just also is such guarantee.

Keywords: rights and freedoms of the person, concept, legal policy, court, judicial control

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Authors: Abimbola Mobolanle Adu, Marcus Tayo Akinlade

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This comprehensive study systematically dissects the intricate interplay between the removal of fuel subsidy and its multifaceted repercussions on Nigeria's educational system. Originating in the 1970s, the fuel subsidy policy initially conceived to curtail fuel costs and faced financial unsustainability. In 2023, President Bola Tinubu's administration announced its cessation. The resultant escalation in petroleum product prices precipitated challenges within the education sector, manifesting as heightened administrative costs, increased student fees, amplified dropout rates, and others. Employing a qualitative research methodology, grounded in Critical Theory, the study draws from diverse secondary sources and employs content analysis to unravel the intricate layers of this issue. Critical Theory provides a lens through which the power dynamics, socio-economic structures, and ideological influences shaping policy decisions can be critically examined, offering a deeper understanding of the multifaceted impact. Findings underscore the imperative for strategic interventions, advocating for investments in technology and the exploration of alternative energy sources. The paper concludes by emphasizing the pivotal role of education, advocating for nuanced policies to alleviate the impact on both private and public educational institutions. In essence, this research contributes nuanced insights into the labyrinthine dynamics between fuel subsidy policies and the educational sector, underscoring the exigency for meticulous interventions to fortify the nation's educational foundation.

Keywords: administration, education, fuel subsidy, policy, multilayered impact

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Authors: Taoufik Djennane

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Algeria is characterized by a fragmented language education policy. While pre-university education is entirely conducted in Arabic, higher education remains linguistically divided, with some fields offered in Arabic and others exclusively based on French. Within this linguistic policy, English remains far behind French. However, there has been a significant shift in the state’s linguistic orientation since the social riot of March 2019, known as El-Hirak, which ousted away the ex-president. Since then, social calls were voiced to get rid of French, and English started to receive an unprecedented political push. The historical decision only came at the beginning of the academic year 2023-2024 when the ministry of higher education imposed English as medium of instruction (hereafter EMI), especially in scientific and technological fields. As such, this paper considered this abrupt switch in the medium of instruction and its effects on the community of teachers. Building on a socio-psychological approach, teachers’ attitudes towards EMI were measured. Data were collected using classroom observation, semi-structured interviews and a survey. The results showed that a clear majority of teachers hold negative attitudes towards EMI. The point is that they are linguistically incompetent, and they are not ready yet to deliver content subjects in a language they have no, or little, command of. The study showed the importance of considering attitudes in the ‘policy-formation’ stage before the ‘implementation’ stage. The findings also proved that teachers are not passive bystanders; they can rather be the final arbiters imposing themselves as policy-makers resisting ministerial instructions through their linguistic practices inside the classroom which only acknowledge French. The study showed the necessity to avoid sudden switch and opt for gradual change, without putting aside those who are directly concerned with political/pedagogical measures (teachers, learners, etc).

Keywords: micro planning, EMI, language education policy, agency

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Authors: Dylan Yanano Mangani, Theodore Nkadimeng Mahosi

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Soon after independence on 18th April 1980, Zimbabwe’s foreign policy was shaped by the realities on the ground, which saw the country managing a sound relationship with both the Capitalist West and the Communist Eastern blocs. The post-independence foreign policy was therefore premised on security concerns illuminated by the Cold War era. This was one the reasons President Robert Mugabe adopted a policy of reconciliation and this earned his government recognition on the international platform. However, in Southern Africa apartheid South Africa was still the vanguard of capitalism and oppression such that she posed a serious threat to the newly born Zimbabwean nation which necessitated that Zimbabwe position herself both in the region and the continent to counter potential internal stability from within. Irrespective of how the international community viewed the country’s foreign policy Zimbabwe has continued to influence regional, continental and world geo-politics, especially on behalf of the developing nations. This raises a question why as a result of its foreign policy the country is now regarded a pariah state, especially some Western countries which used to applaud its political economic policies immediately after independence. Therefore, this study argues that the political economy of Zimbabwe had a far-reaching bearing on its foreign policy. For this reason, the problem necessitates the investigation of Zimbabwe’s foreign policy perspectives in Southern Africa since the turn of the 1990s. Two main theories which are Realism, Afro-centrism inform the study as an attempt to understand Zimbabwe’s foreign policy paradigm shift and perhaps provide answers to the objectives raised. The research therefore employs a qualitative approach where the conceptual nature of the study into the foreign policy of Zimbabwe is largely desktop research. However, the nature of the study will also require that oral interviews are conducted to substantiate some of the arguments advanced.

Keywords: cold war set up, foreign policy, look east policy, pan-africanism, post 2000 period, Southern Africa, Zimbabwe

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Authors: Daniel Barkley, Jianyi Zhu

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This study investigates base salary differentials and gender equity among university presidents across 427 U.S. colleges and universities. While endowments typically do not directly determine university presidents' base salaries, our analysis reveals a noteworthy pattern: endowments explain more than half of the variance in female university presidents' base salaries, compared to a mere 0.69 percent for males. Moreover, female presidents' base salaries tend to rise much faster than male base salaries with increasing university endowments. This disparate impact of endowments on base salaries implies an endowment threshold for achieving gender pay equity. We develop an analytical model predicting an endowment threshold for achieving gender equality and empirically estimate this equity threshold using data from over 427 institutions. Surprisingly, the fields of science and athletics have emerged as sources of gender-neutral base pay. Both male and female university presidents with STEM backgrounds command higher base salaries than those without such qualifications. Additionally, presidents of universities affiliated with Power 5 conferences consistently receive higher base salaries regardless of gender. Consistent with the theory of human capital accumulation, the duration of the university presidency incrementally raises base salaries for both genders but at a diminishing rate. Curiously, prior administrative leadership experience as a vice president, provost, dean, or department chair does not significantly influence base salaries for either gender. By providing empirical evidence and analytical models predicting an endowment threshold for achieving gender equality in base salaries, the study offers valuable insights for policymakers, university administrators, and other stakeholders. These findings hold crucial policy implications, informing strategies to promote gender equality in executive compensation within higher education institutions.

Keywords: higher education, endowments, base salaries, university presidents

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Authors: Ahmed Bux Jamali

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The purpose of this study is to examine and evaluate the overall counterterrorism cooperation during Obama Administration towards Pakistan. It aims and focuses on the performances and measures taken by United States of America during President Obama in office in order to eradicate terrorism from Pakistan. Being a grave national security threat, terrorism played a disastrous role in the domestic peace and stability of both countries. For the sake of curbing this menace in South Asia in general and Pakistan in particular, the role of Obama Administration is viable and results-oriented despite major ups and downs in Pakistan U.S Relations during that period of time. Obama administration formulated policies when he comes to office in 2009 by looking at the already efforts done by Bush Administration to counterterrorism from Pakistan. Obama’s foreign policy was revolving around defense and diplomacy when it comes to dealing with Pakistan. The concept of smart power was indeed a core principle of Obama’s administration to gain the strategic objectives in Pakistan. Obama’s strategies in terms of providing military aid packages and various assistance programs, working on institutional building and strengthening the economy helped Pakistan in strengthening the military capabilities to go for militant operation in the safe havens area in the tribal areas of Pakistan. It further helped building institutional mechanism in the governmental policies to counter terrorism and militancy. The training of combat forces, artillery, and equipment provided by US proved fatal for the militant terrorist organizations seeking hideouts in the tribal areas of Pakistan. Resultantly, many top leaders of al Qaeda and many affiliated militant groups were captured and given to US as well. Despite many ups and downs in the bilateral relations on various domestic and international issues, both countries didn’t compromise the elimination of terrorist phenomena from Pakistan which was indeed a great success of the Obama administration’s counterterrorism and counterinsurgency strategies in the long run.

Keywords: counterterrorism cooperation, national security strategy, Obama administration, Pakistan-US relations

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Authors: Hsiao-ting Lin

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This paper analyzes the history of Taiwan’s secret program to develop its nuclear weapons during the Cold War. In July 1971, US President Richard Nixon shocked the world when he announced that his national security adviser Henry Kissinger had made a secret trip to China and that he himself had accepted an invitation to travel to Beijing. This huge breakthrough in the US-PRC relationship was followed by Taipei’s loss of political legitimacy and international credibility as a result of its UN debacle in the fall that year. Confronted with the Nixon White House’s opening to the PRC, leaders in Taiwan felt being betrayed and abandoned, and they were obliged to take countermeasures for the sake of national interest and regime survival. Taipei’s endeavor to create an effective nuclear program, including the possible development of nuclear weapons capabilities, fully demonstrates the government’s resolution to pursue its own national policy, even if such a policy was guaranteed to undermine its relations with the United States. With hindsight, Taiwan’s attempt to develop its own nuclear weapons did not succeed in sabotaging the warming of US-PRC relations. Worse, it was forced to come to a full stop when, in early 1988, the US government pressured Taipei to close related facilities and programs on the island. However, Taiwan’s abortive attempt to develop its nuclear capability did influence Washington’s and Beijing’s handling of their new relationship. There did develop recognition of a common American and PRC interest in avoiding a nuclearized Taiwan. From this perspective, Beijing’s interests would best be served by allowing the island to remain under loose and relatively benign American influence. As for the top leaders on Taiwan, such a policy choice demonstrated how they perceived the shifting dynamics of international politics in the 1960s and 1970s and how they struggled to break free and pursue their own independent national policy within the rigid framework of the US-Taiwan alliance during the Cold War.

Keywords: taiwan, richard nixon, nuclear program, chiang Kai-shek, chiang ching-kuo

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