Search results for: political executives

Authors: Giselda Cristina Ferreira, Carlos Alberto Kamienski, Ana Lígia Scott

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The COVID-19 pandemic has enhanced the anti-vaccination movement in Brazil, supported by unscientific theories and false news and the possibility of wide communication through social networks such as Twitter, Facebook, and YouTube. The World Health Organization (WHO) classified the large volume of information on the subject against COVID-19 as an Infodemic. In this paper, we present a protocol to identify polarizing users (called polarizers) and study the profiles of Brazilian polarizers on Twitter (renamed to X some weeks ago). We analyzed polarizing interactions on Twitter (in Portuguese) to identify the main polarizers and how the conflicts they caused influenced the COVID-19 vaccination rate throughout the pandemic. This protocol uses data from this social network, graph theory, Java, and R-studio scripts to model and analyze the data. The information about the vaccination rate was obtained in a public database for the government called OpenDataSus. The results present the profiles of Twitter’s Polarizer (political position, gender, professional activity, immunization opinions). We observed that social and political events influenced the participation of these different profiles in conflicts and the vaccination rate.

Keywords: Twitter, polarization, vaccine, Brazil

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Authors: Harald Haas, Andrea Plaschke

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Many of the contemporary major conflicts on this earth could not be solved so far, they either are perpetuated, or they are reflated again and again. Efforts of purely political conflict management or -resolution aim merely at the symptoms of conflict, not its roots. These roots are, in almost every case, also psychological ones. Thus, this contribution aims to shed light on the roots of one of the best known and longest-lasting conflicts: the Palestinian-Israeli one. Methodologies used were the compilation of existing scientific resources, field research in Palestine and Israel, as well as tests conducted with the Adult Attachment Projective in Palestine and Israel. Findings show that the majority of Palestinian, as well as Israeli test participants, show a disorganised attachment pattern which, in connection with the assumption of collective traumatization, seem to be a major obstacle to a lasting and peaceful conflict-resolution between these two peoples. There appears to be no short-term solution for this conflict, especially not within the range of usual Western legislative periods. Both sides ought to be provided with a kind of 'safe haven' over a long period of time, accompanied by a framework of various arrangements of coping with trauma, building lasting and secure relationships, as well as raising and educating present and future generations of Palestinians and Israelis for peace and co-operation with each other.

Keywords: conflict-management, trauma, political psychology, attachment theory

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Authors: Anuradha Sajjanhar

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The rise of authoritarian populist regimes has been accompanied by hardened nationalism and heightened divisions between 'us' and 'them'. Political actors reinforce these sentiments through coercion, but also through inciting fear about imagined threats and by transforming public discourse about policy concerns. Extremist ideas can penetrate national policy, as newly appointed intellectuals and 'experts' in knowledge-producing institutions, such as government committees, universities, and think tanks, succeed in transforming public discourse. While attacking left and liberal academics, universities, and the press, the current Indian government is building new institutions to provide authority to its particularly rigid, nationalist discourse. This paper examines the building of a Hindu-nationalist intellectual ecosystem in India, interrogating the key role of hyper-nationalist think tanks. While some are explicit about their political and ideological leanings, others claim neutrality and pursue their agenda through coded technocratic language and resonant historical narratives. Their key is to change thinking by normalizing it. Six years before winning the election in 2014, India’s Hindu-nationalist party, the BJP, put together its own network of elite policy experts. In a national newspaper, the vice-president of the BJP described this as an intentional shift: from 'being action-oriented to solidifying its ideological underpinnings in a policy framework'. When the BJP came to power in 2014, 'experts' from these think tanks filled key positions in the central government. The BJP has since been circulating dominant ideas of Hindu supremacy through regional parties, grassroots political organisations, and civil society organisations. These think tanks have the authority to articulate and legitimate Hindu nationalism within a credible technocratic policy framework. This paper is based on ethnography and over 50 interviews in New Delhi, before and after the BJP’s staggering election victory in 2019. It outlines the party’s attempt to take over existing institutions while developing its own cadre of nationalist policy-making professionals.

Keywords: ideology, politics, South Asia, technocracy

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Authors: Daniel Schwarz, Jan Fivaz, Alessia Neuroni

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Although digitization is a buzzword in almost every election campaign, the political parties leave voters largely in the dark about their specific positions on digital issues. In the run-up to the 2019 elections in Switzerland, the ‘Digitization Monitor’ project (DMP) was launched in order to change this situation. Within the framework of the DMP, all 4,736 candidates were surveyed about their digital policy positions and values. The DMP is designed as a digital policy supplement to the existing ‘smartvote’ voting advice application. This enabled a direct comparison of the digital policy attitudes according to the DMP with the topics of the ‘smartvote’ questionnaire which are comprehensive in content but mainly related to conventional policy areas. This paper’s main research goal is to analyze and visualize possible differences between conventional and digital policy areas in terms of response patterns between and within political parties. The analysis is based on dimensionality reduction methods (multidimensional scaling and principal component analysis) for the visualization of inter-party differences, and on standard deviation as a measure of variation for the evaluation of intra-party unity. The results reveal that digital issues show a lower degree of inter-party polarization compared to conventional policy areas. Thus, the parties have more common ground in issues on digitization than in conventional policy areas. In contrast, the study reveals a mixed picture regarding intra-party unity. Homogeneous parties show a lower degree of unity in digitization issues whereas parties with heterogeneous positions in conventional areas have more united positions in digital areas. All things considered, the findings are encouraging as less polarized conditions apply to the debate on digital development compared to conventional politics. For the future, it would be desirable if in further countries similar projects to the DMP could emerge to broaden the basis for conclusions.

Keywords: comparison of political issue dimensions, digital awareness of candidates, digital policy space, party positions on digital issues

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Authors: Laerte Pereira da Silva Júnior, Maria Manuel Borges

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Institutional Repositories (IR) are complex constructs that depend on political, cultural and technological aspects. Because IRs are a mirror of the organization's intellectual production, their main function is to make that production available worldwide, and also to consider its long term preservation. To this end, there is a need to define clearly the digital preservation policies supported by political decisions. There are several guidelines about the definition of digital preservation policies focusing in different themes from preservation planning to rights and restriction management, sustainability planning, etc., but this work aims to verify the implementation of digital preservation policies on the Institutional Repositories of the Federal Universities of Brazil. The methodology used was to check the information available on the websites of the IRs selected against two fields of the OpenDOAR, policies and OpenDOAR ID, to verify the existence of digital preservation policies. For this purpose a sample of the 21 of the 25 IRs registered at the Directory of Open Access Repositories (DOAR) was used, which is about 1/3 rd of the total of the brazilian universities. The 4 IRs that presented no information by the OpenDOAR team were desconsidered. The main conclusion is that most of the IRs of these universities have no polices clearly stated or no policies at all, and that there is a need to include these concerns at the top level management of IRs. The number of initiatives in digital preservation policies around the world stress the need of awareness of its importance in Brazil and requires measures to raise this awareness.

Keywords: Brazil, digital preservation policies, institutional repositories, openDOAR

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Authors: Magdalena Jablonska, Andrzej Falkowski

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The negativity effect is one of the most intriguing and well-studied psychological phenomena that can be observed in many areas of human life. The aim of the following study is to investigate how valence framing and positive and negative information about political candidates affect judgments about similarity to an ideal and bad politician. Based on the theoretical framework of features of similarity, it is hypothesized that negative features have a stronger effect on similarity judgments than positive features of comparable value. Furthermore, the mediating role of affect is tested. Method: One hundred sixty-one people took part in an experimental study. Participants were divided into 6 research conditions that differed in the reference point (positive vs negative framing) and the number of favourable and unfavourable information items about political candidates (a positive, neutral and negative candidate profile). In positive framing condition, the concept of an ideal politician was primed; in the negative condition, participants were to think about a bad politician. The effect of independent variables on similarity judgments, affective evaluation, and voting intention was tested. Results: In the positive condition, the analysis showed that the negative effect of additional unfavourable features was greater than the positive effect of additional favourable features in judgements about similarity to the ideal candidate. In negative framing condition, ANOVA was insignificant, showing that neither the addition of positive features nor additional negative information had a significant impact on the similarity to a bad political candidate. To explain this asymmetry, two mediational analyses were conducted that tested the mediating role of affect in the relationship between similarity judgments and voting intention. In both situations the mediating effect was significant, but the comparison of two models showed that the mediation was stronger for a negative framing. Discussion: The research supports the negativity effect and attempts to explain the psychological mechanism behind the positive-negative asymmetry. The results of mediation analyses point to a stronger mediating role of affect in the relationship between cognitive evaluation and voting intention. Such a result suggests that negative comparisons, leading to the activation of negative features, give rise to stronger emotions than positive features of comparable strength. The findings are in line with positive-negative asymmetry, however, by adopting Tversky’s framework of features of similarity, the study integrates the cognitive mechanism of the negativity effect delineated in the contrast model of similarity with its emotional component resulting from the asymmetrical effect of positive and negative emotions on decision-making.

Keywords: affect, framing, negativity effect, positive-negative asymmetry, similarity judgements

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Authors: Yusuf Abubakar Mamud

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Highlighting the imperatives of local conflicts considering the dangerous dimensions of terrorism they are assuming in Africa has not attracted serious academic and political attention. The discourse about conflict in Africa was discussed within five identified conflict zones in the continent. The threats from these local conflicts are diverse and complex and the acts of terrorism in these local conflicts are driven by certain attitudes and behaviours linked to the African leadership. The paper examined and noted that the current conflict resolution model of the African Union (AU) was robust with requisite institutions to address the trends in local conflicts. However, it was observed that the AU peace and security framework lacked the requisite structural and technical capabilities to proactively address the drivers of local conflicts in Africa. It was found that the persistence of local conflicts in the African region may deny her the opportunities of achievement of the targets envisioned in the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs). Consequently, the paper called on the international community to support Africa through provision of capacity. It urged the African leaders themselves to develop the political will to ensure that all issues concerning peace and security in the continent were guided by the provisions of the AU Constitutive Act. The need to strengthen the APRM in the light of the current trends in local conflicts was also highlighted.

Keywords: conflicts, local conflicts, terrorism, sustainable development

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Authors: Corinne Kowalski, Lea de Jong, Rainer Sauerborn, Niamh Herlihy, Anneliese Depoux, Jale Tosun

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Climate change is considered one of the biggest threats to human health of the 21st century. The link between climate change and health has received relatively little attention in the media, in research and in policy-making. A long term and broad overview of how health is represented in the legislation on climate change is missing in the legislative literature. It is unknown if or how the argument for health is referred in legal clauses addressing climate change, in national and European legislation. Integrating scientific based evidence into policies regarding the impacts of climate change on health could be a key step to inciting the political and societal changes necessary to decelerate global warming. This may also drive the implementation of new strategies to mitigate the consequences on health systems. To provide an overview of this issue, we are analyzing the Global Climate Legislation Database provided by the Grantham Research Institute on Climate Change and the Environment. This institution was established in 2008 at the London School of Economics and Political Science. The database consists of (updated as of 1st January 2015) legislations on climate change in 99 countries around the world. This tool offers relevant information about the state of climate related policies. We will use the database to systematically analyze the 829 identified legislations to identify how health is represented as a relevant aspect of climate change legislation. We are conducting explorative research of national and supranational legislations and anticipate health to be addressed in various forms. The goal is to highlight how often, in what specific terms, which aspects of health or health risks of climate change are mentioned in various legislations. The position and recurrence of the mention of health is also of importance. Data will be extracted with complete quotation of the sentence which mentions health, which will allow for second qualitative stage to analyze which aspects of health are represented and in what context. This study is part of an interdisciplinary project called 4CHealth that confronts results of the research done on scientific, political and press literature to better understand how the knowledge on climate change and health circulates within those different fields and whether and how it is translated to real world change.

Keywords: climate change, explorative research, health, policies

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Authors: Juan Manuel Brito-Diaz

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The emergence of urban environmentalism in Spain is related to the processes of economic transformation and growing urbanization that occurred during the end of the Franco regime and the democratic transition. This paper analyzes the urban environmental mobilizations and their impacts as relevant democratizing agents in the processes of political change in cities. It’s an under-researched topic and studies on environmental movements in Spain have paid little attention to it. This research takes as its starting point the close link between democratization and environmentalism, since it considers that environmental conflicts are largely a consequence of democratic problems, and that the impacts of environmental movements are directly linked to the democratization. The study argues that the environmental movements that emerged in Spain at the end of the dictatorship and the democratic transition are an important part of the broad and complex associative fabric that promoted the democratization process. The research focuses on investigating the environmental protest in Las Palmas de Gran Canaria—the most important city in the Canary Islands—between 1970 and 1983, concurrently with the last local governments of the dictatorship and the first democratic city councils. As it is a case study, it opens up the possibility to ask multiple specific questions and assess each of the responses obtained. Although several research methodologies have been applied, such as the analysis of historical archives documentation or oral history interviews, mainly a very widespread methodology in the sociology of social movements, although very little used by social historians, has been used: the Protest Event Analysis (PEA). This methodology, which consists of generating a catalog of protest events by coding data around previously established variables, has allowed me to map, analyze and interpret the occurrence of protests over time and space, and associated factors, through content analysis. For data collection, news from local newspapers have provided a large enough sample to analyze the properties of social protest -frequency, size, demands, forms, organizers, etc.—and relate them to another type of information related to political structures and mobilization repertoires, encouraging the establishment of connections between the protest and the political impacts of urban movements. Finally, the study argues that the environmental movements of this period were essential to the construction of the new democratic city in Spain, not only because they established the issues of sustainability and urban environmental justice on the public agenda, but also because they proposed that conflicts derived from such matters should ultimately be resolved through public deliberation and citizen participation.

Keywords: democratization, environmental movements, political impacts, social movements

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Authors: Rahab Kisio

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The persistent underrepresentation of female miltary in United Nations (UN) peacekeeping missions remains a critical concern for addressing the multifaceted challenges in conflict-affected regions. This research explores the factors influencing countries’ decisions to deploy female military troops to UN peacekeeping operations, examining data ranging from 2010 to 2020. The study highlights the urgent need for policymakers and international organizations to recognize gender equality as key instrument in dealing with sexual exploitation and abuse within these missions. The study suggests three reasons for the low female military troops deployment. Firstly, countries actively breaking down barriers for women in the workforce are more likely to send female military troops. Secondly, nations supporting women in politics are more likely to deploy female military troops, showing their value for gender equality. Lastly, countries with a history of conflict may send more female military troops to align with the UN's call and potentially gain international support in future conflicts. Theoretical approaches are presented to explore these motivations further, and the study uses negative binomial regression with country-year as the unit of analysis to test various explanations for a country's contribution of female military troops to UN peacekeeping missions. Findings shows that there is a connection between troop contributing countries’ gender equality and the participation of female military troops in peacekeeping operations. Nations that prioritize gender equality and empower women have a higher likelihood of deploying more female military personnel. The study emphasizes the significance of women in political leadership, indicating that countries actively addressing barriers to women's political representation are more willing to contribute higher numbers of female military troops to peacekeeping missions. While the research supports hypotheses related to gender equality and political representation, it finds no significant evidence that a country's history of conflict directly influences the deployment of female military troops in other conflict-ridden nations. This research contributes valuable insights into gender equality within peacekeeping forces, shedding light on factors influencing the deployment of female military personnel. The implications underscore the importance of actively addressing discrimination, promoting women's political participation, and understanding the influence of a nation's conflict history. The interdisciplinary nature of this work calls for collaborative efforts from policymakers, international organization, and researchers to formulate strategies for effectively increasing female military troops participation in UN peacekeeping

Keywords: UN peacekeeping, gender diversity, female military troops, discrimination

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Authors: Deepak Chaudhary

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The main objective of the study is to explore the genesis and achievements of the Madhesh movement. Madhesh Movement is a social movement that brought massive political changes and contributed a lot to the nation-building process in the modern history of Nepal. This movement erupted in January 2007 in the Tarai/Madhesh region following the promulgation of the Interim Constitution that left the incorporation of federalism and proportional representation in the Constitution. The most excluded community in Nepal- Madheshi community, seemed to have angered against state-sponsored discrimination and exclusion that have been occurred for centuries. Since Madheshis were treated as non-Nepali, though the history of Nepal’s Tarai/Madhesh has been ancient. In the beginning, this movement was against Maoist, but later, it went against the state's prejudices and discriminations. It extended across the Tarai/Madhesh region of Nepal for a month. The movement was spontaneous to a large extent. A researcher himself is a witness to the movement. Key Informant Interviews with participants, including politicians, journalists, and activists, have mainly carried out for the study. This movement ensured Madheshi identity first. Secondly, the number of electoral constituencies was increased as it reached 120 in Tarai/Madhesh while it was 80 only. As a result, Madheshi representation in the Constitution Assembly reached 35 %, while it was 20% only. The main thing that this movement played a major role in ensuring the federalism as a political system in Nepal.

Keywords: dignity, exclusion, federalism, inclusion, Madhesh movement, nation-building

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Authors: Victoria Crynes

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The question of England’s role in Britain is increasingly relevant due to the ongoing rise in citizens identifying as English. Furthermore, the Brexit Referendum was predominantly supported by constituents identifying as English. Few politicians appear to comprehend how Englishness is politically manifested. Politics and the media have depicted English identity as a negative and extremist problem - an inaccurate representation that ignores the breadth of English identifying citizens. This environment prompts the question, 'How are British Politicians Addressing the Modern English Identity Question?' Parliamentary debates, political blogs, and interviews are synthesized to establish a more coherent understanding of the current political attitudes towards English identity, the perceived nature of English identity, and the political manifestation of English representation and governance. Analyzed parliamentary debates addressed the democratic structure of English governance through topics such as English votes for English laws, devolution, and the union. The blogs examined include party-based, multi-author style blogs, and independently authored blogs by politicians, which provide a dynamic and up-to-date representation of party and politician viewpoints. Lastly, fourteen semi-structured interviews of British politicians provide a nuanced perspective on how politicians conceptualize Englishness. Interviewee selection was based on three criteria: (i) Members of Parliament (MP) known for discussing English identity politics, (ii) MPs of strongly English identifying constituencies, (iii) MPs with minimal English identity affiliation. Analysis of parliamentary debates reveals the discussion of English representation has gained little momentum. Many politicians fail to comprehend who the English are, why they desire greater representation and believe that increased recognition of the English would disrupt the unity of the UK. These debates highlight the disconnect of parliament from the disenfranchised English towns. A failure to recognize the legitimacy of English identity politics generates an inability for solution-focused debates to occur. Political blogs demonstrate cross-party recognition of growing English disenfranchisement. The dissatisfaction with British politics derives from multiple factors, including economic decline, shifting community structures, and the delay of Brexit. The left-behind communities have seen little response from Westminster, which is often contrasted to the devolved and louder voices of the other UK nations. Many blogs recognize the need for a political response to the English and lament the lack of party-level initiatives. In comparison, interviews depict an array of local-level initiatives reconnecting MPs to community members. Local efforts include town trips to Westminster, multi-cultural cooking classes, and English language courses. These efforts begin to rebuild positive, local narratives, promote engagement across community sectors, and acknowledge the English voices. These interviewees called for large-scale, political action. Meanwhile, several interviewees denied the saliency of English identity. For them, the term held only extremist narratives. The multi-level analysis reveals continued uncertainty on Englishness within British politics, contrasted with increased recognition of its saliency by politicians. It is paramount that politicians increase discussions on English identity politics to avoid increased alienation of English citizens and to rebuild trust in the abilities of Westminster.

Keywords: British politics, contemporary identity politics and its impacts, English identity, English nationalism, identity politics

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Authors: Shafiqul Islam, Cordia Chu

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Bangladesh contributes little to global climate change, yet it is one of the countries most vulnerable to climate change. Based on semi-structured in-depth interviews and literature review, focusing public spending distribution process, this paper demonstrates how the processes of political economy- enclosure, exclusion, encroachment, and entrenchment hinder the Climate Change Adaptation (CCA) efforts of Bangladesh Climate Change Trust Fund (BCCTF). Enclosure refers to when CCA projects allocated to less vulnerable areas or expand the roles of influencing actors into the public sphere. Exclusion refers to when CCA projects limit affected people's access to resources or marginalize particular stakeholders in decision-making activities. Encroachment refers to when allocation of CCA projects and selection of location and issues degrade the environmental affect or contribute to other forms of disaster risk. Entrenchment refers to when CCA projects aggravate the disempowerment of common people worsen the concentrations of wealth and income inequality within a community. In the case of Bangladesh, climate change policies implemented under the country’s National Adaptation Program of Action (NAPA) and Bangladesh Climate Change Strategic Action Plan (BCCSAP) have somehow enabled influential-elites to mobilize and distribute resources through bureaucracies. Exclusionary forms of fund distribution of CCA exist at both the national and local scales. CCA related allocations have encroached through the low land areas development project without consulting local needs. Most severely, CCA related unequal allocations have entrenched social class trapping the backward communities vulnerable to climate related disasters. Planners and practitioners of BCCTF need to take necessary steps to eliminate the potential risks from the processes of enclosure, exclusion, encroachment, and entrenchment happens in project fund allocations.

Keywords: Bangladesh, climate change adaptation, political economy, public fund distribution

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Authors: Igor Pejic

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The main focus of this research will be on analyzing correlative links between terrorism as an asymmetrical threat and the consequences it leaves on conventional security forces. The methodology behind the research will include qualitative research methods focusing on comparative analysis of books, scientific papers, documents and other sources, in order to deduce, explore and formulate the results of the research. With the coming of the 21^st century and the rising multi-polar, new world threats quickly emerged. The realistic approach in international relations deems that relations among nations are in a constant state of anarchy since there are no definitive rules and the distribution of power varies widely. International relations are further characterized by egoistic and self-orientated human nature, anarchy or absence of a higher government, security and lack of morality. The asymmetry of power is also reflected on countries' security capabilities and its abilities to project power. With the coming of the new millennia and the rising multi-polar world order, the asymmetry of power can be also added as an important trait of the global society which consequently brought new threats. Among various others, terrorism is probably the most well-known, well-based and well-spread asymmetric threat. In today's global political arena, terrorism is used by state and non-state actors to fulfill their political agendas. Terrorism is used as an all-inclusive tool for regime change, subversion or a revolution. Although the nature of terrorist groups is somewhat inconsistent, terrorism as a security and social phenomenon has a one constant which is reflected in its political dimension. The state's security apparatus, which was embodied in the form of conventional armed forces, is now becoming fragile, unable to tackle new threats and to a certain extent outdated. Conventional security forces were designed to defend or engage an exterior threat which is more or less symmetric and visible. On the other hand, terrorism as an asymmetrical threat is a part of hybrid, special or asymmetric warfare in which specialized units, institutions or facilities represent the primary pillars of security. In today's global society, terrorism is probably the most acute problem which can paralyze entire countries and their political systems. This problem, however, cannot be engaged on an open field of battle, but rather it requires a different approach in which conventional armed forces cannot be used traditionally and their role must be adjusted. The research will try to shed light on the phenomena of modern day terrorism and to prove its correlation with the state conventional armed forces. States are obliged to adjust their security apparatus to the new realism of global society and terrorism as an asymmetrical threat which is a side-product of the unbalanced world.

Keywords: asymmetrical warfare, conventional forces, security, terrorism

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Authors: N. Coskun

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Australia has received over 840,000 refugees since its establishment as a federation. Despite the long history of refugee intake, Australia appears to have prolonged problems in refugee education such as academic and social isolations of refugee background students (RBS), the discriminations towards RBS and the high number of RBS drop-outs. This paper examines the place of RBS in educational policies, which can help to identify the problems and set a foundation for solutions. This paper investigates the educational provisions for RBS in three stages. First, the paper identifies the needs of RBS through a comprehensive literature review, using the framework of Bronfenbrenner’s bio-ecological model. Second, the study explores the place of these needs in Australian national and state educational policies which are informed by multiculturalism. The findings conclude that social, academic and psychological needs of RBS hardly find a place in multicultural educational policies. The students and their specific needs are mostly invisible and are placed under a general category of newly arrived immigrants who learn English as a second language. Third, the study explores the possible reasons for the overlook on RBS and their needs with examining the general socio-political context surrounding refugees in Australia. The overall findings suggest that Australian multiculturalism policy in education are inadequate to address RBS' social, academic and psychological needs due to the disadvantaging socio-political context where refugees are placed.

Keywords: Australia, bio-ecological model, multiculturalism, refugee education

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Authors: Rachel-Kate Bowdler

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Wartime efforts, news, and heroic stories are important to the public in understanding the political climate, yet hard to digest. However, graphic novels are able to portray intense sociopolitical themes and reinvent the account for the public. Modern comics centered around war introduces the historical context to new audiences, thus keeping history relevant and remembered. This is a trend in graphic novels that is popular for expressing wartime and political stories. Graphic novels make historical accounts and stories easier to understand and more enjoyable to read through creative expression and stylistic choices like color, design, and personified depictions of characters. This results in the need to analyze intense wartime themes in terms of artistic style and elements contributing to the portrayal of the story. Whether directly or indirectly, comics became an outlet for discussing and portraying wars, especially following World War II. It may also be relevant that comics are influential in attitudes towards war efforts. in conducting in analysis on comic books relating to war time stories and a literature review, this paper will seek to analyze the role that comics play in the dissemination of information and feelings surrounding war efforts and attitudes.

Keywords: artistic style, comics, historical, war, art and culture, journalism and media

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Authors: Sergio V Davalos, Alison L. Watkins

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User generated content (UGC) such as website post has data associated with it: time of the post, gender, location, type of device, and number of words. The text entered in user generated content (UGC) can provide a valuable dimension for analysis. In this research, each user post is treated as a collection of terms (words). In addition to the number of words per post, the frequency of each term is determined by post and by the sum of occurrences in all posts. This research focuses on one specific aspect of UGC: sentiment. Sentiment analysis (SA) was applied to the content (user posts) of two sets of political forums related to the US presidential elections for 2012 and 2016. Sentiment analysis results in deriving data from the text. This enables the subsequent application of data analytic methods. The SASA (SAIL/SAI Sentiment Analyzer) model was used for sentiment analysis. The application of SASA resulted with a sentiment score for each post. Based on the sentiment scores for the posts there are significant differences between the content and sentiment of the two sets for the 2012 and 2016 presidential election forums. In the 2012 forums, 38% of the forums started with positive sentiment and 16% with negative sentiment. In the 2016 forums, 29% started with positive sentiment and 15% with negative sentiment. There also were changes in sentiment over time. For both elections as the election got closer, the cumulative sentiment score became negative. The candidate who won each election was in the more posts than the losing candidates. In the case of Trump, there were more negative posts than Clinton’s highest number of posts which were positive. KNIME topic modeling was used to derive topics from the posts. There were also changes in topics and keyword emphasis over time. Initially, the political parties were the most referenced and as the election got closer the emphasis changed to the candidates. The performance of the SASA method proved to predict sentiment better than four other methods in Sentibench. The research resulted in deriving sentiment data from text. In combination with other data, the sentiment data provided insight and discovery about user sentiment in the US presidential elections for 2012 and 2016.

Keywords: sentiment analysis, text mining, user generated content, US presidential elections

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Authors: Joao Vicente Pereira Fernandez

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In the context of a democratic crisis, a new wave of authoritarianism prompts domineering male figures to leadership posts worldwide. Although the gendered aspect of this phenomenon has been reasonably documented, recent studies have focused on high-level commanding posts, such as those of president and prime-minister, leaving other positions of political power with limited attention. This natural focus of investigation, however powerful, seems to have restricted our understanding of the phenomenon by precluding a more thorough inquiry of its gendered aspects and its consequences for political representation as a whole. Trying to fill this gap, in recent research, we examined the election results of Jair Bolsonaro’s party for the Legislative Branch in 2018. We found that the party's proportion of non-male representatives was on average, showing it provided reasonable access of women to the legislature in a comparative perspective. However, and perhaps more intuitively, we also found that the elected members of Bolsonaro’s party performed very gendered roles, which allowed us to draw the first lines of the representative profiles gathered around the new-right in Brazil. These results unveiled new horizons for further research, addressing topics that range from the role of women for the new-right on Brazilian institutional politics to the relations between these profiles of representatives, their agendas, and political and electoral strategies. This article aims to deepen the understanding of some of these profiles in order to lay the groundwork for the development of the second research agenda mentioned above. More specifically, it focuses on two out of the three profiles that were grasped predominantly, if not entirely, from masculine subjects during our last research, with the objective of portraying the masculinity standards mobilized and promoted by them. These profiles –the entrepreneur and the army man – were chosen to be developed due to their proximity to both liberal and authoritarian views, and, moreover, because they can possibly represent two facets of the new-right that were integrated in a certain way around Bolsonaro in 2018, but that can be reworked in the future. After a brief introduction of the literature on masculinity and politics in times of democratic crisis, we succinctly present the relevant results of our previous research and then describe these two profiles and their masculinities in detail. We adopt a combination of ethnography and discourse analysis, methods that allow us to make sense of the data we collected on our previous research as well as of the data gathered for this article: social media posts and interactions between the elected members that inspired these profiles and their supporters. Finally, we discuss our results, presenting our main argument on how these descriptions provide a further understanding of the gendered aspect of liberal authoritarianism, from where to better apprehend its political implications in Brazil.

Keywords: Brazilian politics, gendered politics, masculinities, new-right

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Authors: Arburim Iseni, Afrim Aliti, Nagri Rexhepi

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The blood feud or blood-taking is a social obligation to commit murder in order to salvage honor questioned by an earlier murder or moral humiliation. This social obligation is still preserved as a stub among Albanians when honor is violated. By the term honor are understood many things, such as honor to the family, house, guest, property, etc. Many Albanian family members are forced to stay locked up at home because of the blood killing, whereas other families abandon their houses and migrate to other places. Nonetheless, Albanians maintain close ties with their extended families, clans, and tribes and thus chances are high that the violence can beget more violence and without reconciliation of the blood these families will always be endangered. One of the reasons for the pervasiveness of the blood feud is the poor social conditions, political imbroglio and the power vacuum which comes from the corrupted and judiciary system of the state. Contrary to this, Albanian blood feud is not a phenomenon present only to the Albanians, but it also takes place in some other cultures and nations, such as: Chechens, Montenegrins, Serbians, and lately more radical one is between Amman and Israel who are at constant feud.

Keywords: honor, blood feud, reconciliation, power vacuum, poor social conditions, political imbroglio

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Authors: Albert Herve Nkolo Mpoko

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The Foreign Direct Investment (FDI) landscape in Cameroon has garnered significant attention from both European and Asian nations due to perceived benefits such as capital infusion, technology transfer, and potential for economic expansion. However, it is noteworthy that South Africa's investment presence remains comparatively subdued in Cameroon, lagging behind that of Europe and Asia. Equally surprising is the limited footprint of Africa's economic powerhouse within other African economies. This study delved into four specific facets of South African investment in Cameroon. Initially, it focused on identifying South African companies operating within Cameroon. Subsequently, the analysis encompassed assessing the correlation between South African investment and poverty alleviation. Additionally, the study examined the nexus between South African investment and technological advancement, and underscored the significance of investment incentives in both countries Key findings of the research shed light on several crucial points. South Africa ought to reassess its economic engagement with Francophone Africa, particularly Cameroon. Despite existing policies aimed at fostering investment, there remains substantial ground to cover in this realm. The proliferation of South African enterprises in Cameroon holds the potential to ameliorate poverty and foster employment opportunities across both nations. The advent of South African firms in Cameroon can catalyse technological advancements within the region. Data collection involved surveying 100 executives from the respective administrations and conducting ten interviews. The gathered data underwent triangulation, wherein quantitative findings were juxtaposed with qualitative insights. In conclusion, the study underscores the underutilization of Cameroon by South Africa, emphasizing the untapped potential for mutual economic growth. Furthermore, it posits that the success of South Africa's multinational corporations abroad could serve as a pivotal pillar for sustaining its domestic economy.

Keywords: FDI, transfer of technology, South-South cooperation, mutual economic growth

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Authors: Gizem Barreto Martins

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This paper explores the subversive potential inherent in the theatrical language employed within Arthur Miller's The Crucible. The research argues that this play intricately weaves ideological connections with its audience and the historical epoch it represents, effectively serving as a channel for ideological and cultural interaction potentially exerting subversive influences on social and political realms. Using a historical-materialist methodology that situates the play within its historical and political context, all while examining its connections with theater and literary theories, the paper raises a fundamental query: How does this dramatic work embody subversion, presenting a style unburdened by the performative conventions of daily life and prevailing codes and systems of representation? In response to this inquiry, the study asserts that theatrical language has the capacity to function as a subversive catalyst against prevailing ideologies, actively contributing to the process of social transformation. To substantiate this claim, the research conducts a detailed analysis of the selected play, employing the semiotic framework pioneered by Gilles Deleuze and Felix Guattari.

Keywords: arthur miller, The crucible, gilles deleuze, felix guattari, theater and literary theories

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Authors: Ronit Chakraborty

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Kolkata, formerly known as Calcutta, is the capital of West Bengal state and the former capital of India (1722-1911) of British India. Located at the heart of Hugli river (one of the main channels of Ganges river), the city is the heart of the state, which forms a base for commerce, transport and manufacture. The large and vibrant city thrives amidst the economic, social and political issues arising from the pages of history to the contemporary times. The unique nature, grandeurs, public debates on tea-stalls and obviously the charismatic scenic beauty and heritage keep the city to be criticized in all horizons, across the world. Movies in India are a big source of knowledge, which can be used as a powerful tool for political mobilization and to indirectly communicate with voters since cinema can be used as a tool of propaganda as it has a wide range of public interests. History proves the fact that films produced in India have been apt enough in making public interests be deeply portrayed through their content in a versatile manner. Such is the portrayal of India’s first capital, Kolkata and its ultimate truth being organizingly laid over by the trilogy of two international fame directors-Mrinal Sen and Satyajit Ray, through their ‘magnum opus- the ‘Kolkata trilogy’. Mrinal Sen’s Interview(1971), Calcutta 71(1972), Padatik(The Guerilla Fighter)(1973) and Satyajit Ray’s Pratidwandi (The Adversary)(1970), Seemabaddha(Company Limited)(1971), Jana Aranya(1976). These films picturized the contemporary Kolkata trends, issues and crises arising amidst the political set-up both by the positive and negative variables attributing to the day-to-day happenings of the city. The movies have been set amidst the turmoil that the nation was going through during Indira Gandhi’s declaration of Emergency, resulting from the general sense of disillusionment that prevailed during that time. Ray wasn't affiliated to any political party and his films largely contributed towards the contemporary conditions prevailing in the society. Mrinal Sen, being a Marxist was in constant search of the bitter truth that the society had to offer through his lens under the prevailing darkness through his trilogy. The research paper attempts to widely view and draw a comparative study of the overall description of the city of Kolkata as portrayed by Sen and Ray in their respective trilogies. By the usage of the visual content analysis method, the researcher has explored the six movies; both the trilogies of Mrinal Sen and Satyajit Ray and tried to analyse the differences as well as the similarities pertaining to understand India’s first capital city Kolkata in various dimensions along with its circumference.

Keywords: Kolkata, trilogy, Satyajit Ray, Mrinal Sen, films, comparative study

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Authors: Liz van Acker, Linda Colley

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Political processes are shaped by the gendered culture of parliaments. This paper examines how the institution of parliament has been affected by the changing number of women in politics. In order to understand how and why gender change occurs, the paper employs a feminist historical institutionalism approach. It argues that while it is difficult to change the gendered nature of political institutions, it is possible, from a gender perspective, to understand the processes of change both formally and informally. Increasing women’s representation has been a slow process which has not occurred without political struggles. A broadly defined ‘feminist historical institutionalism’ has critiqued existing approaches to institutions and combined historical institutional analysis with tools of gender to enhance our understanding of institutional processes and change. The paper examines the gendered rules, norms, and practices that influence institutional design choices and processes. Institutions such as Parliament often are able to adjust to women’s entry and absorb them without too much interruption. Exploring the hidden aspects to informal institutions involves identifying unspoken and accepted norms that may guide decision-making – exposing and questioning the gender status quo. This paper examines the representation of women in the Queensland Parliament, Australia. It places the Queensland experience in historical context, as well as in the national and international context. The study is interesting, given that its gender representation has rocketed from one of the worst performing states in 2012 to one of the best performing in 2015 with further improvements in 2017. The state currently has a re-elected female Premier, a female Deputy Premier and a female-dominated cabinet – in fact, Queensland was the first ministry in Australia to have a majority of women in its Cabinet. However, it is unnecessary to dig far below these headlines to see that this is uncharacteristic of its history: progress towards this current position has been slow and patchy. The paper finds that matters such as the glass ceiling and the use of quotas explain women’s recent success in Queensland politics.

Keywords: feminist historical institutional approach, glass ceiling, quotas, women’s participation in politics

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Authors: Priscilla Echeverria

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For us grown up in neoliberal societies, it is not always clear that we have not only incorporated an economic logic into our subjectivities, but a technical reason, an instrumental way of relationship with the environment inspired in a control interest that constantly dehumanizes us as takes away our capacity of action, becoming mere objects or bureaucrats, stripped of our citizen dimension to participate in social and political issues responsibly and creatively. To restore the capacity of action -agency- is urgent in our societies to strengthen better democracies. On this, the formal educational system plays a crucial role, which in turn needs teachers prepared to understand their role as integral educators instead of mere curriculum managers. For this reason, initial teacher formation (ITF) programs must assume the responsibility of helping them to develop an ethical/political/epistemic pedagogical agency to deal with a technical school culture and, in turn, able to relate to their students in democratic ways to help them to develop their agency capacities. By highlighting a perspective of education as the opposite of technocracy and bureaucracy, this talk precisely addresses ITF as a crucial and formative space to restore a perspective of what a critical education can look like, enabling pedagogy students with pedagogical agency capacities to, in turn, allow their future students to develop it. This discussion is part of my doctoral research, "The importance of developing the capacity for ethical-political-epistemic agency in novice teachers during initial teacher formation to contribute to social justice", which I currently develop in the Educational Research program of the University of Lancaster, United Kingdom, as a Conicyt fellow for the 2019 cohort. This presentation specifically offers preliminary results of the analysis of critical incidents as a research methodological tool to analyse the capacity of pedagogical agency deployed by novice teachers in their first pedagogical experiences in the Chilean context.

Keywords: initial teacher formation, pedagogical agency, pedagogical interaction, hidden curriculum, critical pedagogy, social justice

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Authors: Kgolagano Mpejane

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The study applies a New Institutional Economics (NIE) analytical framework to trade in developing economies by assessing the impacts of institutional quality and institutional quality distance on agricultural trade using a panel data of 15 Southern African Development Community (SADC) countries from the years 1991-2010. The issue of institutions on agricultural trade has not been accorded the necessary attention in the literature, particularly in developing economies. Therefore, the paper empirically tests the gravity model of international trade by measuring the impact of political, economic and legal institutions on intra SADC agricultural trade. The gravity model is noted for its exploratory power and strong theoretical foundation. However, the model has statistical shortcomings in dealing with zero trade values and heteroscedasticity residuals leading to biased results. Therefore, this study employs a two stage Heckman selection model with a Probit equation to estimate the influence of institutions on agricultural trade. The selection stages include the inverse Mills ratio to account for the variable bias of the gravity model. The Heckman model accounts for zero trade values and is robust in the presence of heteroscedasticity. The empirical results of the study support the NIE theory premise that institutions matter in trade. The results demonstrate that institutions determine bilateral agricultural trade on different margins with political institutions having positive and significant influence on bilateral agricultural trade flows within the SADC region. Legal and economic institutions have significant and negative effects on SADC trade. Furthermore, the results of this study confirm that institutional quality distance influences agricultural trade. Legal and political institutional distance have a positive and significant influence on bilateral agricultural trade while the influence of economic, institutional quality is negative and insignificant. The results imply that nontrade barriers, in the form of institutional quality and institutional quality distance, are significant factors limiting intra SADC agricultural trade. Therefore, gains from intra SADC agricultural trade can be attained through the improvement of institutions within the region.

Keywords: agricultural trade, institutions, gravity model, SADC

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Authors: Journey Whitfield

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This study investigates the United States' ongoing violation of Black Americans' fundamental human rights, as evidenced by mass incarceration, social injustice, and economic deprivation. It argues that the U.S. contravenes Article 9 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights through policies that uphold systemic racism. The analysis dissects current practices within the criminal justice system, social welfare programs, and economic policy, uncovering the racially disparate impacts of seemingly race-neutral policies. This study establishes a clear lineage between past systems of oppression – slavery and Jim Crow – and present-day racial disparities, demonstrating their inextricable link. The thesis proposes that only a comprehensive reparations program for Black Americans can begin to redress these systemic injustices. This program must transcend mere financial compensation, demanding structural reforms within U.S. institutions to dismantle systemic racism and promote transformative justice. This study explores potential forms of reparations, drawing upon historical precedents, comparative case studies from other nations, and contemporary debates within political philosophy and legal studies. The research employs both qualitative and quantitative methods. Qualitative methods include historical analysis of legal frameworks and policy documents, as well as discourse analysis of political rhetoric. Quantitative methods involve statistical analysis of socioeconomic data and criminal justice outcomes to expose racial disparities. This study makes a significant contribution to the existing literature on reparations, human rights, and racial injustice in the United States. It offers a rigorous analysis of the enduring consequences of historical oppression and advocates for bold, justice-centered solutions.

Keywords: Black Americans, reparations, mass incarceration, racial injustice, human rights, united states

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Authors: Santiago Martínez Hernández

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The establishment of the European Union signified the culmination of the supra-national power addressing economic, political, legal and humanitarian matters within and above a national territory. Human rights have taken a protagonist role as one of the pressing concerns that the EU addresses, and one of the most critical problems is that of human trafficking. This multi-billion dollar criminal business represents $31.6 per year made out of 2.5 million trafficked persons worldwide, making it one of the most crucial human rights problems in the world to address. The EU has developed strategies to tackle this issue through supra-national governance, however, how have they fared? What is the impact of its development on the issue? This paper will address the direct and indirect impact of the formation of the European Union as a supranational political and economic entity on the illicit industry of human trafficking in Europe. It attempts to analyse first, the situation of human trafficking in Europe, as an attempt to understand its importance in the region, addressing its root causes and the role of the states addressed. Second, the paper will examine the impact of the EU on human breaking down its policy-making at a supranational level, the role of the economic integration of the region, and the change of migration patterns since its inception.

Keywords: human trafficking, human rights, European union, criminal business

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Authors: Souhila Belabbas

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This paper focuses on the Kabyles’ multilingual practices in the UK, within the Kabyle/Amazigh Cultural Organisation in London, on online platforms and at home. The Kabyles have roots in northern Algeria and associate their language, Kabyle, with a pre-Arabized history of northern Africa. Drawing on ethnographic research with this community, this study brings together their post-migration language preservation activisms as well as their dynamic multilingual practices and situational language choice into a dialogue. This shows the enduring significance of the heritage language for social, cultural and historical identity. It also demonstrates that the current survival of the “mother tongue” hinges on multilingual and multi-sited language activisms, which bear the hallmarks of both new creativities and diminishing fluencies in multilingual spaces. These multilingual repertoires also included a range of ideological stances, expressed as cultural, moral, and political attitudes to the “mother tongue” and to other, potentially more dominant, languages in their lives, involving both inclusive and exclusive instances. The Kabyles in the UK practice everyday forms of multilingualism in the dynamic terms whilst making strong identity claims to an endangered heritage language. Crucially, their language contact experiences were not a post-migration novelty but part of their pre-migration lifeworlds. The participants involved in this study shared a commitment to Kabyle identity activism. They expressed this differently, varyingly foregrounding cultural, social or political issues. These differences were related to their North-African cultural background, live, gender, religious and/or political affiliation, as well as to their different migratory trajectories. Among these ethno-conscious individuals, the use of Kabyle was often particularly vibrant in informal domains of casual conversations and mixed in with French, English and often Arabic. During community events and festivals, though, many made special efforts to converse in Kabyle as if to make a point about their commitment to a shared identity.

Keywords: ethnography, language ideology, language choice, heritage language, migration trajectories, multilingual repertoires

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Authors: Souhila Belabbas

Abstract:

This paper focuses on the Kabyles’ multilingual practices in the UK, within the Kabyle/Amazigh Cultural Organisation in London, on online platforms and at home. The Kabyles have roots in northern Algeria and associate their language, Kabyle, with a pre-Arabized history of northern Africa. Drawing on ethnographic research with this community, this study brings together their post-migration language preservation activisms as well as their dynamic multilingual practices and situational language choice into a dialogue. This shows the enduring significance of the heritage language for social, cultural and historical identity. It also demonstrates that the current survival of the “mother tongue” hinges on multilingual and multi-sited language activisms, which bear the hallmarks of both new creativities and diminishing fluencies in multilingual spaces. These multilingual repertoires also included a range of ideological stances, expressed as cultural, moral, and political attitudes to the “mother tongue” and to other, potentially more dominant, languages in their lives, involving both inclusive and exclusive instances. The Kabyles in the UK practice everyday forms of multilingualism in the dynamic terms whilst making strong identity claims to an endangered heritage language. Crucially, their language contact experiences were not a post-migration novelty but part of their pre-migration lifeworlds. The participants involved in this study shared a commitment to Kabyle identity activism. They expressed this differently, varyingly foregrounding cultural, social or political issues. These differences were related to their North-African cultural background, live, gender, religious and/or political affiliation, as well as to their different migratory trajectories. Among these ethno-conscious individuals, the use of Kabyle was often particularly vibrant in informal domains of casual conversations and mixed in with French, English and often Arabic. During community events and festivals, though, many made special efforts to converse in Kabyle as if to make a point about their commitment to a shared identity.

Keywords: ethnography, language ideology, language choice, heritage language, migration trajectories, multilingual repertoires

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Authors: Beth Vale

Abstract:

Academic research has often neglected the city after dark. Surprisingly little consideration has been given to the every night life of cities: the spatial tactics and creative insurgencies of urban residents when night falls. The focus on ‘pleasure’ in the nocturnal city has often negated the subtle politics of night-time play, embedded in expressions of identity, attachment and resistance. This paper investigates Johannesburg nightclubs as sites of quotidian political labour, through which young people contest social space and their place in it, thereby contributing to the city’s effective and socio-political cartography. The tactical remodelling of the nocturnal city through nightclubbing traces lines of desire (material, emotional, sexual), affiliation, and fear. These in turn map onto young people’s expressions of their social and political identities, as well as their attempts at place-making in a ‘post-apartheid’ context. By examining the micro-politics of the cities' nightclubs, this paper speaks back to an earlier post-94 literature, which regularly characterised Johannesburg youth as superficial, individualist and idealistic. Similarly, some might position nightclubs as sites of frivolous consumption or liberatory permissiveness. Yet because nightclub spaces are racialised, classed and gendered, historically-signified and socially regulated, they are also profoundly political. Through ordinary encounters on the cities' dancefloors, young Jo’burgers are imagining, contesting and negotiating their socio-political identities and indeed their claims to the city. Meanwhile, the politics of this generation of youth, who are increasingly critical of the utopian post-apartheid city, are being increasingly inserted and coopted into night-time cultures. Data for this study was gathered through five months of ethnographic fieldwork in Johannesburg nightclubs, including over 120 hours of participant observation and in-depth interviews with organisers and partygoers. Interviewees recognised that parties, rather than being simple frivolity, are a cacophony of celebration, mourning, worship, rage, rebellion and attachment. Countering standard associations between partying and escapism, party planners, venue owners and nightclub audiences were infusing night-time infrastructures with the aesthetics of politics and protest. Not unlike parties, local political assemblies so often rely on music, dance, the occupation of space, and a heaving crowd. References to social movements, militancy and anti-establishment emerged in nightclub themes, dress codes and décor. Metaphors of fire crossed over between party and protest, both of which could be described as having ‘been lit’ or having ‘brought flames’. More so, young people’s articulations of the city’s night-time geography, and their place in it, reflected articulations of race, class and ideological affiliation. The location, entrance fees and stylistic choices of one’s chosen club destination demarcated who was welcome, while also signalling membership to a particular politics (whether progressive or materialistic, inclusive or elitist, mainstream or counter-culture). Because of their ability to divide and unite, aggravate and titillate, mask and reveal, club cultures might offer a mirror to the complex socialities of a generation of Jo’burg youth, as they inhabit, and bring into being, a contemporary South African city.

Keywords: affect, Johannesburg, nightclub, nocturnal city, politics

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