Search results for: politics

Authors: Sumeyra Yakar, Emine Enise Yakar

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Iran presents itself as Islamic, first and foremost, and thus, it can be said that sharī’a is the political and social centre of the states. However, actual practice reveals distinct interpretations and understandings of the sharī’a. The research can be categorised inside the framework of logic in Islamic law and theology. The first task of this paper will be to identify how the sharī’a is understood in Iran by mapping out how the judges apply the law in their respective jurisdictions. The attention will then move from a simple description of the diversity of sharī’a understandings to the question of how that diversity relates to social concepts and cultures. This, of course, necessitates a brief exploration of Iran’s historical background which will also allow for an understanding of sectarian influences and the significance of certain events. The main purpose is to reach an understanding of the process of applying sources to formulate solutions which are in accordance with sharī’a and how religious education is pursued in order to become official judges. Ultimately, this essay will explore the attempts to gain an understanding by linking the practices to the secondary sources of Islamic law. It is important to emphasise that these cultural components of Islamic law must be compatible with the aims of Islamic law and their fundamental sources. The sharī’a consists of more than just legal doctrines (fiqh) and interpretive activities (ijtihād). Its contextual and theoretical framework reveals a close relationship with cultural and historical elements of society. This has meant that its traditional reproduction over time has relied on being embedded into a highly particular form of life. Thus, as acknowledged by pre-modern jurists, the sharī’a encompasses a comprehensive approach to the requirements of justice in legal, historical and political contexts. In theological and legal areas that have the specific authority of tradition, Iran adheres to Shīa’ doctrine, and this explains why the Shīa’ religious establishment maintains a dominant position in matters relating to law and the interpretation of sharī’a. The statements and interpretations of the tradition are distinctly different from sunnī interpretations, and so the use of different sources could be understood as the main reason for the discrepancies in the application of sharī’a between Iran and other Muslim countries. The sharī’a has often accommodated prevailing customs; moreover, it has developed legal mechanisms to all for its adaptation to particular needs and circumstances in society. While jurists may operate within the realm of governance and politics, the moral authority of the sharī’a ensures that these actors legitimate their actions with reference to God’s commands. The Iranian regime enshrines the principle of vilāyāt-i faqīh (guardianship of the jurist) which enables jurists to solve the conflict between law as an ideal system, in theory, and law in practice. The paper aims to show how the religious, educational system works in harmony with the governmental authorities with the concept of vilāyāt-i faqīh in Iran and contributes to the creation of religious custom in the society.

Keywords: guardianship of the jurist (vilāyāt-i faqīh), imitation (taqlīd), seminaries (hawza), Shi’i jurisprudence

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Authors: Shelley Zion

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This study examines the longitudinal impact (10 years) of a course for education leaders designed to encourage the development of critical consciousness surrounding issues of equity, oppression, power, and privilege. The ability to resist and challenge oppression across social and cultural contexts can be acquired through the use of transformative pedagogies that create spaces that use the practice of exploration to make connections between pervasive structural and institutional practices and race and ethnicity. This study seeks to extend this understanding by exploring the longitudinal influence of participating in a course that utilizes transformative pedagogies, course materials, exercises, and activities to encourage the practice of exploration of student experiences with racial and ethnic discrimination with the end goal of providing them with the necessary knowledge and skills that foster their ability to resist and challenge oppression and discrimination -critical action- in their lives. To this end, we use the explanatory power of the theories of critical consciousness development, sociopolitical development, and social identity construction that view exploration as a crucial practice in understanding the role ethnic and racial differences play in creating opportunities or barriers in the lives of individuals. When educators use transformative pedagogies, they create a space where students collectively explore their experiences with racial and ethnic discrimination through course readings, in-class activities, and discussions. The end goal of this exploration is twofold: first, to encourage the student’s ability to understand how differences are identified, given meaning to, and used to position them in specific places and spaces in their world; second, to scaffold students’ ability to make connections between their individual and collective differences and particular institutional and structural practices that create opportunities or barriers in their lives. Studies have found the formal exploration of students’ individual and collective differences in relation to their experiences with racial and ethnic discrimination results in developing an understanding of the roles race and ethnicity play in their lives. To trace the role played by exploration in identity construction, we utilize an integrative approach to identity construction informed by multiple theoretical frameworks grounded in cultural studies, social psychology, and sociology that understand social-cultural, racial, and ethnic -identities as dynamic and ever-changing based on context-specific environments. Stuart Hall refers to this practice as taking “symbolic detours through the past” while reflecting on the different ways individuals have been positioned based on their roots (group membership) and also how they, in turn, chose to position themselves through collective sense-making of the various meanings their differences carried through the routes they have taken. The practice of exploration in the construction of ethnic-racial identities has been found to be beneficial to sociopolitical development.

Keywords: political polarization, civic participation, democracy, education

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Authors: Emiliano Castillo

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The aim of this research is to analyze the origins, the development and possible outcomes of the environmental conflict between grassroots organizations, indigenous communities, Kinder Morgan Corporation, and the Canadian government over the Trans Mountain pipeline expansion in Burnaby, British Columbia, Canada. Building on the political ecology and the environmental justice theoretical framework, this research examines the impacts and risks of tar sands extraction, production, and transportation on climate change, public health, the environment, and indigenous people´s rights over their lands. This study is relevant to the environmental justice and political ecology literature because it discusses the unequal distribution of environmental costs and economic benefits of tar sands development; and focuses on the competing interests, needs, values, and claims of the actors involved in the conflict. Furthermore, it will shed light on the context, conditions, and processes that lead to the organization and mobilization of a grassroots movement- comprised of indigenous communities, citizens, scientists, and non-governmental organizations- that draw significant media attention by opposing the Trans Mountain pipeline expansion. Similarly, the research will explain the differences and dynamics within the grassroots movement. This research seeks to address the global context of the conflict by studying the links between the decline of conventional oil production, the rise of unconventional fossil fuels (e.g. tar sands), climate change, and the struggles of low-income, ethnic, and racial minorities over the territorial expansion of extractive industries. Data will be collected from legislative documents, policy and technical reports, scientific journals, newspapers articles, participant observation, and semi-structured interviews with representatives and members of the grassroots organizations, indigenous communities, and Burnaby citizens that oppose the Trans Mountain pipeline. These interviews will focus on their perceptions of the risks of the Trans Mountain pipeline expansion; the roots of the anti-tar sands movement; the differences and dynamics within the movement; and the strategies to defend the livelihoods of local communities and the environment against tar sands development. This research will contribute to the understanding of the underlying causes of the environmental conflict between the Canadian government, Kinder Morgan, and grassroots organizations over tar sands extraction, production, and transportation in Burnaby, British Columbia, Canada. Moreover, this work will elucidate the transformations of society-nature relationships brought by tar sands development. Research findings will provide scientific information about how the resistance movement in British Columbia can challenge the dominant narrative on tar sands, exert greater influence in environmental politics, and efficiently defend Indigenous people´s rights to lands. Furthermore, this research will shed light into how grassroots movements can contribute towards the building of more inclusive and sustainable societies.

Keywords: environmental conflict, environmental justice, extractive industry, indigenous communities, political ecology, tar sands

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Authors: Georgios Samaras

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New media such as Facebook, YouTube and Twitter introduced the world to a new era of instant communication. An era where online interactions could replace a lot of offline actions. Technology can create a mediated environment in which participants can communicate (one-to-one, one-to-many, and many-to-many) both synchronously and asynchronously and participate in reciprocal message exchanges. Currently, social networks are attracting similar academic attention to that of the internet after its mainstream implementation into public life. Websites and platforms are seen as the forefront of a new political change. There is a significant backdrop of previous methodologies employed to research the effects of social networks. New approaches are being developed to be able to adapt to the growth of social networks and the invention of new platforms. Golden Dawn was the first openly neo-Nazi party post World War II to win seats in the parliament of a European country. Its racist rhetoric and violent tactics on social networks were rewarded by their supporters, who in the face of Golden Dawn’s leaders saw a ‘new dawn’ in Greek politics. Mainstream media banned its leaders and members of the party indefinitely after Ilias Kasidiaris attacked Liana Kanelli, a member of the Greek Communist Party, on live television. This media ban was seen as a treasonous move by a significant percentage of voters, who believed that the system was desperately trying to censor Golden Dawn to favor mainstream parties. The shocking attack on live television received international coverage and while European countries were condemning this newly emerged neo-Nazi rhetoric, almost 7 percent of the Greek population rewarded Golden Dawn with 18 seats in the Greek parliament. Many seem to think that Golden Dawn mobilised its voters online and this approach played a significant role in spreading their message and appealing to wider audiences. No strict online censorship existed back in 2012 and although Golden Dawn was openly used neo-Nazi symbolism, it was allowed to use social networks without serious restrictions until 2017. This paper used qualitative methods to investigate Golden Dawn’s rise in social networks from 2012 to 2019. The focus of the content analysis was set on three social networking platforms: Facebook, Twitter and YouTube, while the existence of Golden Dawn’s website, which was used as a news sharing hub, was also taken into account. The content analysis included text and visual analyses that sampled content from their social networking pages to translate their political messaging through an ideological lens focused on extreme-right populism. The absence of hate speech regulations on social network platforms in 2012 allowed the free expression of those heavily ultranationalist and populist views, as they were employed by Golden Dawn in the Greek political scene. On YouTube, Facebook and Twitter, the influence of their rhetoric was particularly strong. Official channels and MPs profiles were investigated to explore the messaging in-depth and understand its ideological elements.

Keywords: populism, far-right, social media, Greece, golden dawn

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Authors: Angelo Corallo, Maria Elena Latino, Marta Menegoli

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The link between man and food plays, in the social and economic system, a central role where cultural and multidisciplinary aspects intertwine: food is not only nutrition, but also communication, culture, politics, environment, science, ethics, fashion. This multi-dimensionality has many implications in the food economy. In recent years, the consumer became more conscious about his food choices, involving a consistent change in consumption models. This change concerns several aspects: awareness of food system issues, employment of socially and environmentally conscious decision-making, food choices based on different characteristics than nutritional ones i.e. origin of food, how it’s produced, and who’s producing it. In this frame the ‘consumption choices’ and the ‘interests of the citizen’ become one part of the others. The figure of the ‘Citizen Consumer’ is born, a responsible and ethically motivated individual to change his lifestyle, achieving the goal of sustainable consumption. Simultaneously the branding, that before was guarantee of the product quality, today is questioned. In order to meet these needs, Agri-Food companies are developing specific product lines that follow two main philosophies: ‘Back to basics’ and ‘Less is more’. However, the issue of ethical behavior does not seem to find an adequate on market offer. Most likely due to a lack of attention on the communication strategy used, very often based on market logic and rarely on ethical one. The label in its classic concept of ‘clean labeling’ can no longer be the only instrument through which to convey product information and its evolution towards a concept of ‘clear label’ is necessary to embrace ethical and transparent concepts in progress the process of democratization of the Food System. The implementation of a voluntary traceability path, relying on the technological models of the Internet of Things or Industry 4.0, would enable the Agri-Food Supply Chain to collect data that, if properly treated, could satisfy the information need of consumers. A change of approach is therefore proposed towards Agri-Food traceability that is no longer intended as a tool to be used to respond to the legislator, but rather as a promotional tool useful to tell the company in a transparent manner and then reach the slice of the market of food citizens. The use of mobile technology can also facilitate this information transfer. However, in order to guarantee maximum efficiency, an appropriate communication model based on the ethical communication principles should be used, which aims to overcome the pipeline communication model, to offer the listener a new way of telling the food product, based on real data collected through processes traceability. The Citizen Consumer is therefore placed at the center of the new model of communication in which he has the opportunity to choose what to know and how. The new label creates a virtual access point capable of telling the product according to different point of views, following the personal interests and offering the possibility to give several content modalities to support different situations and usability.

Keywords: agri food traceability, agri-food transparency, clear label, food system, internet of things

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Authors: Vrajesh Rawal

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India's economic landscape has witnessed significant transformations over the past decades, characterized by shifts from agrarian to service-oriented economies. Recently, there has been a growing emphasis on transitioning towards a manufacturing-led growth model driven by factors such as demographic changes, technological advancements, and evolving global trade dynamics. These changes reflect broader efforts to enhance industrialization, boost employment opportunities, and diversify the economic base beyond traditional sectors. Within this context, this research focuses on understanding the specific drivers and dynamics behind India's shift from a predominantly service-based economy to one centered on manufacturing. It seeks to explore how political ideologies influence economic policies and shape sectoral priorities, with a particular focus on contrasting approaches between the Indian National Congress (INC) and the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP). Additionally, the study evaluates the alignment of IMF policy recommendations with India's economic goals and priorities within the theoretical frameworks of neoliberalism and political economy theory. Despite the extensive literature on India's economic reforms and political economy, there remains a gap in understanding how political ideology influences sectoral shifts and economic policy outcomes, particularly in the context of IMF recommendations. Existing studies often focus narrowly on either political ideologies or economic reforms without fully integrating both perspectives. This research aims to bridge this gap by providing a comprehensive analysis that integrates political economy theories with empirical evidence from political speeches, government documents, and IMF reports. Through qualitative content analysis of speeches by political leaders, document analysis of key governmental documents, and scrutiny of party manifestos, this research demonstrates how political ideologies translate into distinct economic strategies and developmental agendas. It highlights the extent to which IMF policy prescriptions align with India's economic objectives and how these interactions shape broader socio-economic outcomes. The theoretical framework of neoliberalism and political economy theory provides a lens to interpret these findings, offering insights into the complex interplay between economic policies, political ideologies, and institutional frameworks in India. The findings of this study are expected to provide valuable insights for policymakers, researchers, and practitioners involved in economic governance and development planning in India. By understanding the factors driving sectoral shifts and the influence of political ideologies on economic policies, policymakers can make informed decisions to foster sustainable economic growth and development. Implementation of these insights could contribute to refining policy frameworks, enhancing alignment with national development priorities, and optimizing engagement with international financial institutions like the IMF to better meet India's socio-economic challenges and opportunities in the evolving global context.

Keywords: political economy, international politics, social science, policy analysis

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Authors: Probuddha Mukhopadhyay

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The infiltration of key elements to the civil structure is foraying its way to reclaim, what is its own. The reclamation of lives and spaces, once challenged, becomes a consistent process of ingress, disguised as parallels to the moving city, disperses into discourses often unheard of and conveniently forgotten. In this age of 'hyper'-urbanization, there are solutions suggested to a plethora of issues faced by citizens, in improving their standards of living. Problems are ancillary to proposals that emerge out of the underlying disorders of the townscape. These interventions result in the formulation of urban policies, to consolidate and optimize, to regularize and to streamline resources. Policy and practice are processes where the politics in policies define the way in which urban solutions are prescribed. Social constraints, that formulate the various cycles of order and disorders within the urban realm, are the stigmas for such interventions. There is often a direct relation of policy to place, no matter how people-centric it may seem to be projected. How we live our lives depends on where we live our lives - a relative statement for urban problems, varies from city to city. Communal compositions, welfare, crisis, socio-economic balance, need for management are the generic roots for urban policy formulation. However, in reality, the gentry administering its environmentalism is the criterion, that shapes and defines the values and expanse of such policies. In relation to the psycho-spatial characteristic of urban spheres with respect to the other side of this game, there have been instances, where the associational values have been reshaped by interests. The public domain reclaimed for exclusivity, thus creating fortified neighborhoods. Here, the citizen cumulative is often drifted by proposals that would over time deplete such landscapes of the city. It is the organized rebellion that in turn formulates further inward looking enclaves of latent aggression. In recent times, it has been observed that the unbalanced division of power and the implied processes of regulating the weak, stem the rebellion who respond in kits and parts. This is a phenomenon that mimics the guerilla warfare tactics, in order to have systems straightened out, either by manipulations or by force. This is the form of the city determined by the various forms insinuated by the state of city wide decisions. This study is an attempt at understanding the way in which development is interpreted by the state and the civil society and the role that community driven processes undertake to reinstate their claims to the city. This is a charter of consolidated patterns of negotiations that tend to counter policies. The research encompasses a study of various contested settlements in two cities of India- Mumbai and Kolkata, tackling dissent through spatial order. The study has been carried out to identify systems - formal and informal, catering to the most challenged interests of the people with respect to their habitat, a model to counter the top-down authoritative framework challenging the legitimacy of such settlements.

Keywords: urban design, insurgence, tactical urbanism, urban governance, civil society, state

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Authors: Naniek Widayati Priyomarsono

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Introduction: In beginning of Karaton formation, namely, era of Javanese kingdom town had the power region outside castle town (called as Mancanegara), settlement of karaton can function as “the space-between” and “space-defense”, besides it was one of components from governmental structure and karaton power at that time (internal servant/abdi dalem and sentana dalem). Upon the Independence of Indonesia in 1945 “Kingdom-City” converted its political status into part of democratic town managed by statutes based on the classification. The latter affects local culture hierarchy alteration due to the physical development and events. Dynamics of social economy activities in Kampung Karaton surrounded by buildings of Complex of Karaton Kasunanan ini, have impact on the urban system disturbed into the región. Also cultural region image fades away with the weak visual access from existant cultural artefacts. That development lacks of giving appreciation to the established region image providing identity of Karaton Kasunanan particularly and identity of Surakarta city in general. Method used is strategy of grounded theory research (research providing strong base of a theory). Research is focused on actors active and passive relevantly getting involved in change process of Karaton settlement. Data accumulated is “Investigation Focus” oriented on actors affecting that change either internal or external. Investigation results are coupled with field observation data, documentation, literature study, thus it takes accurate findings. Findings: Karaton village has potential products as attraction, possessing human resource support, strong motivation from society still living in that settlement, possessing facilities and means supports, tourism event-supporting facilities, cultural art institution, available fields or development area. Data analyzed: To get the expected result it takes restoration in social cultural development direction, and economy, with ways of: Doing social cultural development strategy, economy, and politics. To-do steps are program socialization of Karaton village as Tourism Village, economical development of local society, regeneration pattern, filtering, and selection of tourism development, integrated planning system development, development with persuasive approach, regulation, market mechanism, social cultural event sector development, political development for region activity sector. Summary: In case the restoration is done by getting society involved as subject of that settlement (active participation in the field), managed and packed interestingly and naturally with tourism-supporting facilities development, village of Karaton Kasunanan Surakarta is ready to receive visit of domestic and foreign tourists.

Keywords: karaton village, finding, restoration, economy, Indonesia

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Authors: Vangelis Papadimitropoulos

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This paper is part of the research program “Techno-Social Innovation in the Collaborative Economy”, funded by the Hellenic Foundation for Research and Innovation (H.F.R.I.) for the years 2022-2024. The paper showcases the Open Food Network (OFN) as an open-sourced digital platform supporting short food supply chains in local agricultural production and consumption. The paper outlines the research hypothesis, the theoretical framework, and the methodology of research as well as the findings and conclusions. Research hypothesis: The model of open cooperativism as a vehicle for systemic change in the agricultural sector. Theoretical framework: The research reviews the OFN as an illustrative case study of the three-zoned model of open cooperativism. The OFN is considered a paradigmatic case of the model of open cooperativism inasmuch as it produces commons, it consists of multiple stakeholders including ethical market entities, and it is variously supported by local authorities across the globe, the latter prefiguring the mini role of a partner state. Methodology: Research employs Ernesto Laclau and Chantal Mouffe’s discourse analysis -elements, floating signifiers, nodal points, discourses, logics of equivalence and difference- to analyse the breadth of empirical data gathered through literature review, digital ethnography, a survey, and in-depth interviews with core OFN members. Discourse analysis classifies OFN floating signifiers, nodal points, and discourses into four themes: value proposition, governance, economic policy, and legal policy. Findings: OFN floating signifiers align around the following nodal points and discourses: “digital commons”, “short food supply chains”, “sustainability”, “local”, “the elimination of intermediaries” and “systemic change”. The current research identifies a lack of common ground of what the discourse of “systemic change” signifies on the premises of the OFN’s value proposition. The lack of a common mission may be detrimental to the formation of a common strategy that would be perhaps deemed necessary to bring about systemic change in agriculture. Conclusions: Drawing on Laclau and Mouffe’s discourse theory of hegemony, research introduces a chain of equivalence by aligning discourses such as “agro-ecology”, “commons-based peer production”, “partner state” and “ethical market entities” under the model of open cooperativism, juxtaposed against the current hegemony of neoliberalism, which articulates discourses such as “market fundamentalism”, “privatization”, “green growth” and “the capitalist state” to promote corporatism and entrepreneurship. Research makes the case that for OFN to further agroecology and challenge the current hegemony of industrial agriculture, it is vital that it opens up its supply chains into equivalent sectors of the economy, civil society, and politics to form a chain of equivalence linking together ethical market entities, the commons and a partner state around the model of open cooperativism.

Keywords: sustainability, the digital commons, open cooperativism, innovation

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Authors: Nilufer Turksoy

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Social media tools successfully connect people from different milieu to each other. This easy access allows politicians with populist attitude to circulate any kind of political opinion or message, which will hardly appear in conventional media. Populism is a relevant concept, especially, in political communication research. In the last decade, populism in social media has been researched extensively. The present study focuses on how social media is used as a playground by Turkish Cypriot politicians to perform populism in Northern Cyprus. It aims to determine and understand the relationship between politicians and social media, and how they employ social media in their political lives. Northern Cyprus’s multi-faced character provides politicians with many possible frames and topics they can make demagogy about ongoing political deadlock, international isolation, economic instability or social and cultural life in the north part of the island. Thus, Northern Cyprus, bizarrely branded as a 'no man's land', is a case par excellence to show how politically and economically unstable geographies are inclined to perform populism. Northern Cyprus is legally invalid territory recognized by no member of the international community other than Turkey and a phantom state, just like Abkhazia and South Ossetia or Nagorno-Karabakh. Five ideological key elements of populism are employed in the theoretical framework of this study: (1) highlighting the sovereignty of the people, (2) attacking the elites, (3) advocacy for the people, (4) excluding others, and (5) invoking the heartland. A qualitative text analysis of typical Facebook posts was conducted. Profiles of popular political leaders who occupy top positions (e.g. member of parliament, minister, chairman, party secretary), who have different political views, and who use their profiles for political expression on daily bases are selected. All official Facebook pages of the selected politicians are examined during a period of five months (1 September 2017-31 January 2018). This period is selected since it was prior to the parliamentary elections. Finding revealed that majority of the Turkish Cypriot politicians use their social media profile to propagate their political ideology in a populist fashion. Populist statements are found across parties. Facebook give especially the left-wing political actors the freedom to spread their messages in manipulative ways, mostly by using a satiric, ironic and slandering jargon that refers to the pseudo-state, the phantom state, the unrecognized Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus state. While most of the political leaders advocate for the people, invoking the heartland are preferred by right-wing politicians. A broad range of left-wing politicians predominantly conducted attack on the economic elites and ostracism of others. The finding concluded that different politicians use social media differently according to their political standpoint. Overall, the study offers a thorough analysis of populism on social media. Considering the large role social media plays in the daily life today, the finding will shed some light on the political influence of social media and the social media usage among politicians.

Keywords: Northern Cyprus, populism, politics, qualitative text analysis, social media

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Authors: Aşina Gülerarslan, M. Faik Özdengül

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The new economic, social and political world order has led to the emergence of a wide range of persuasion strategies and practices based on an ever expanding marketing axis that involves organizations, ideas and persons as well as products and services. It is seen that since the 1990's, a wide variety of competitive marketing ideas have been offered systematically to target audiences in the field of politics as in other fields. When the components of marketing are taken into consideration, all kinds of communication efforts involving “political leaders”, who are conceptualized as products in terms of political marketing, serve a process of social persuasion, which cannot be restricted to election periods only, and a manageable “image”. In this context, image, which is concerned with how the political product is perceived, involves not only the political discourses shared with the public but also all kinds of biographical information about the leader, the leader’s specific way of living and routines and his/her attitudes and behaviors in their private lives, and all these are regarded as components of the “product image”. While on the one hand the leader’s verbal or supra-verbal references serve the way the “spirit of the product” is perceived –just as in brand positioning- they also show their self-esteem levels, in other words how they perceive themselves on the other hand. Indeed, their self-esteem levels are evaluated in three fundamental categories in the “Functional Analysis”, namely parent, child and adult, and it is revealed that the words, tone of voice and body language a person uses makes it easy to understand at what self-esteem level that person is. In this context, words, tone of voice and body language, which provide important clues as to the “self” of the person, are also an indication of how political leaders evaluate both “themselves” and “the mass/audience” in the communication they establish with their audiences. When the matter is taken from the perspective of Turkey, the levels of self-esteem in the relationships that the political leaders establish with the masses are also important in revealing how our society is seen from the perspective of a specific leader. Since the leader is a part of the marketing strategy of a political party as a product, this evaluation is significant in terms of the forms of relationships between political institutions in our country with the society. In this study, the self-esteem level in the documentary entitled “Master’s Story”, where Recep Tayyip Erdoğan’s life history is told, is analyzed in the context of words, tone of voice and body language. Within the scope of the study, at what level of self-esteem Recep Tayyip Erdoğan was in the “Master’s Story”, a documentary broadcast on Beyaz TV, was investigated using the content analysis method. First, based on the Functional Analysis Literature, a transactional approach scale was created regarding parent, adult and child self-esteem levels. On the basis of this scale, the prime minister’s self-esteem level was determined in three basic groups, namely “tone of voice”, “the words he used” and “body language”. Descriptive analyses were made to the data within the framework of these criteria and at what self-esteem level the prime minister spoke throughout the documentary was revealed.

Keywords: political marketing, leader image, level of self-esteem, transactional approach

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Authors: Valentina Dolmova

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What consumers choose to buy and who voters select on election days are two questions that have captivated the interest of both academics and practitioners for many decades. The importance of understanding what influences the behavior of those groups and whether or not we can predict or control it fuels a steady stream of research in a range of fields. By looking only at the past 40 years, more than 70 thousand scientific papers have been published in each field – consumer behavior and political psychology, respectively. From marketing, economics, and the science of persuasion to political and cognitive psychology - we have all remained heavily engaged. The ever-evolving technology, inevitable socio-cultural shifts, global economic conditions, and much more play an important role in choice-equations regardless of context. On one hand, this makes the research efforts always relevant and needed. On the other, the relatively low number of cross-field collaborations, which seem to be picking up only in more in recent years, makes the existing findings isolated into framed bubbles. By performing systematic research across both areas of psychology and building a parallel between theories and factors of influence, however, we find that there is not only a definitive common ground between the behaviors of consumers and voters but that we are moving towards a global model of choice. This means that the lines between contexts are fading which has a direct implication on what we should focus on when predicting or navigating buyers and voters’ behavior. Internal and external factors in four main categories determine the choices we make as consumers and as voters. Together, personal, psychological, social, and cultural create a holistic framework through which all stimuli in relation to a particular product or a political party get filtered. The analogy “consumer-voter” solidifies further. Leading academics suggest that this fundamental parallel is the key to managing successfully political and consumer brands alike. However, we distinguish additional four key stimuli that relate to those factor categories (1/ opportunity costs; 2/the memory of the past; 3/recognisable figures/faces and 4/conflict) arguing that the level of expertise a person has determines the prevalence of factors or specific stimuli. Our efforts take into account global trends such as the establishment of “celebrity politics” and the image of “ethically concerned consumer brands” which bridge the gap between contexts to an even greater extent. Scientists and practitioners are pushed to accept the transformative nature of both fields in social psychology. Existing blind spots as well as the limited number of research conducted outside the American and European societies open up space for more collaborative efforts in this highly demanding and lucrative field. A mixed method of research tests three main hypotheses, the first two of which are focused on the level of irrelevance of context when comparing voting or consumer behavior – both from the factors and stimuli lenses, the third on determining whether or not the level of expertise in any field skews the weight of what prism we are more likely to choose when evaluating options.

Keywords: buyers’ behaviour, decision-making, voters’ behaviour, social psychology

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Authors: Enrico Maria la Forgia

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Since the 80ies, in specific situations, France’s Muslims have enacted political actions to reply to attacks on their identity or assimilation attempts, using their religious affiliation as a resource for the organization and expression of collective claims. Indeed, despite Islam's internal sectarian and ethnic differences, religion may be politicized when minorities’ social and cultural rights are under attack. French Civil Society organizations, in this specific case with an Islamic background (ICSO - Islamic Civil Society Organizations), play an essential role in defending Muslims’ social and cultural rights. As a matter of fact, Civil Society organized on an ethnic or religious base is a way to strengthen minoritarian communities and their role as political actors, especially in multicultural contexts. Since the first 1983’s “Marche des Beurs” (slang word referring to French citizens with foreign origins), which involved many Muslims, the development of ICSO contributed to the strenghtening of Islam in France, here meant as a Social Movement aiming to constitute a French version of Islam, defending minorities’ cultural and religious rights, and change the perception of Islam itself in national society. However, since a visible and stigmatized minority, ICSO do not relate only to protests as a strategy to achieve their goals: on several occasions, pressure on authorities through personal networks and connections, or the introduction into public debates of bargaining through the exploitation of national or international crisis, might appear as more successfully - public discourses on minorities and Islam are generally considered favorable conditions to advance requests for cultural legitimation. The proposed abstract, based on a literary review and theoretical/methodological reflection on the state of knowledge on the topic, aims to open a new branch of studies and analysis of Civil Society and Social Movements in Europe, focusing on the French Islamic community as a political actor relating on ICSO to pressure society, local, and national authorities to improve Muslims' rights. The opted methodology relies on a qualitative approach based on ethnography and face-to-face interviews addressing heads and middle-high level activists from ICSO, in an attempt to individuate the strategies enacted by ICSO for mobilizing Muslims and build relations with, on one hand, local and national authorities; into the other, with actors belonging to the Civil Society/political sphere. The theoretical framework, instead, relies on the main Social Movements Theories (resources mobilization, political opportunity structure, and contentious/non-contentious movements), aiming to individuate eventual gaps in the analysis of Islamic Social Movements and Civil Society in minoritarian contexts.

Keywords: Islam, islamophobia, civil society, social movements, sociology, qualitative methodology, Islamic activism in social movement theory, political change, Islam as social movement, religious movements, protest and politics, France, Islamic civil society

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Authors: Shawn Baker-Garcia, Janna O. Schaeffer

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As the global and national communities and governments strive to address ongoing and evolving threats to humanity and pervasive or emerging “shared” global priorities on environmental, economic, political, and security, it is more urgent than ever before to understand each other, communicate effectively with one another, identify models of cooperation that yield improved, mutually reinforcing outcomes across and within cultures. It is within the backdrop of this reality that the presentation examines whether cultural training as we have approached it in recent decades is sufficiently meeting our current needs and what changes may be applied to foster better and more productive and sustainable intercultural interactions. Domestic and global relations face multiple challenges to peaceable cooperation. The last two years, in particular, have been defined by a travel-restricted COVID-19 pandemic yielding increased intercultural interactions over virtual platforms, polarized politics dividing nations and regions, and the commensurate rise in weaponized social and traditional media communication. These societal and cultural fissures are noticeably challenging our collective and individual abilities to constructively interact both at home and abroad. It is within this pressure cooker environment that the authors believe it is time to reexamine existing and broadly accepted inter- and cross- cultural training approaches and concepts to determine their level of effectiveness in setting conditions for optimal human understanding and relationships both in the national and international context. In order to better understand the amount and the type of intercultural training practitioners professionally engaging in international partnership building have received throughout their careers and its perceived effectiveness, a survey was designed and distributed to US and international professionals presently engaged in the fields of diplomacy, military, academia, and international business. The survey questions were deigned to address the two primary research questions investigators posed in this exploratory study. Research questions aimed to examine practitioners’ view of the role and effectiveness of current and traditional cultural training and education as a means to fostering improved communication, interactions, understanding, and cooperation among inter, cross, or multi-cultural communities or efforts.Responses were then collected and analyzed for themes present in the participants’ reflections. In their responses, the practitioners identified the areas of improvement and desired outcomes in regards to intercultural training and awareness raising curricular approaches. They also raised issues directly and indirectly pertaining to the role of foreign language proficiency in intercultural interactions and a need for a solid grasp on cultural and regional issues (regional expertise) to facilitate such an interaction. Respondents indicated knowledge, skills, abilities, and capabilities that the participants were not trained on but learned through ad hoc personal and professional intercultural interactions, which they found most valuable and wished they had acquired prior to the intercultural experience.

Keywords: cultural training, improved communication, intercultural competence, international cooperation

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Authors: Fang Bin Guo, Emma Roberts, Haibin Du, Yonggang Wang, Yu Chen, Xiuli Ge

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This paper explores the findings so far from a major externally-funded project which operates internationally in China, Germany and the UK. The research team is working in the context of the redevelopment of post-industrial sites in China and how these might be platforms for creative enterprises and thereby, the economy and welfare to flourish. Results from the project are anticipated to inform urban design policies in China and possibly farther afield. The research has utilised ethnographic studies and participatory design methods to investigate alternative strategies for sustainable urban renewal of China’s post-industrial areas. Additionally, it has undertaken comparative studies of successful examples of European and Chinese urban regeneration cases. The international cross-disciplinary team has been seeking different opportunities for developing relevant creative industries whilst retaining cultural and industrial heritage. This paper will explore the research conducted so far by the team and offer initial findings. Findings point out the development challenges of cities respecting the protection of local culture/heritages, history of the industries and transformation of the local economies. The preliminary results and pilot analysis of the current research have demonstrated that local government policyholders, business investors/developers and creative industry practitioners are the three major stakeholders that will impact city revitalisations. These groups are expected to work together with asynchronous vision in order for redevelopments to be successful. Meanwhile, local geography, history, culture, politics, economy and ethnography have been identified as important factors that impact on project design and development during urban transformations. Data is being processed from the team’s research conducted across the focal Western and Chinese cities. This has provided theoretical guidance and practical support to the development of significant experimental projects. Many were re-examined with a more international perspective, and adjustments have been based on the conclusions of the research. The observations and research are already generating design solutions in terms of ascertaining essential site components, layouts, visual design and practical facilities for regenerated sites. Two significant projects undertaken by this project team have been nominated by the central Chinese government as the most successful exemplars. They have been listed as outstanding national industry heritage projects; in particular, one of them was nominated by ArchDaily as Building of the Year 2019, and so this project outcome has made a substantial contribution to research and innovation. In summary, this paper will outline the funded project, discuss the work conducted so far, and pinpoint the initial discoveries. It will detail the future steps and indicate how these will impact on national and local governments in China, designers, local citizens and building users.

Keywords: cultural & industrial heritages, ethnographic research, participatory design, regeneration of post-industrial sites, sustainable

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Authors: Eleni Karasavvidou

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Social and anthropological research, parallel to Gender Studies, highlighted the relationship between social structures and symbolic forms as an important field of interaction and recording of 'social trends.' Since the study of representations can contribute to the understanding of the social functions and power relations, they encompass. This ‘mirage,’ however, has not only to do with the representations themselves but also with the ways they are received and the film or critical narratives that are established as dominant or alternative. Cinema and the criticism of its cultural products are no exception. Even in the rapidly changing media landscape of the 21st century, movies remain an integral and widespread part of popular culture, making films an extremely powerful means of 'legitimizing' or 'delegitimizing' visions of domination and commonsensical gender stereotypes throughout society. And yet it is film criticism, the 'language per se,' that legitimizes, reinforces, rewards and reproduces (or at least ignores) the stereotypical depictions of female roles that remain common in the realm of film images. This creates the need for this issue to have emerged (also) in academic research questioning gender criteria in film reviews as part of the effort for an inclusive art and society. Qualitative content analysis is used to examine female roles in selected Oscar-nominated films against their reviews from leading websites and newspapers. This method was chosen because of the complex nature of the depictions in the films and the narratives they evoke. The films were divided into basic scenes depicting social functions, such as love and work relationships, positions of power and their function, which were analyzed by content analysis, with borrowings from structuralism (Gennette) and the local/universal images of intercultural philology (Wierlacher). In addition to the measurement of the general ‘representation-time’ by gender, other qualitative characteristics were also analyzed, such as: speaking time, sayings or key actions, overall quality of the character's action in relation to the development of the scenario and social representations in general, as well as quantitatively (insufficient number of female lead roles, fewer key supporting roles, relatively few female directors and people in the production chain and how they might affect screen representations. The quantitative analysis in this study was used to complement the qualitative content analysis. Then the focus shifted to the criteria of film criticism and to the rhetorical narratives that exclude or highlight in relation to gender identities and functions. In the criteria and language of film criticism, stereotypes are often reproduced or allegedly overturned within the framework of apolitical "identity politics," which mainly addresses the surface of a self-referential cultural-consumer product without connecting it more deeply with the material and cultural life. One of the prime examples of this failure is the Bechtel Test, which tracks whether female characters speak in a film regardless of whether women's stories are represented or not in the films analyzed. If perceived unbiased male filmmakers still fail to tell truly feminist stories, the same is the case with the criteria of criticism and the related interventions.

Keywords: representations, context analysis, reviews, sexist stereotypes

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Authors: Tiziana Ferrero-Regis, Marissa Lindquist

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Circular Economy (CE) is increasingly seen as the reorganisation of production and consumption, and cities are acknowledged as the sources of many ecological and social problems; at the same time, they can be re-imagined through an ecologically and socially resilient future. The concept of the CE has received pointed critiques for its techno-deterministic orientation, focus on science and transformation by the policy. At the heart of our local re-imagining of the CE into circularity through contact zones there is the acknowledgment of collective, spontaneous and shared imaginations of alternative and sustainable futures through the creation of networks of community initiatives that are transformative, creating opportunities that simultaneously make cities rich and enrich humans. This paper presents a mapping project of the fashion and textile ecosystem in Brisbane, Queensland, Australia. Brisbane is currently the most aspirational city in Australia, as its population growth rate is the highest in the country. Yet, Brisbane is considered the least “fashion city” in the country. In contrast, the project revealed a greatly enhanced picture of distinct fashion and textile clusters across greater Brisbane and the adjacency of key services that may act to consolidate CE community contact zones. Clusters to the north of Brisbane and several locales to the south are zones of a greater mix between public/social amenities, walkable zones and local transport networks with educational precincts, community hubs, concentration of small enterprises, designers, artisans and waste recovery centers that will help to establish knowledge of key infrastructure networks that will support enmeshing these zones together. The paper presents two case studies of independent designers who work on new and re-designed clothing through recovering pre-consumer textiles and that operate from within creative precincts. The first case is designer Nelson Molloy, who recently returned to the inner city suburb of West End with their Chasing Zero Design project. The area was known in the 1980s and 1990s for its alternative lifestyle with creative independent production, thrifty clothing shops, alternative fashion and a socialist agenda. After 30 years of progressive gentrification of the suburb, which has dislocated many of the artists, designers and artisans, West End is seeing the return and amplification of clusters of artisans, artists, designers and architects. The other case study is Practice Studio, located in a new zone of creative growth, Bowen Hills, north of the CBD. Practice Studio combines retail with a workroom, offers repair and remaking services, becoming a point of reference for young and emerging Australian designers and artists. The paper demonstrates the spatial politics of the CE and the way in which new cultural capital is produced thanks to cultural specificities and resources. It argues for the recognition of contact zones that are created by local actors, communities and knowledge networks, whose grass-roots agency is fundamental for the co-production of CE’s systems of local governance.

Keywords: contact zones, circular citities, fashion and textiles, circular neighbourhoods, australia

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Authors: Guilherme Oliveira

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The assimilation of images and their potential symbolism into lived experiences is inherent. It is through this exercise of recognition via imagistic records that the questioning of the origins of a constant narrative stimulated by the media arises. The construction of the "Man" archetype and the reflections of active masculine imagery in the 21st century, when conveyed through media channels, could potentially have detrimental effects. Addressing this systematic behavioral chronology of virile cisgender, permeated imagistically through these means, involves exploring potential resolutions. Thus, an investigation process is initiated into the potential representation of the 'hero' in this media emulation through idols contextualized in the political sphere, with the purpose of elucidating the processes of simulation and emulation of narratives based on mythical, historical, and sacred accounts. In this process of sharing, the narratives contained in the imagistic structuring offered by information dissemination channels seek validation through a process of public acceptance. To achieve this consensus, a visual set adorned with mythological and sacred symbolisms adapted to the intended environment is promoted, thus utilizing sociocultural characteristics in favor of political marketing. Visual recognition, therefore, becomes a direct reflection of a cultural heritage acquired through lived human experience, stimulated by continuous representations throughout history. Echoes of imagery and narratives undergo a constant process of resignification of their concepts, sharpened by their premises, and adapted to the environment in which they seek to establish themselves. Political figures analyzed in this article employ the practice of taking possession of symbolisms, mythological stories, and heroisms and adapt their visual construction through a continuous praxis of emulation. Thus, they utilize iconic mythological narratives to gain credibility through belief. Utilizing iconic mythological narratives for credibility through belief, the idol becomes the very act of release of trauma, offering believers liberation from preconceived concepts and allowing for the attribution of new meanings. To dissolve this issue and highlight the subjectivities within the intention of the image, a linguistic, semiotic, and anthropological methodology is created. Linguistics uses expressions like 'Blaming the Image' to create a mechanism of expressive action in questioning why to blame a construction or visual composition and thus seek answers in the first act. Semiotics and anthropology develop an imagistic atlas of graphic analysis, seeking to make connections, comparisons, and relations between modern and sacred/mystical narratives, emphasizing the different subjective layers of embedded symbolism. Thus, it constitutes a performative act of disarming the image. It creates a disenchantment of the superficial gaze under the constant reproduction of visual content stimulated by virtual networks, enabling a discussion about the acceptance of caricatures characterized by past fables.

Keywords: image, heroic narrative, media heroism, virile politics, political, myth, sacred performance, visual mythmaking, characterization dynamics

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Authors: Rebecca Sager, Gary Adler, Damon Mayrl, Jonathan Cooley

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The United States’ unique constitutional structure and religious roots have fostered the flourishing of local communities through the close interaction of church and state. Today, these local relationships play out in these circumstances, including increased religious diversity and changing jurisprudence to more accommodating church-state interaction. This project seeks to understand the meanings of church-state interaction among diverse religious leaders in a variety of local settings. Using data from interviews with over 200 religious leaders in six states in the US, we examine how religious groups interact with various non-elected and elected government officials. We have interviewed local religious actors in eight communities characterized by the difference in location and religious homogeneity. These include a small city within a major metropolitan area, several religiously diverse cities in various areas across the country, a small college town with religious diversity set in a religiously-homogenous rural area, and a small farming community with minimal religious diversity. We identified three types of religious actors in each of our geographic areas: congregations, religious non-profit organizations, and clergy coalitions. Given the well-known difficulties in identifying religious organizations, we used the following to construct a local population list from which to sample: the Association of Religion Data Archives ProPublica’s Nonprofit Explorer, Guidestar, and the Internal Revenue Service Exempt Business Master File. Our sample for selecting interviewees were stratified by three criteria: religious tradition (Christian v. non-Christian), sectarian orientation (Mainline/Catholic v. Evangelical Protestant), and organizational form (congregation vs. other). Each interview included the elicitation of local church-state interactions experienced by the organization and organizational members, the enumeration of information sources for navigating church-state interactions, and the personal and community background of interviewees. We coded interviews to identify the cognitive schema of “church” and “state,” the models of legitimate relations between the two, and discretion rules for managing interaction and avoiding conflict. We also enumerate arenas in which and issues for which local state officials are engaged. In this paper, we focus on Korean religious groups and examine how their interactions differ from other congregations, including other immigrant congregations. These churches were particularly common in one large metropolitan area. We find that Korean churches are much more likely to be concerned about any governmental interactions and have fewer connections than non-Korean churches leading to more disconnection from their communities. We argue that due to their status as new immigrant churches without a lot of community ties for many members and being in a large city, Korean churches were particularly concerned about too much interaction with any type of government officials, even ones that could be potentially helpful. While other immigrant churches were somewhat willing to work with government groups, such as Latino-based Catholic groups, Korean churches were the least likely to want to create these connections. Understanding these churches and how immigrant church identity varies and creates different types of interaction is crucial to understanding how church/state interaction can be more meaningful over space and place.

Keywords: religion, congregations, government, politics

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Authors: Tony Wilson

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This paper sets out a practices perspective or practices theory, which has become pervasive from business to sociological studies. In doing so, it locates the perspective historically (in the work of the philosopher Heidegger) and provides a contemporary illustration of its application to communication, consumer and cultural studies as central to this conference theme. The structured account of practices (as articulated in eight ‘axioms’) presented towards the conclusion of this paper is an initial statement - planned to encourage further detailed qualitative and systematic research in areas of interest to the conference. Practice theories of equipped and situated construction of participatory meaning (as in media and marketing consuming) are frequently characterized as lacking common ground, or core principles. This paper explores whether by retracing a journey to earlier philosophical underwriting, a shared territory promoting new research can be located as current philosophical hermeneutics. Moreover, through returning to hermeneutic first principles, the paper shows that a series of spatio-temporal metaphors become available - appropriate to analyzing communication as a process across disciplines in which it is considered. Thus one can argue, for instance, that media users engage (enter) digital text from their diverse ‘horizons of expectation’, in a productive enlarging ‘fusion’ of horizons of understanding, thereby ‘projecting’ a new narrative, integrated in a ‘hermeneutic circle’ of meaning. A politics of communication studies may contest a horizon of understanding - so engaging in critical ‘distancing’. Marketing’s consumers can occupy particular places on a horizon of understanding. Media users pass over borders of changing, revised perspectives. Practices research can now not only be discerned in multiple disciplines but equally crosses disciplines. The ubiquitous practice of media use by managers and visitors in a shopping mall - the mediatization of malls - responds to investigating not just with media study expertise, but from an interpretive marketing perspective. How have mediated identities of person or place been changed? Emphasizing understanding of entities in a material environment as ‘equipment’, practices theory enables the quantitative correlation of use and demographic variable as ‘Zeug Score’. Human behavior is fundamentally habitual - shaped by its tacit assumptions - occasionally interrupted by reflection. Practices theory acknowledges such action to be minimally monitored yet nonetheless considers it as constructing narrative. Thus presented in research, ‘storied’ behavior can then be seen to be (in)formed and shaped from a shifting hierarchy of ‘horizons’ or of perspectives - from habituated to reflective - rather than a single seamless narrative. Taking a communication practices perspective here avoids conflating tacit, transformative and theoretical understanding in research. In short, a historically grounded and unifying statement of contemporary practices theory will enhance its potential as a tool in communication, consumer and cultural research, landscaping interpretative horizons of human behaviour through exploring widely the culturally (in)formed narratives equipping and incorporated (reflectively, unreflectively) in people’s everyday lives.

Keywords: communication, consumer, cultural practices, hermeneutics

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Authors: Vaicekauskiene G., Nabazaite E.

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This study analyses the rise of global populism in Western democracies, focusing primarily on the populist rhetoric. Populist rhetoric is based on anti-pluralist ideas, opposing a “homogeneous nation” against “dangerous others” who are pushed out of the nation by populists, and can be citizens from both in-groups and out-groups. This study will examine the case of the elections of Parliament of the Republic of Lithuania of 2024. Fifteen candidate lists of parties and coalitions participated in the elections to the Lithuanian Parliament in 2024. Focus group methodology will be used to analyse the narratives of party supporters actively engaged in politics, trying to identify public support/opposition to populism. Liberal democracy is experiencing a crisis in both the US and Western democracies in Europe. The election results of recent years are increasingly announcing populist victories or the creation of new populist parties. Far-right parties lead the governments in three countries – Hungary, Slovakia, and Italy, and they are part of the ruling coalition in Sweden, Finland, and the Netherlands. It will become clear in the USA whether Donald Trump will be re-elected as president in November of this year. Trump’s victory in 2016 was named by political scientists as the apotheosis of populism. Influential politicians consolidate all bad manners and social categorization in the digital era of demagoguery. The research shows that a significant proportion of democratic societies also support this divisive discourse. Citizens, as consumers of information, often approve of populist communication themselves. New parliament elections were held in Lithuania in October 2024. Ideas that polarize society were amplified in the public space, negativism increased, and with it distrust towards the state, its institutions, and democratically elected politicians, “enemies” were sought and conspiracy theories were created. Problem of the Study. This study analyses the global rise of populism from the perspective of Lithuania with various groups of society, trying to understand the relationship of citizens with democracy through believing in populists, approval/disapproval of the expression of populism. Opinions are an important challenge when trying to find the truth in the age of populism, because democratic societies are based on the culture of discussion and the idea of consensus. Methodology. This study will deconstruct the narratives of Lithuanian citizens from the point of view of populism. Fifteen focus group discussions will be held with supporters of the party lists that participated in the Parliament elections of the Republic of Lithuania during November-December 2024. The main unifying criterion for focus group participants is their political activity, while the distinguishing criteria are age, gender and place of residence. Fifteen focus groups were chosen due to the fact that fifteen candidate lists of parties and coalitions participated in the elections and seeking to ensure the variety of participants. This study aims to emphasize populism as a communication phenomenon in Lithuania. Public testimonies and experiences will reveal new meanings about the understanding of populism and support/opposition towards it.

Keywords: democracy, narratives in populist rhetoric, populist rhetoric, populism

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Authors: Dominik Kowitzke

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Housing constructions have direct and indirect environmental impacts especially caused by soil sealing and gray energy consumption related to the use of construction materials. Accordingly, the German government introduced regulations limiting additional annual soil sealing. At the same time, in many regions like metropolitan areas the demand for further housing is high and of current concern in the media and politics. It is argued that meeting this demand by making better use of the existing housing supply is more sustainable than the construction of new housing units. In this context, targeting the phenomenon of so-called over the housing of empty nest households seems worthwhile to investigate for its potential to free living space and thus, reduce the need for new housing constructions and related environmental harm. Over housing occurs if no space adjustment takes place in household lifecycle stages when children move out from home and the space formerly created for the offspring is from then on under-utilized. Although in some cases the housing space consumption might actually meet households’ equilibrium preferences, frequently space-wise adjustments to the living situation doesn’t take place due to transaction or information costs, habit formation, or government intervention leading to increasing costs of relocations like real estate transfer taxes or tenant protection laws keeping tenure rents below the market price. Moreover, many detached houses are not long-term designed in a way that freed up space could be rent out. Findings of this research based on socio-economic survey data, indeed, show a significant difference between the living space of empty nest and a comparison group of households which never had children. The approach used to estimate the average difference in living space is a linear regression model regressing the response variable living space on a two-dimensional categorical variable distinguishing the two groups of household types and further controls. This difference is assumed to be the under-utilized space and is extrapolated to the total amount of empty nests in the population. Supporting this result, it is found that households that move, despite market frictions impairing the relocation, after children left their home tend to decrease the living space. In the next step, only for areas with tight housing markets in Germany and high construction activity, the total under-utilized space in empty nests is estimated. Under the assumption of full substitutability of housing space in empty nests and space in new dwellings in these locations, it is argued that in a perfect market with empty nest households consuming their equilibrium demand quantity of housing space, dwelling constructions in the amount of the excess consumption of living space could be saved. This, on the other hand, would prevent environmental harm quantified in carbon dioxide equivalence units related to average constructions of detached or multi-family houses. This study would thus provide information on the amount of under-utilized space inside dwellings which is missing in public data and further estimates the external effect of over housing in environmental terms.

Keywords: empty nests, environment, Germany, households, over housing

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Authors: Lourenco Camnahas, Eileen Willis, Greg Fisher, Jessie Gunson, Pascale Dettwiller, Charlene Thornton

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Stock-out of pharmaceuticals is a common issue at all level of health services in Timor-Leste, a small post-conflict country. This lead to the research questions: what are the current methods used to quantify pharmaceutical supplies; what factors contribute to the on-going pharmaceutical stock-out? The study examined factors that influence the pharmaceutical supply chain system. Methodology: Privett and Goncalvez dependency model has been adopted for the design of the qualitative interviews. The model examines pharmaceutical supply chain management at three management levels: management of individual pharmaceutical items, health facilities, and health systems. The interviews were conducted in order to collect information on inventory management, logistics management information system (LMIS) and the provision of pharmaceuticals. Andersen' behavioural model for healthcare utilization also informed the interview schedule, specifically factors linked to environment (healthcare system and external environment) and the population (enabling factors). Forty health professionals (bureaucrats, clinicians) and six senior officers from a United Nations Agency, a global multilateral agency and a local non-governmental organization were interviewed on their perceptions of factors (healthcare system/supply chain and wider environment) impacting on stock out. Additionally, policy documents for the entire healthcare system, along with population data were collected. Findings: An analysis using Pozzebon’s critical interpretation identified a range of difficulties within the system from poor coordination to failure to adhere to policy guidelines along with major difficulties with inventory management, quantification, forecasting, and budgetary constraints. Weak logistics management information system, lack of capacity in inventory management, monitoring and supervision are additional organizational factors that also contributed to the issue. There were various methods of quantification of pharmaceuticals applied in the government sector, and non-governmental organizations. Lack of reliable data is one of the major problems in the pharmaceutical provision. Global Fund has the best quantification methods fed by consumption data and malaria cases. There are other issues that worsen stock-out: political intervention, work ethic and basic infrastructure such as unreliable internet connectivity. Major issues impacting on pharmaceutical quantification have been identified. However, current data collection identified limitations within the Andersen model; specifically, a failure to take account of predictors in the healthcare system and the environment (culture/politics/social. The next step is to (a) compare models used by three non-governmental agencies with the government model; (b) to run the Andersen explanatory model for pharmaceutical expenditure for 2 to 5 drug items used by these three development partners in order to see how it correlates with the present model in terms of quantification and forecasting the needs; (c) to repeat objectives (a) and (b) using the government model; (d) to draw a conclusion about the strength.

Keywords: inventory management, pharmaceutical forecasting and quantification, pharmaceutical stock-out, pharmaceutical supply chain management

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Authors: Amir Shouri, Fereshteh Tabe

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Master planning and urban infrastructure’s thoughtful and sequential design strategies will play the major role in reducing the damages of natural disasters, war and or social/population related conflicts for cities. Defensive strategies have been revised during the history of mankind after having damages from natural depressions, war experiences and terrorist attacks on cities. Lessons learnt from Earthquakes, from 2 world war casualties in 20th century and terrorist activities of all times. Particularly, after Hurricane Sandy of New York in 2012 and September 11th attack on New York’s World Trade Centre (WTC) in 21st century, there have been series of serious collaborations between law making authorities, urban planners and architects and defence related organizations to firstly, getting prepared and/or prevent such activities and secondly, reduce the human loss and economic damages to minimum. This study will work on developing a model of planning for New York City, where its citizens will get minimum impacts in threat-full time with minimum economic damages to the city after the stress is passed. The main discussion in this proposal will focus on pre-hazard, hazard-time and post-hazard transformative policies and strategies that will reduce the “Life casualties” and will ease “Economic Recovery” in post-hazard conditions. This proposal is going to scrutinize that one of the key solutions in this path might be focusing on all overlaying possibilities on architectural platforms of three fundamental infrastructures, the transportation, the power related sources and defensive abilities on a dynamic-transformative framework that will provide maximum safety, high level of flexibility and fastest action-reaction opportunities in stressful periods of time. “Planning Fore Stress” is going to be done in an analytical, qualitative and quantitative work frame, where it will study cases from all over the world. Technology, Organic Design, Materiality, Urban forms, city politics and sustainability will be discussed in deferent cases in international scale. From the modern strategies of Copenhagen for living friendly with nature to traditional approaches of Indonesian old urban planning patterns, the “Iron Dome” of Israel to “Tunnels” in Gaza, from “Ultra-high-performance quartz-infused concrete” of Iran to peaceful and nature-friendly strategies of Switzerland, from “Urban Geopolitics” in cities, war and terrorism to “Design of Sustainable Cities” in the world, will all be studied with references and detailed look to analysis of each case in order to propose the most resourceful, practical and realistic solutions to questions on “New City Divisions”, “New City Planning and social activities” and “New Strategic Architecture for Safe Cities”. This study is a developed version of a proposal that was announced as winner at MoMA in 2013 in call for ideas for Rockaway after Sandy Hurricane took place.

Keywords: urban scale, city safety, natural disaster, war and terrorism, city divisions, architecture for safe cities

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Authors: Sun-Hee Lee, Amanda Kraley

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The “MeToo” movement is a social movement against sexual abuse and harassment. Though the hashtag went viral in 2017 following different cultural flashpoints in different countries, the initial response was quiet in South Korea. This radically changed in January 2018, when a high-ranking senior prosecutor, Seo Ji-hyun, gave a televised interview discussing being sexually assaulted by a colleague. Acknowledging public anger, particularly among women, on the long-existing problems of sexual harassment and abuse, the South Korean media have focused on several high-profile cases. Analyzing the media representation of these cases is a window into the evolving South Korean discourse around “MeToo.” This study presents a linguistic analysis of “MeToo” discourse in South Korea by utilizing a corpus-based approach. The term corpus (pl. corpora) is used to refer to electronic language data, that is, any collection of recorded instances of spoken or written language. A “MeToo” corpus has been collected by extracting newspaper articles containing the keyword “MeToo” from BIGKinds, big data analysis, and service and Nexis Uni, an online academic database search engine, to conduct this language analysis. The corpus analysis explores how Korean media represent accusers and the accused, victims and perpetrators. The extracted data includes 5,885 articles from four broadsheet newspapers (Chosun, JoongAng, Hangyore, and Kyunghyang) and 88 articles from two Korea-based English newspapers (Korea Times and Korea Herald) between January 2017 and November 2020. The information includes basic data analysis with respect to keyword frequency and network analysis and adds refined examinations of select corpus samples through naming strategies, semantic relations, and pragmatic properties. Along with the exponential increase of the number of articles containing the keyword “MeToo” from 104 articles in 2017 to 3,546 articles in 2018, the network and keyword analysis highlights ‘US,’ ‘Harvey Weinstein’, and ‘Hollywood,’ as keywords for 2017, with articles in 2018 highlighting ‘Seo Ji-Hyun, ‘politics,’ ‘President Moon,’ ‘An Ui-Jeong, ‘Lee Yoon-taek’ (the names of perpetrators), and ‘(Korean) society.’ This outcome demonstrates the shift of media focus from international affairs to domestic cases. Another crucial finding is that word ‘defamation’ is widely distributed in the “MeToo” corpus. This relates to the South Korean legal system, in which a person who defames another by publicly alleging information detrimental to their reputation—factual or fabricated—is punishable by law (Article 307 of the Criminal Act of Korea). If the defamation occurs on the internet, it is subject to aggravated punishment under the Act on Promotion of Information and Communications Network Utilization and Information Protection. These laws, in particular, have been used against accusers who have publicly come forward in the wake of “MeToo” in South Korea, adding an extra dimension of risk. This corpus analysis of “MeToo” newspaper articles contributes to the analysis of the media representation of the “MeToo” movement and sheds light on the shifting landscape of gender relations in the public sphere in South Korea.

Keywords: corpus linguistics, MeToo, newspapers, South Korea

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Authors: Jorge Cortés, Alejandra Martínez, Carlos Pérez, Anaid Simón

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The presence of government, news media, and general citizenry in social media allows considering interactions between them as a form of political communication (i.e. the public exchange of contradictory discourses about politics). Twitter’s asymmetrical following model (users can follow, mention or reply to other users that do not follow them) could foster alternative democratic practices and have an impact on Mexican political culture, which has been marked by a lack of direct communication channels between these actors. The research aim is to assess Twitter’s role in political communication practices through the analysis of interaction dynamics between government, news media, and citizens by extracting and visualizing data from Twitter’s API to observe general behavior patterns. The hypothesis is that regardless the fact that Twitter’s features enable direct and horizontal interactions between actors, users repeat traditional dynamics of interaction, without taking full advantage of the possibilities of this medium. Through an interdisciplinary team including Communication Strategies, Information Design, and Interaction Systems, the activity on Twitter generated by the controversy over the presence of Uber in Mexico City was analysed; an issue of public interest, involving aspects such as public opinion, economic interests and a legal dimension. This research includes techniques from social network analysis (SNA), a methodological approach focused on the comprehension of the relationships between actors through the visual representation and measurement of network characteristics. The analysis of the Uber event comprised data extraction, data categorization, corpus construction, corpus visualization and analysis. On the recovery stage TAGS, a Google Sheet template, was used to extract tweets that included the hashtags #UberSeQueda and #UberSeVa, posts containing the string Uber and tweets directed to @uber_mx. Using scripts written in Python, the data was filtered, discarding tweets with no interaction (replies, retweets or mentions) and locations outside of México. Considerations regarding bots and the omission of anecdotal posts were also taken into account. The utility of graphs to observe interactions of political communication in general was confirmed by the analysis of visualizations generated with programs such as Gephi and NodeXL. However, some aspects require improvements to obtain more useful visual representations for this type of research. For example, link¬crossings complicates following the direction of an interaction forcing users to manipulate the graph to see it clearly. It was concluded that some practices prevalent in political communication in Mexico are replicated in Twitter. Media actors tend to group together instead of interact with others. The political system tends to tweet as an advertising strategy rather than to generate dialogue. However, some actors were identified as bridges establishing communication between the three spheres, generating a more democratic exercise and taking advantage of Twitter’s possibilities. Although interactions in Twitter could become an alternative to political communication, this potential depends on the intentions of the participants and to what extent they are aiming for collaborative and direct communications. Further research is needed to get a deeper understanding on the political behavior of Twitter users and the possibilities of SNA for its analysis.

Keywords: interaction, political communication, social network analysis, Twitter

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Authors: Jim O'brien

Abstract:

Contemporary global representation and consumption of La Liga across a plethora of media platform outlets has resulted in significant implications for the historical, political and cultural developments which shaped the development of Spanish club football. This has established and reinforced a hierarchy of a small number of teams belonging to or aspiring to belong to a cluster of global elite clubs seeking to imitate the blueprint of the English Premier League in respect of corporate branding and marketing in order to secure a global fan base through success and exposure in La Liga itself and through the Champions League. The synthesis between globalization, global sport and the status of high profile clubs has created radical change within the folkloric iconography of Spanish football. The main focus of this paper is to critically evaluate the consequences of globalization on the rich tapestry at the core of the game’s distinctive history in Spain. The seminal debate underpinning the study considers whether the divergent aspects of globalization have acted as a malevolent force, eroding tradition, causing financial meltdown and reducing much of the fabric of club football to the status of by standers, or have promoted a renaissance of these traditions, securing their legacies through new fans and audiences. The study draws on extensive sources on the history, politics and culture of Spanish football, in both English and Spanish. It also uses primary and archive material derived from interviews and fieldwork undertaken with scholars, media professionals and club representatives in Spain. The paper has four main themes. Firstly, it contextualizes the key historical, political and cultural forces which shaped the landscape of Spanish football from the late nineteenth century. The seminal notions of region, locality and cultural divergence are pivotal to this discourse. The study then considers the relationship between football, ethnicity and identity as a barometer of continuity and change, suggesting that tradition is being reinvented and re-framed to reflect the shifting demographic and societal patterns within the Spanish state. Following on from this, consideration is given to the paradoxical function of ‘El Clasico’ and the dominant duopoly of the FC Barcelona – Real Madrid axis in both eroding tradition in the global nexus of football’s commodification and in protecting historic political rivalries. To most global consumers of La Liga, the mega- spectacle and hyperbole of ‘El Clasico’ is the essence of Spanish football, with cultural misrepresentation and distortion catapulting the event to the global media audience. Finally, the paper examines La Liga as a sporting phenomenon in which elite clubs, cult managers and galacticos serve as commodities on the altar of mass consumption in football’s global entertainment matrix. These processes accentuate a homogenous mosaic of cultural conformity which obscures local, regional and national identities and paradoxically fuses the global with the local to maintain the distinctive hue of La Liga, as witnessed by the extraordinary successes of Athletico Madrid and FC Eibar in recent seasons.

Keywords: Spanish football, globalization, cultural identity, tradition, folklore

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Authors: Mapule Maema

Abstract:

The paper aims to highlight the role that community activism has played in promoting social justice around housing issues in the Western Cape. The Western Cape is one of the largest spatially segregated provinces in South Africa which continues to exhibit grave inequalities between cities, townships and farms. These inequalities cut across intersectional issues such as, race, class, gender, and politics. The main challenges facing marginalized communities in the Western Cape include access to housing, land and basic services. This is not peculiar to only the Western Cape, the entire country is facing similar challenges however the Western Cape is seen as a fasted urbanizing province in the country due to tourism. Various social movements have been formed across the country to counter these challenges, however, this paper focuses on the resilience communities have fostered despite the myriad housing and spatial crisis they are faced with. The paper focuses on the Legal Resource’s Centre’s clients from an informal settlement called Imizamo Yethu based in Hout Bay Valley area. The 18 hectare settlement houses approximately 33600 people. On the 21st July 2017, Hout Bay experienced violent protests following an eviction order passed by the City of Cape Town. The protest was characterized by tensions within the community regarding the super-blocking initiative which aims to establish roads in informal settlements to ensure basic services. Residents against the process argued that there were no proper consultations done to educate them on what this process entailed. Public participation is one of the objectives the municipalities aim to promote however it remains a great challenge. In order to highlight the experiences of the LRC clients in relation to what motivated their involvement in the movement, how it felt their participation, and aspirations, the paper will employ qualitative research methods. Qualitative research methods enable the researcher to get a deeper and nuanced understanding of the social world in the eyes of those who experienced it. It is a flexible methodology that enables one to also understand social processes and the significance they generate. Data will be collected through the use of the World Cafe as a focus group method. The World Café is a simple, effective and flexible format for hosting group dialogue. The steps taken when setting up a World Café includes the following: setting the context (why you are bringing people together and what you want to achieve), create hospitality space (make participants feel at home and free to discuss issues), explore questions that matter, connect diverse perspectives (the opportunity to actively contribute your thinking), listen together for patterns and insights, share collective discoveries and learnings. Secondary data will be used to augment the data collected. Stories of impact will be drawn from the exercises. This paper will contribute to the discourse of sustainable housing and urban development and the research outputs will be disseminated to the public for learning.

Keywords: community activism, influence, social justice, development

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Authors: Christine Wiesenthal

Abstract:

This paper asks how to read a particularly vexed and complicated life writing text. For over half a century, the wartime journals of Ruth Andreas Friedrich (1901-1977) circulated as among a handful of more or less authoritative and “authentic” first-hand accounts of German resistance under Hitler. A professional journalist, Andreas Friedrich is remembered today largely through her publications at the war’s end, which appeared in English as Berlin Underground (published by Henry Holt in 1947), just before their publication in Germany as Der Schattenmann “The Shadow Man” (also in 1947). A British edition by the now obscure Latimer House Limited (London) followed in 1948; it is based closely on but is not identical to, the Henry Holt American edition, which in turn differs significantly from its German counterpart. Both Berlin Underground and Der Schattenmann figure Andreas-Friedrich as a key figure in an anti-fascist cell that operated in Berlin under the code name “Uncle Emil,” and provide a riveting account of political terror, opportunism, and dissent under the Nazi regime. Recent scholars have, however, begun to raise fascinating and controversial questions about Andreas-Friedrich’s own writing/reconstruction process in compiling the journals and about her highly selective curatorial role and claims. The apparent absence of any surviving original manuscript for Andreas-Friedrich’s journals amplifies the questions around them. Crucially, so too does the role of the translator of the English editions of Berlin Underground, the enigmatic June Barrows Mussey, a subject that has thus far gone virtually unnoticed and which this paper will focus on. Mussey, a prolific American translator, simultaneously cultivated a career as a professional magician, publishing a number of books on that subject under the alias Henry Hay. While the record indicates that Mussey attempted to compartmentalize his professional life, research into the publishing and translation history of Berlin Underground suggests that the two roles converge in the fact of the translator’s invisibility, by effacing the traces of his own hand and leaving unmarked his own significant textual interventions, Mussey, in effect, edited, abridged, and altered Andreas Friedrich’s journals for the second time. In fact, it could be said that while the fictitious “Uncle Emil” is positioned as “the shadow man” of the German edition, Mussey himself also emerges as precisely that in the English rendering of the journals. The implications of Mussey’s translation of Andreas Friedrich’s journals are one of the most important un-examined gaps in the shadowy publishing history of Berlin Underground, a history full of “tricks” (Mussey’s words) and illusions of transparency. Based largely on archival research of unpublished materials and methods of close reading and comparative analysis, this study will seek to convey some preliminary insights and exploratory work and frame questions toward what is ultimately envisioned as an experimental project in poetic historiography. As this work is still in the early stages, it would be especially welcome to have the opportunity provided by this conference to connect with a community of life writing colleagues who might help think through some of the challenges and possibilities that lie ahead.

Keywords: women’s wartime diaries, translation studies, auto/biographical theory, politics of life writing

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Authors: Sara Dragisic

Abstract:

Using the theoretical analysis of the birth of biopolitics that Foucault performed through the history of liberalism and neoliberalism, in this paper we will try to show how, precisely through problematizing the role of international institutions, the model of governance differs from previous ways of objectifying body and life. Are the state and its mechanisms still a Leviathan to fight against, or can it be even the driver of resistance against the proponents of modern governance and the biopolitical power? Do paradigmatic examples of biopolitics still appear through sovereignty and (international) law, or is it precisely this sphere that shows a significant dose of incompetence and powerlessness in relation to, not only the economic sphere (Foucault’s critique of neoliberalism) but also the new politics of freedom? Have the struggle for freedom and human rights, as well as the war on terrorism, opened a new spectrum of biopolitical processes, which are manifested precisely through new international institutions and humanitarian discourse? We will try to answer these questions, in the following way. On the one hand, we will show that the views of authors such as Agamben and Hardt and Negri, in whom the state and sovereignty are seen as enemies to be defeated or overcome, fail to see how such attempts could translate into the politicization of life like it is done in many examples through the doctrine of liberal interventionism and humanitarianism. On the other hand, we will point out that it is precisely the humanitarian discourse and the defense of the right to intervention that can be the incentive and basis for the politicization of the category of life and lead to the selective application of human rights. Zizek example of the killing of United Nations workers and doctors in a village during the Vietnam War, who were targeted even before police or soldiers, because they were precisely seen as a powerful instrument of American imperialism (as they were sincerely trying to help the population), will be focus of this part of the analysis. We’ll ask the question whether such interpretation is a kind of liquidation of the extreme left of the political (Laclau) or on this basis can be explained at least in part the need to review the functioning of international organizations, ranging from those dealing with humanitarian aid (and humanitarian military interventions) to those dealing with protection and the security of the population, primarily from growing terrorism. Based on the above examples, we will also explain how the discourse of terrorism itself plays a dual role: it can appear as a tool of liberal biopolitics, although, more superficially, it mostly appears as an enemy that wants to destroy the liberal system and its values. This brings us to the basic problem that this paper will tackle: do the mechanisms of institutional struggle for human rights and freedoms, which is often seen as opposed to the security mechanisms of the state, serve the governance of citizens in such a way that the latter themselves participate in producing biopolitical governmental practices? Is the freedom today "nothing but the correlative development of apparatuses of security" (Foucault)? Or, we can continue this line of Foucault’s argumentation and enhance the interpretation with the important question of what precisely today reflects the change in the rationality of governance in which society is transformed from a passive object into a subject of its own production. Finally, in order to understand the skills of biopolitical governance in modern civil society, it is necessary to pay attention to the status of international organizations, which seem to have become a significant place for the implementation of global governance. In this sense, the power of sovereignty can turn out to be an insufficiently strong power of security policy, which can go hand in hand with freedom policies, through neoliberal governmental techniques.

Keywords: neoliberalism, Foucault, sovereignty, biopolitics, international organizations, NGOs, Agamben, Hardt&Negri, Zizek, security, state power

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