Search results for: electoral politics

Authors: Ibrahim Baba

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The work examines the nature and causes of differential politics in Africa with particular reference to the sub-Saharan region of the continent. It also among other objectives provides alternative panacea to gender discrimination in African politics and offers solutions on how to promote political inclusion of all citizens in respect of gender differences in Africa. The work is conducted using library base documentation analysis.

Keywords: gender, political, participation, differential politics, sub-Saharan Africa

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Authors: Abdul Azeez Badmus

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The extent to which women are allowed to express their liberty and freedom are varying in human society. Islam’s basic view of women postulates a complimentary function as the creator has created every living thing in pairs based on the foundation of complimentary functions, so the human species is not exceptional. It is also ubiquitous contention whether women should participate in politics or not; the limit to which women should participate in politics is another problem. This paper attempts to suggest a possible solution to the questions mentioned above, to review the level of participation of women in politics since the beginning of Islam and the Quranic injunctions that seem to have allowed or disallowed that. The paper adopts a historical and analytical approach, with special reference to the Quranic, Sunna, juristic opinions, and historical events. The paper advocates for proper reference to the authentic Islamic sources in determining the right and obligations of women in society.

Keywords: politics, right, challenges, Qur’ān, perspective

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Authors: Karen Lesley Webster, Charles Crothers

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As the population of the Auckland region in New Zealand becomes markedly more super-diverse, the question of fair and effective representation becomes increasingly relevant. This paper explores who stood and who was elected to local office, in the three Auckland triennial local elections, following the 2010 amalgamation of the regions local authorities. It addresses the question of how representative the electoral candidates and elected members of local government in Auckland were of the diverse population they serve. A quantitative analysis of the gender and ethnicity of the Auckland Council candidates and elected members in 2013, 2016, and 2019 triennial elections was undertaken, and the gender and ethnicity compared with that of the Auckland population. Our findings show that under the two-tiered shared governance model established by the Local Government Act (Auckland Council) 2009, electoral candidates have become more ethnically and gender representative of Aucklanders at the local level, while at the regional level, divergence from predominantly New Zealand European, male local representatives is emerging, albeit with less pace. These findings warrant further investigation, but overall, the research presents a cautiously optimistic picture of Auckland local democracy in terms of increasing representational diversity.

Keywords: local government, representation, diversity, gender, ethnicity

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Authors: Mohammad S. Islam

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Elections in Bangladesh are always controversial, and sometimes it becomes a violent affair when state power is combined with politics. Despite the commitment of the ruling party- the polling government to ensure free, fair, and credible elections, the participants of opposition parties and the general voters became very disappointed, terribly frustrated, and severely shocked. It happened when numerous claims of serious irregularities of vote rigging and violence came out in broad daylight during the election. This paper addresses the issues of how the ruling party created frightening and a horror situation to make people silent over electoral fraud and violent incidents, including gang rape. It also seeks to demonstrate that election-2018 was simply the deceptive action of the ruling party to legitimate their power, but not to provide a minimum opportunity for voters to exercise their fundamental right to vote. The fundamental freedom and the rule of law seemed to be ignored completely in this election process and afterwards. With the help of state machinery, the government of the ruling party violated human rights, restricted fundamental freedoms, and humiliated social protection & dignity. The contestant’s views as witnessed and relevant literatures are cited first for conceptual understanding. Then, the paper will examine how a new dimension of circumstantial social measures related to sustained protection can reduce all kinds of violence against humanity towards establishing a peaceful democratic society. Finally, this paper interprets the key findings and considers wider implications.

Keywords: electoral fraud, human rights, sustained protection, social measures, vote rigging

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Authors: Canan Cetin

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This essay analyses how gendered shaped views influence on our understanding of global politics. To do so, feminism used as a framework theory, thus masculinity is discussed in order to explain the male-dominated international relations (IR) discipline and the differences of reflections on our perspective considering the politics in a broader perspective. Particularly, it is highlighted that the social and cultural structures of societies have also an impact on our views about international relations and politics. From a different perspective, it is aimed that the sociological and cultural impression of the shifted gender perspectives on the political approach of different nations and societies will be examined by drawing on a range of sources. Instead of supporting one feminist theory, this essay engages with all traditions and enriches their arguments. Specifically, the main objective of the essay is hegemonic and plural masculinity on societies. The essay sets things up theoretically by looking at the nature of masculinity – the stage is set to show how this informs our understanding of IR.

Keywords: feminism, politics, international affairs, social life

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Authors: Shahid Imran

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'Mediatization' has influenced the politics by shaping and transforming the attitudes and practices of political actors. It is a serious challenge to democracy in today’s era. This study aims to analyze the dynamics of media politics interplay in Pakistan and the contextual factors which govern this interplay. It will also address the perceived influence of media on the practices of politicians from the perspectives of the actors. The objectives have been achieved qualitatively through Interpretive Phenomenological Analysis (IPA). The phenomenological data have been collected using semi-structured interviews of journalists and politicians of Pakistan. The findings depict that politics in Pakistan is more driven by media logic than political or democratic logic. Media and politics have a ‘Tom and Jerry’ relationship. Political ecology is highly media-induced: politicians strategically adopt and adapt the media logic to be in the ‘media spotlight’; journalists, on the other hands, do not practice ‘fair journalism rather a more politically parallelized. The mediatized political communication behaviours of the actors are the undermining the public service logic and affecting the spirit of democracy in Pakistan. The study offers some valued implications for media, politicians and policy makers.

Keywords: medialization, media logic, politics, political logic

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Authors: Debalkie Demissie Addisu, Ejigu Alemu Abebe, Tsegay Tensay Assefa

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This study examines the indirect effect of servant leadership on organizational citizenship behavior through perceptions of organizational politics moderated by political skill. This study reports the responses of 321 respondents from six federal public service organizations in Ethiopia. A multi-stage random sampling procedure was employed to select the sampled federal public service organizations. To test hypotheses, the study employed structural equation modeling using AMOS version-26 software. The result revealed that all direct effects have a significant effect. Specifically, servant leadership has a positive effect on organizational citizenship behavior. Likewise, servant leadership has a negative effect on perceptions of organizational politics. Also, a perception of organizational politics has a negative effect on organizational citizenship behavior. Moreover, perceptions of organizational politics competitively mediated the effect of servant leadership on organizational citizenship behavior. As well, political skill moderated the effect of perceptions of organizational politics on organizational citizenship behavior but not the indirect effect. To the best of our knowledge, no one else employs perceptions of organizational politics as a mediating effect between servant leadership and organizational citizenship behavior. Furthermore, we are not aware of anyone else employing political skill as a moderating role in the indirect effect of servant leadership on organizational citizenship behavior through perceptions of organizational politics.

Keywords: servant leadership, organizational citizenship behavior, perceptions of organizational politics, political skill, public service organization, Ethiopia

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Authors: Felix O. Omosele

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Several studies have established that electronic voting machines are prone to multi-faceted challenges. One of which is their capacity to lose votes after the ballots might have been cast. Therefore, the international consensus appears to favour the use of electronic voting machines that are accompanied with verifiable audit paper audit trail (VVPAT). At present, there is no known study that has evaluated the impacts (or otherwise) of this verification and auditing on the authentication, admissibility and evidential weight of electronically-obtained electoral data. This legal inquiry is important as elections are sometimes won or lost in courts and on the basis of such data. This gap will be filled by the present research work. Using the United States of America as a case study, this paper employed a qualitative legal analysis of several of its appellate courts’ judicial opinions. This analysis equally unearths the necessary statutory rules and regulations that are important to the research problem. The objective of the research is to highlight the roles played by VVPAT on electoral evidence- as seen from the eyes of the court. The preliminary outcome of this qualitative analysis shows that the admissibility and weight attached to ‘Computer Evidence from e-voting machines (CEEM)’ are often treated with general standards applied to other computer-stored evidence. These standards sometimes fail to embrace the peculiar challenges faced by CEEM, particularly with respect to their tabulation and transmission. This paper, therefore, argues that CEEM should be accorded unique consideration by courts. It proposes the development of a legal standard which recognises verification and auditing as ‘weight enhancers’ for electronically-obtained electoral data.

Keywords: admissibility of computer evidence, electronic voting, qualitative legal analysis, voting machines in the USA

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Authors: Antonin Ponsich, Eric Alfredo Rincon Garcia, Roman Anselmo Mora Gutierrez, Miguel Angel Gutierrez Andrade, Sergio Gerardo De Los Cobos Silva, Pedro Lara Velzquez

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The electoral zone design problem consists in redrawing the boundaries of legislative districts for electoral purposes in such a way that federal or state requirements are fulfilled. In Mexico, this process has been historically carried out by the National Electoral Institute (INE), by optimizing an integer nonlinear programming model, in which population equality and compactness of the designed districts are considered as two conflicting objective functions, while contiguity is included as a hard constraint. The solution technique used by the INE is a Simulated Annealing (SA) based algorithm, which handles the multi-objective nature of the problem through an aggregation function. The present work represents the first intent to apply a classical Multi-Objective Evolutionary Algorithm (MOEA), the second version of the Non-dominated Sorting Genetic Algorithm (NSGA-II), to this hard combinatorial problem. First results show that, when compared with the SA algorithm, the NSGA-II obtains promising results. The MOEA manages to produce well-distributed solutions over a wide-spread front, even though some convergence troubles for some instances constitute an issue, which should be corrected in future adaptations of MOEAs to the redistricting problem.

Keywords: multi-objective optimization, NSGA-II, redistricting, zone design problem

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Authors: Cangul Altundas Akcay

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With the beginning of the mass movement called as the Arab Uprising, Middle Eastern politics has demonstrated an influential shift which has been threatening the existence of the ruling regimes. In this environment, in particular, regional powers have desired to control regional politics, and to expand their regional influence. Bearing that in mind, Turkey and Iran, two significant regional powers, have engaged in competition so as to affect the shifted regional geopolitics. In this context, this paper aims to investigate how regional powers, especially non-Arab ones, have viewed each other in the Arab Uprising, whereby focusing on Turkish perspectives towards Iran. In other words, it will shed light on how Turkey has conducted foreign policy towards Iran during the Arab Uprising. To analyse this, Turkey’s ideological and identity politics towards Iran will be examined as one of its foreign policy approaches. The question is thus that how ideological and identity politics have determined Turkish foreign policy towards Iran in the Arab Uprising. To answer that, the Syrian civil war will be analysed as the case study in this qualitative study, hypothesising that Turkey, which has both Turkish identity and Sunni sect, has competed with Iran, which has both Farsi identity and Shia sect, over the Syrian civil war.

Keywords: Arab uprising, ideological and identity politics, Iran, Turkey, Syrian civil war

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Authors: Monika Kulikowska-Pawlak, Katarzyna Bratnicka-Myśliwiec, Tomasz Ingram

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This study seeks to contribute to the literature on firm competitiveness by advancing the perspective of organizational politics that views this process as a driver which creates identifiable differences in firm performance. The hypothesized relationships were tested on the basis of data from 355 Polish medium and large-sized enterprises. Data were analyzed using correlation analysis, EFA and robustness tests. The main result of the conducted analyses proved the coexistence, previously examined in the literature, of corporate entrepreneurship and firm performance. The obtained research findings made it possible to add organizational politics to a wide range of elements determining corporate entrepreneurship, followed by competitive advantage, in addition to antecedents such as strategic leadership, corporate culture, opportunity-oriented resource-based management, etc. Also, the empirical results suggest that four dimensions of organizational politics (dominant coalition, influence exertion, making organizational changes, and information openness) are positively related to firm competitiveness. In addition, these findings seem to underline a supposition that corporate entrepreneurship is an important mediator which strengthens the competitive effects of organizational politics.

Keywords: corporate entrepreneurship, firm competitiveness, organizational politics, sensemaking

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Authors: Mahmoud Salari

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Corruption and gender inequality are the main topics of interest for both economists and policymakers. This study develops various static and dynamic estimation models to examine the impact of gender inequality in politics and the labor market on corruption using data of 170 countries from 1998 to 2014. This study uses two most reliable corruption indexes, including Corruption Perceptions Index (CPI) and Corruption Control (CC), to evaluate corruption levels across countries. The results indicate that gender inequality in politics has a strong impact on corruption level, and those countries that have larger/smaller gender inequality in their parliaments are faced with higher/lower corruption, respectively. Meanwhile, there is no enough evidence that supports the relationship between gender inequality in the labor market and corruption, and the results indicate that gender inequality in the labor market is not directly linked to the corruption level.

Keywords: corruption, female labor force participation, politics, gender inequality

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Authors: Djehich Mohamed Yousri

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This research deals with an important issue in Islamic political thought, which is the relationship of ethics to the Islamic political system. This is done by following the legal politics books and analyzing their texts in order to reach the moral values on which the political system in Islam is based, starting from the concept of politics to the political principles and conditions of the ruler and the reasons for his removal and the conditions of those authorized to choose him, and ending with the ruler’s relationship with his people, and the relationship of the Islamic state with other countries. The research concluded that moral values are the basis of the political system in Islam, and the reason for this is due to the fact that Islam is a religion and a global and realistic human system that embraces morals and higher values in order to preserve its lofty message and calls for brotherhood, love, and justice and does not harm human morals. And if the reality of politics in the Islamic world today is not related to the moral values and the lofty message of Islam, this research tries to show the origins of political theory in Islam, and the purpose of the Islamic political system, towards the morality of politics.

Keywords: moral, politics, islam, political system, islamic political system

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Authors: J. Tochukwu Omenma

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Buzzword in Nigeria is that democracy has “come to stay”. Politicians in their usual euphoria consider democracy as already consolidated in the country. Politicians linked this assumption to three fundamental indicators – (a) multiparty system; (b) regular elections and (c) absence of military coup after 15 years of democracy in Nigeria. Beyond this assumption, we intend to empirically verify these claims and assumptions, by relying on Huntington’s conceptualization of democratic consolidation. Though, Huntington asserts that multipartism, regular elections and absence of any major obstacle leading to reversal of democracy are significant indicators of democratic consolidation, but the presence of those indicators must result to alternation of executive power for democratic consolidation to occur. In other words, regular conduct of election and existence of multiple political parties are not enough for democratic consolidation, rather free and fair elections. Past elections were characterized of massive fraud and irregularities casting doubts on integrity of electoral management body (EMB) to conduct free and fair elections in Nigeria. There are three existing perspectives that have offered responses to the emasculation of independence of EMB. One is a more popular position indicating that the incumbent party, more than the opposition party, influence the EMB activities with the aim of rigging elections; the other is a more radical perspective that suggests that weakening of EMB power is more associated with the weakest party than with the incumbent; and the last, is that godfather(s) are in direct control of EMB members thereby controlling the process of electoral process to the advantage of the godfather(s). With empirical evidence sourced from the reports of independent election monitors, (European Union, Election Observation Mission in Nigeria) this paper shows at different electoral periods that, in terms of influencing election outcomes, the incumbent and godfather have been more associated with influencing election results than the opposition. The existing nature of executive power in Nigeria provides a plausible explanation for the incumbent’s overbearing influence thereby limiting opportunity for free and fair elections and by extension undermining the process of democratic consolidation in Nigeria.

Keywords: political party, democracy, democratic consolidation, election, godfatherism

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Authors: Tulasi Acharya

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The paper is a qualitative analysis of status of women and women in politics and administration in Nepal Himalaya. The paper reviews data of women in civil service and in administrative levels. Looking at the Nepali politics and administration from the social constructivist perspective, the paper highlights some social and cultural issues that have othered women as “second sex.” As the country is heading towards modernity, gender friendly approaches are being instituted. Although the data reflects on the progress on women’s status and on women’s political and administrative participation, the data is not enough to predict the democratic gender practices in political and administrative levels. The political and administrative culture of Nepal Himalaya should be changed by promoting gender practices and deconstructing gender images in administrative culture through representative bureaucracy and by introducing democratic policies.

Keywords: politics, policy, administration, culture, women, Nepal, democracy

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Authors: Joao Vicente Pereira Fernandez

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In the context of a democratic crisis, a new wave of authoritarianism prompts domineering male figures to leadership posts worldwide. Although the gendered aspect of this phenomenon has been reasonably documented, recent studies have focused on high-level commanding posts, such as those of president and prime-minister, leaving other positions of political power with limited attention. This natural focus of investigation, however powerful, seems to have restricted our understanding of the phenomenon by precluding a more thorough inquiry of its gendered aspects and its consequences for political representation as a whole. Trying to fill this gap, in recent research, we examined the election results of Jair Bolsonaro’s party for the Legislative Branch in 2018. We found that the party's proportion of non-male representatives was on average, showing it provided reasonable access of women to the legislature in a comparative perspective. However, and perhaps more intuitively, we also found that the elected members of Bolsonaro’s party performed very gendered roles, which allowed us to draw the first lines of the representative profiles gathered around the new-right in Brazil. These results unveiled new horizons for further research, addressing topics that range from the role of women for the new-right on Brazilian institutional politics to the relations between these profiles of representatives, their agendas, and political and electoral strategies. This article aims to deepen the understanding of some of these profiles in order to lay the groundwork for the development of the second research agenda mentioned above. More specifically, it focuses on two out of the three profiles that were grasped predominantly, if not entirely, from masculine subjects during our last research, with the objective of portraying the masculinity standards mobilized and promoted by them. These profiles –the entrepreneur and the army man – were chosen to be developed due to their proximity to both liberal and authoritarian views, and, moreover, because they can possibly represent two facets of the new-right that were integrated in a certain way around Bolsonaro in 2018, but that can be reworked in the future. After a brief introduction of the literature on masculinity and politics in times of democratic crisis, we succinctly present the relevant results of our previous research and then describe these two profiles and their masculinities in detail. We adopt a combination of ethnography and discourse analysis, methods that allow us to make sense of the data we collected on our previous research as well as of the data gathered for this article: social media posts and interactions between the elected members that inspired these profiles and their supporters. Finally, we discuss our results, presenting our main argument on how these descriptions provide a further understanding of the gendered aspect of liberal authoritarianism, from where to better apprehend its political implications in Brazil.

Keywords: Brazilian politics, gendered politics, masculinities, new-right

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Authors: Shalini Attri

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Silence has been 'scriptured' in women within dominating social structures, as the modes of speaking and behaving which deny women free investiture to language. A woman becomes the product of ideological constructions as language substantiates andro-centric bias. Constrained from writing/speaking in the public sphere, women have traditionally been confined to expressing themselves in writing private poetry, letters or diaries. The helplessness of a woman is revealed in the ways in which she is expected to speak a language, which, in fact, is man-made. There are visible binaries of coloniser- colonised; Western-Eastern; White-Black, Nature-Culture, even Male-Female that contribute significantly to our understanding of the concept of representation and its resultant politics. Normally, an author is labeled as feminist, humanist, or propagandist and this process of labeling correspond to a sense of politics besides his inclination to a particular field. One cannot even think of contemporary literature without this representational politics. Thus, each and every bit of analysis of a work of literature demands a political angle to be dealt with. Besides literature, the historical facts and manuscripts are also subject to this politics. The image of woman as someone either dependent on man or is exploited by him only provides half the picture of this representational politics. The present paper is an attempt to study Panchali’s (Draupadi of Mahabharata) voiceless articulation and her representation as a strong woman in Chitra Divakurani’s The Palace of Illusions.

Keywords: politics, representation, silence, social structures

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Authors: Ibe Perpetual Nwakaego

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The Millennium Development Goals (MDGs), were an integrated project formed to eradicate many unnatural situations the citizens of the third world country may found themselves in. The MDGs, to be a sustainable project for the future depends 100% on the actions of governments, multilateral institutions and civil society. This paper first looks at the political views on the MDGs and relates it to the current electoral situations around the country by underlining the drastic changes over the few months. The second part of the paper presents ICT in tertiary institutions as one of the solutions in terms of the success of the MDGs. ICT is vital in all phases of the educational process and development of the cloud connectivity is an added advantage of Information and Communication Technology (ICT) for sharing a common data bank for research purposes among UNICEF, RED CROSS, NPS, INEC, NMIC, and WHO. Finally, the paper concludes with areas that need twigging and recommendations for the tertiary institutions committed to delivering an ambitious set of goals. A combination of observation and document materials for data gathering was employed as the methodology for carrying out this research.

Keywords: MDGs, ICT, database, politics

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Authors: Hong Beom Hur

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Politics in America is polarized. The best illustration of this is the 2016 presidential election result map. States with megacities like California, New York, Illinois, Virginia, and others are marked blue to signify the color of the Democratic party. States located in inland and south like Texas, Florida, Tennesse, Kansas and others are marked red to signify the color of the Republican party. Such a stark difference between two colors, red and blue, combined with geolocations of each state with their borderline remarks one central message; America is divided into two colors between urban Democrats and rural Republicans. This paper seeks to defy the visualization by pointing out its limitations and search for alternative ways to visualize the 2016 election result. One such limitation is that geolocations of each state and state borderlines limit the visualization of population density. As a result, the election result map does not convey the fact that Clinton won the popular vote and only accentuates the voting patterns of urban and rural states. The paper seeks whether an alternative narrative can be observed by factoring in the population number into the size of each state and manipulating the state borderline according to the normalization. Yet another alternative narrative may be reached by factoring the size of each state by the number of the electoral college of each state by voting and visualize the number. Other alternatives will be discussed but are not implemented in visualization. Such methods include dividing the land of America into about 120 million cubes each representing a voter or by the number of whole population 300 million cubes. By exploring these alternative methods to visualize the politics of the 2016 election map, the public may be able to question whether it is possible to be free from the narrative of the divide-conquer when interpreting the election map and to look at both parties as a story of the United States of America.

Keywords: 2016 U.S. presidential election, data visualization, population scale, geo-political

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Authors: A. E. Agbogu

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While scholars have predicted that identity politics (or what is euphemistically referred to as ethnic politics in Nigeria) were a dying phenomenon in other parts of the world, in Nigeria, it has remained the basis of political activity and has indeed become not only the unwritten law of all calculations in the political firmament of the country but also the ultimo ratio. We intend in the paper that follows to explore the reason for this unhealthy development. The paper seeks to offer explanations for the paradoxical reality of the upsurge of ethnic politics in Nigeria when in fact, the phenomenon is apparently on a downward spiral elsewhere in the world, particularly in countries that are at par with Nigeria in terms of national development. The paper is descriptive and qualitative and has relied on available data for its source of materials. Among other things, the paper locates identity politics as a tool in the hands of a national elite that has not transcended the limitations imposes by the shackles of the parsonian particularistic polar attributes which have tended to fixate their weltanschauung or world view on attachments that are unpardonably primordial. In the event, ethnicity becomes a veritable instrument not only for cheap sectional mobilization but also a means for seeking access to the so-called national cake. It is recommended that a way out of this socio-politico malady is the creation of a political arrangement that conduces to the gravitational tendency which will lead to the transfer of loyalties away from the extant ethno-nationalities to the centre.

Keywords: ethnicism, development, crisis, identity politics

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Authors: Shivani Yadav

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The paper will first elaborate on the concept of soft power as formulated by Joseph Nye, who argues that soft power is as important as hard power in international politics as it replaces coercion with non-coercive forms of co-optation and attraction. The central tenet of the paper is to extrapolate the continued relevance of soft power in international relations in the 21st century. It is argued that the relevance of soft power, in concurrence with hard power, is on the rise in the international system. This is found to be emanating out of two factors. First, the state-centric practice of international relations has expanded to allow other actors to participate in policymaking. This has led to the resources for power generation to become varied, largely move away from the control of governments, and to produce both hard and soft power attributes. Second, as the currency of coercive power seems to be devaluing in global politics, the role of intangible factors like soft power is getting more important in policymaking. The paper will then go on to elaborate on the critiques of the formulation of soft power from various perspectives, as well as the defenses to these critiques presented by soft power proponents. The paper will reflect on the continued relevance of soft power in international politics by giving the example of India, and how soft power has continued to serve its policy objectives over the years. It is observed that even as India is recognized as a rising superpower today, yet it has made a continuous effort in cultivating its soft power resources, which have proven to be its assets in furthering its foreign policy interests. In conclusion, the paper makes the point that soft power, in conjunction with hard power, will shape international politics in the coming times.

Keywords: foreign policy, India’s soft power, international politics, smart power, soft power

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Authors: Nicole Cervenka

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On the question of norms in international politics, scholars are divided over whether norms are a tool for power politics or a genuine reflection of an emergent international society. The line is drawn between rationalism and idealism, but this dialectical relationship needs to be broken down if we hope to come to a comprehensive understanding of how norms play out in international society. The concept of an elusive international society is a simplification of a more pluralistic, cosmopolitan, and diverse collection of international societies. The English School effectively overcomes realist-idealist dichotomies and provides a pluralistic, comprehensive explanation and description of international societies through its application to two distinct areas: human rights as well as security and war. We argue that international norms have always been present in human rights, war, and international security, forming international societies that can be complimentary or oppositional, beneficial or problematic. Power politics are present, but they can only be regarded as partially explanatory of the role of norms in international politics, which must also include history, international law, the media, NGOs, and others to fully represent the normative influences in international societies. A side-by-side comparison of international norms of war/security and human rights show how much international societies converge. World War II was a turning point in terms of international law, these forces of international society have deeper historical roots. Norms of human rights and war/security are often norms of restraint, guiding appropriate treatment of individuals. This can at times give primacy to the individual over the sovereign state. However, state power politics and hegemony are still intact. It cannot be said that there is an emergent international society—international societies are part of broader historical backdrops. Furthermore, states and, more generally, power politics, are important components in international societies, but international norms are far from mere tools of power politics. They define a more diverse, complicated, and ever-present conception of international societies.

Keywords: English school, international societies, norms, pluralism

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Authors: Aidana Arynbek

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This paper attempts to offer an alternative to the explanation of the politics of great powers in Caspian politics. Since many researchers have analysed the politics of great powers in the region with the focus on materialism, this paper attempts to bring a sociological inquiry into analysing inter-state behaviour. The constructivist concept of Alexander Wendt will be applied to analyse Russia’s relation with The United States, China and Iran; the main argument is emphasis on the power of ideational forces over material ones. Moreover, the innovative contribution of Wendt regarding the understanding of anarchy to the study of International Relations (IR) will be applied; in his words, ‘anarchy is what states make of it’. A neo-realist perspective implies that with the structure of international politics, Russia treats all great powers as rivals through engagement in power politics; however, Wendt’s approach is able to explain the reason behind the state’s behaviour towards power politics, and this is about not only international structure, but also identity. The understanding of identity answers the question of how Russia came about to follow different actions in relation to Iran and China in contrast to The United States. This paper will be divided into five chapters. The first chapter will explain the constructivism of Alexander Wendt; the second chapter will give a brief background to The Caspian Sea Region (CSR); the third chapter will explain the formation of Russia’s identity towards The United States, and this will be applied to analyse Russia’s relation to The U.S in The CSR. Similarly with China, the fourth chapter will explain Russia’s identity and its relations in The CSR, and finally, the fifth chapter will show Russia’s identity towards Iran and its relation to Iran in The CSR. It will be concluded that the analysis of the politics between great powers in seeking to access one of the richest regions, The Caspian Basin, will show that international politics is not fixed, but constructed by human action and cognition. Reality in the politics of great powers in The Caspian Sea Region is socially constructed. This paper is not interested in how things are, but how they became what they are. That is to say, how Russia’s foreign policies towards great powers became what they are.

Keywords: Alexander Wendt, Caspian sea, identity, Russia, socially constructed

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Authors: Olufemi Adedamola Oyedele

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Infrastructure provision in Nigeria is now at its lowest ebb in spite of its being critical to the socio-economic and political development of any nation. This is partly because the policy that will ensure its adequate provisioning is missing and partly because politics is affecting its provision. Policy is the basic principles by which a government is guided. Infrastructural development is the basis for measuring the performance of governments and it is the foundation of good governance. Demand for infrastructural development is higher and resources used in its provision are limited. Ethnic-interest agitation and lobbying for infrastructure provision are common things in multi-ethnic state like Nigeria. Most infrastructures are now decayed and need repair or replacement. Government is the system that organizes, control and sensitizes the people in a society in other for all to have an acceptable level of living. Governments have the power to put in place all measures that they deem fit will make an environment conducive for living for everybody. Infrastructure development in any environment requires needs assessment, feasibility and viability studies and carrying out physical development of the project. The challenge in Nigeria is largely carrying out development where they are not needed but where the people are loyal. There are numerous abandoned projects because they were started due to politics and not because they are feasible. Policies and politics greatly affect infrastructure provisioning in Nigeria and this is the premise of this paper.

Keywords: infrastructure challenges, infrastructure development, policy making, politics, project finance

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Authors: Collins Nkapnwo Formella

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The democratic wave of the 1980s and 1990s brought a lot of hopes to the politics of African states as many nation-states adopted ‘democracy.’ The end of the Cold War ushered in, with a lot of rush, pro-democracy movements, which led to multi-party politics, following constitutional reviews. For the very first time since independence, Africans revolted against personalized dictatorship and adopted the idea of limited office terms for the presidents. This paper dives deep into the history of Africa post-independence with the aim of allowing the readers to understand the nature of the differences in the political setups that currently govern the continent and the central region in particular. Time has proven the euphoria that characterized post-Cold War African politics at least for many countries short-lived, as their leaders were unable to re-design the institutions of governance from the compromise and interest-oriented structures handed down after independence. The result has been that politics in many of the countries have been tailored down along the lines of winner takes all approach, with the accumulation of state power being the sole objective of the leaders. The paper contends that 21ˢᵗ Century African politics is exactly the politics of inclusion/exclusion based on ethnic and interest groups, leading to the flourishing of patrimonial authoritarian regimes. It also puts to the test, whether authoritarian responses to delivering growth (economic, political, social) and peace as has been the model adopted by many leaders is superior compared to democracy. This paper then concludes by adding that the practice of democracy in the Central African region in its current form is inherently flawed from its foundations, thus incapable of rooting out the crises faced in the region.

Keywords: authoritarianism, democracy, development, power, institutions

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Authors: Francesco Pisano

Abstract:

Islam has been an important topic in Turkey’s institutional identity. Since the dawn of the Turkish Republic, at the end of the First World War, the new Turkish leadership was urged to deal with the religious heritage of the Sultanate. Mustafa Kemal Ataturk, Turkey’s first President, led the country in a process of internal change, substantially modifying not merely the democratic stance of it, but also the way politics was addressing the Muslim faith. Islam was banned from the public sector of the society and was drastically marginalized to the mere private sphere of citizens’ lives. Headscarves were banned from institutional buildings together with any other religious practice, while the country was proceeding down a path of secularism and Westernization. This issue is demonstrated by the fact that even a new elected Prime Minister, Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, was initially barred from taking the institutional position, because of allegations that he had read a religious text while campaigning. Over the years, thanks to this initial internal shift, Turkey has often been seen by Western partners as one of the few countries that had managed to find a perfect balance between a democratic stance and an Islamic inherent nature. In the early 2000s, this led many academics to believe that Ankara could eventually have become the next European capital. Since then, the internal and external landscape of Turkey has drastically changed. Today, religion has returned to be an important point of reference for Turkish politics, considering also the failure of the European negotiations and the always more unstable external environment of the country. This paper wants to address this issue, looking at the important role religion has covered in the Turkish society and the way it has been politicized since the early years of the Republic. It will evolve from a more theoretical debate on secularism and the path of political westernization of Turkey under Ataturk’s rule to a more practical analysis of today’s situation, passing through the failure of Ankara’s accession into the EU and the current tense political relation with its traditional NATO allies. The final objective of this research, therefore, is not to offer a meticulous opinion on Turkey’s current international stance. This issue will be left entirely to the personal consideration of the reader. Rather, it will supplement the existing literature with a comprehensive and more structured analysis on the role Islam has played on Turkish politics since the early 1920s up until the political domestic revolution of the early 2000s, after the first electoral win of the Justice and Development Party (AKP).

Keywords: democracy, Islam, Mustafa Kemal Atatürk, Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, Turkey

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Authors: Ratih Andaruni Widhiantari

Abstract:

The combination of the expanding population of aid agencies and the act of politicization in humanitarian intervention blurred the distinction between what humanitarianism accept as universal human rights in theory and their practices in humanitarian intervention. Humanitarian organizations were now venturing into the formerly taboo territory of politics that place individuals at risk, for examples, cooperating and coordinating with the intervening states, considering moments of destruction as opportunities for political change and even taking on functions that had once been the exclusive preserve of government. Hence, aid agencies were becoming involved in matters of local or even international politics. This study focuses on the comparison between Oxfam and Médecins Sans Frontières (MSF) or Doctor without Borders different attitudes against political influences in humanitarian aid. It aims to untangle the bewilderment whether the contradictory approach to politics will becoming a barrier to performing their principles as humanitarian actors and also the consequences of taking that one particular position. The analysis of quantitative data and qualitative literature analysis are presented. The findings indicated Oxfam is actively engaged with politics. It welcomed government and private sector to shared cooperation to reach its goals to alleviate global inequalities. On the other hand, MSF has always taken a strong position to refuse any politics influence within their aid programmes. With no financial assistance from any government, MSF is free from any direct politics intervention. Hence, it can work efficiently with a clear objective to respond the demand side pressures from the people in needs. It is still publicly against politic involvement in the humanitarian activity, but practically, it has been moving forward to politicization in its own definition.

Keywords: humanitarian agencies, humanitarian intervention, humanitarian principles, politicization of humanitarianism

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Authors: Isaac Kofi Mensah

Abstract:

The adoption and application of Information and Communication Technologies (ICTs) in government administration through e-government is expected to permeate all sectors of state/ public institutions as well as democratic institutions. One of such public institutions is the Electoral Commission of Ghana mandated by the 1992 Constitution to hold all public elections including presidential and parliamentary elections. As Ghana holds its 7th General Elections since 1992, on 7th November 2016, there are demands from key stakeholders for the Election Management Body, which is the Electoral Commission (EC) of Ghana to adopt and implement an electronic voting system. This case study, therefore, attempts to contribute significantly to the debate by examining influencing factors that would impact on citizen’s readiness to adopt and use an electronic voting system in Ghana. The Technology Acceptance Model (TAM) was used as a theoretical framework for this study, out of which a research model and hypotheses were developed. Importantly, the outcome of this research finding would form a basis for appropriate policy recommendation for consideration of Government and EC of Ghana.

Keywords: citizens readiness, e-government, electronic voting, technology acceptance model (TAM)

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Authors: Jamilu Adamu

Abstract:

Radical political activities among the people of Northern Nigeria and Sabon Birni, in particular from the formation of the Northern Element Progressive Union (NEPU) and Northern People Congress (NPC) in the last decade of colonial rule, led to the dramatic spread of radical ideas that were expressed through party politics. The above two parties were said to be more prominent in each of the movements throughout the period covered by this study. The NEPU and NPC were said to have opposed one another in an attempt to establish their political control in the area. What is apparent about the nature of the opposition is that the earlier NEPU and People Redemption Party (PRP) emerged from the idea of liberating the common man (Talakawa) against all forms of oppression, thereby rejecting a contrary idea of supporting the native elites and their colonial collaborators as envisaged in the ideology of the later NPC and National Party of Nigeria (NPN). This laid the ground for ideological confrontation between the supporters of the two opposing wings all over the northern emirates and the Sabon Birni district in particular. The study used a qualitative method of data collection. This study examines the historical developments of radical party politics among the Gobirawa people of the Sabon Birni District of Sokoto. It also investigates the factors that inspired opposition politics among the Gobirawa people of Sabon Birni. These were analyses side-by-side with the role of the traditional leaders in the area in suppressing the activities of the opposition party.

Keywords: NEPU, NPC, radical politics, Sabon-Birni District

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Authors: A. Pascual Ramsay

Abstract:

Accounts of the management of the economic and euro crisis in Spain have been dominated by an emphasis on external constraints. However, this approach leaves unanswered important questions about the role of domestic political factors. Using systematic qualitative primary research and employing elite interviewing and process tracing, this paper aims to fill this gap for the period of the Partido Socialista Obrero Español (PSOE) administration. The paper shows that domestic politics played a crucial role in the management of the crisis, most importantly by determining the shape of the measures undertaken. In its three distinct stages – downplaying/inaction, reaction/stimulus, and austerity/reform – the PSOE's response was certainly constrained by external factors, most notably EMU membership and the actions of sovereign-bond investors, the ECB and Germany. Yet while these external constraints forced the government to act, domestic political factors fundamentally shaped the content of key measures: the fiscal stimulus, the labour, financial and pension reforms, the refusal to accept a bailout or the reform of the Constitution. Seven factors were particularly influential: i) electoral and political cost, ii) party and partisanship, iii) organised interests, iv) domestic institutions, v) ideological preferences, vi) ineffective decision-making, and vii) judgement and personal characteristics of decision-makers. In conclusion, domestic politics played an important role in the management of the crisis, a role that has been underestimated by dominant approaches focusing on external constraints and weak domestic policy autonomy. The findings provide empirical evidence to support research agendas that identify significant state discretion in the face of international economic integration and an important role for domestic political factors such as institutions, material interests, partisanship and ideology in shaping economic outcomes.

Keywords: economic crisis, Euro, PSOE, Spain

Procedia PDF Downloads 89