Search results for: diplomatic assurances

Authors: Irina A. Martynenko, Viktoriia V. Pikalova

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At the moment, there are more than a thousand law schools in Russia. The program of preparation in each of them without exception includes English language course. It is believed that lawyers in Russia are best trained at the MGIMO University, the All-Russian State University of Justice, Kutafin Moscow State Law University, Peoples’ Friendship University of Russia, Lomonosov Moscow State University, St. Petersburg State University, Diplomatic Academy of Russian Foreign Ministry and some others. Currently, the overwhelming majority of universities operate using the two-level system of education: bachelor's plus master's degree. Foreign languages are taught at both levels. The main example of consideration used throughout this paper is Kutafin Moscow State Law University being one of the best law schools in the country. The article examines traditions of teaching legal English in Russia and highlights problem arising in this process. The authors suggest ways of solving them in the scope of modern views and practice of teaching English for specific purposes.

Keywords: Kutafin Moscow State Law University, legal English, Russia, teaching

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Authors: AbdulHameed Badmas Yusuf

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Islamophobia is unfounded fear of Islam and, more accurately, of his adherents. This phenomenon has found a fertile terrain in Nigeria given her status as a multireligious society where Muslims and Christians co-exist. Over the years, Islamophobia has taken constitutional, diplomatic, educational, financial, and political dimensions in the country. Any move by Muslims to adhere to their religious dictates, within the constitutional framework, is misconstrued by Christians - their religious counterparts- as a systematic way of Islamizing the country. Against this backdrop, this paper casts a look at Islamophobia from the five dimensions mentioned above. It shall identify possible causes of Islamophobia and proffer solutions accordingly. Available resources as well as events in the recent past reveal that Islamophobia is not unconnected with orientalism and terrorism, which are informed by prejudice and ignorance respectively. As such, the paper suggests adequate knowledge and tolerance as inevitable tools to curtail the menace of Islamophobia. This will go a long way in enhancing mutual tolerance and peaceful co-existence among the adherents of Christianity, Islam, and other religions in Nigeria. Both historical and analytical methods are used in this paper.

Keywords: islamophobia, islam, Nigeria, orientalism, terrorism

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Authors: Theo Neethling

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The United States Africa Command (AFRICOM) was established in 2007 as a military and diplomatic entity and is intended to assist African states and military actors to address their security needs. At the same time, AFRICOM is clearly an extension of US strategic interests on the African continent. The challenge for the US Department of Defence is to project AFRICOM as a cooperative and willing partner. This implies a partner that offers needed services and resources, and supports African security and military priorities with no presumption of having a privileged role in defining the African future. However, one of AFRICOM’s main challenges relates to the point that it has not been able to secure a firm partnership with South Africa as a key player on the continent: South Africa has continuously taken a lukewarm, if not cold, approach towards AFRICOM since its formation. The main aim of this article is to examine and discuss South Africa’s political-military relations with AFRICOM and to assess the underlying reasons currently inhibiting AFRICOM from achieving a fully productive relationship with the South African government.

Keywords: AFRICOM, South African foreign policy, US interests, defence capabilities in Africa, US-Africa relations

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Authors: Iraj Musa Dawaari

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Australia and Singapore signed the Comprehensive Strategic Partnership (CSP) agreement on 29th June 2015. This agreement aims to strengthen security, defense, diplomatic, economic, education, and innovation cooperation, as well as people-to-people relations between the two states. The purpose of this study is to examine rationales underpinning the (2015 CSP) agreement in order to better understand the national and foreign policy priorities of both Australia and Singapore in the period leading up to the signing of the agreement and in the period since. This research project will seek to establish how both countries’ national and foreign policy priorities have developed in recent years in the light of growing tensions between China and the US in the Indo-Pacific region and how the CSP agreement has influenced these priorities. This project also seeks to better understand and analyse why both states signed the CSP agreement in 2015.

Keywords: Australia, Singapore, foreign policy, partnership, USA, China, Indo-Pacific Region

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Authors: Keunsu Han

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Sports has been used as a valuable tool for countries to enhance brand image and to pursue higher political interests. Olympic games are one of the best examples as a mega sport event to achieve such nations’ purposes. The term, “soft power,” coined by Nye, refers to country’s ability to persuade and attract foreign audiences through non-coercive ways such as cultural, diplomatic, and economic means. This concept of soft power provides significant answers about why countries are willing to host a mega sport event such as Olympics. This paper reviews the concept of soft power by Nye as a theoretical framework of this study to understand critical motivation for countries to host Olympics and examines the effects of 2016 Rio Olympics as the state’s soft power strategy. Thorough data analysis including media, government and private-sector documents, this research analyzes both negative and positive aspects of the nation’s image created during Rio Olympics and discusses the effects of Rio Olympics as Brazil’s chance to showcase its soft power by highlighting the best the state has to present.

Keywords: country brand, olympics, soft power, sport diplomacy, mega sport event

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Authors: Rasha Salameh

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In light of the tense relationship between Saudi Arabia and Iran, this research paper sheds some light on Al-Arabiya’s reporting of Coronavirus in the Gulf. Particularly because most of the cases, in the beginning, were coming from Iran, some programs of this Saudi channel embraced a conspiracy theory. Hate speech has been used in talking about the topic and discussing it. The results of these discussions will be detailed in this paper in percentages with regard to the research sample, which includes five programs on Al-Arabiya channel: ‘DNA’, ‘Marraya’ (Mirrors), ‘Panorama’, ‘Tafaolcom’ (Your Interaction) and the ‘Diplomatic Street’, in the period between January 19, that is, the date of the first case in Iran, and April 10, 2020. The research shows the use of a conspiracy theory in the programs, in addition to some professional violations. The surveyed sample also shows that the matter receded due to the Arab Gulf states' preoccupation with the successively increasing cases that have appeared there since the start of the pandemic. The results indicate that hate speech was present in the sample at a rate of 98.1% and that most of the programs that dealt with the Iranian issue under the Corona pandemic on Al Arabiya used the conspiracy theory at a rate of 75.5%.

Keywords: Al-Arabiya, Iran, Corona, hate speech, conspiracy theory, politicization of the pandemic

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Authors: Aneri Mehta, Krunal Mehta

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A doctrine, any doctrine, incorporates a set of beliefs or principles held by a body of persons. A national nuclear doctrine represents, therefore, the collective set of beliefs or principles held by the nation in regard to the utility of its nuclear weapons. India’s foreign policy has been profoundly affected by the nuclear explosions conducted in May 1998. The departure from the professed peaceful nuclear policies has had several implications for India’s defense and foreign policies. The explosions in Pokhran have aggravated tensions in south Asia by disrupting diplomatic initiatives with Pak and China. Diplomacy has been reduced to damage control. The object of India’s nuclear deterrence is to persuade an adversary that the costs to him of seeking a military solution to his political problems with India will far outweigh the benefits. The paper focuses on India’s guidelines governing nuclear policy, development of nuclear materials for effective deterrence as well as civil development purpose. The paper finds that security concerns and technological capabilities are important determinants of whether India develops a nuclear weapons programs, while security concerns, economic capabilities, and domestic politics help to explain the possession of nuclear weapons.

Keywords: foreign policy, nuclear deterrence, nuclear policy, development

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Authors: Abdelhafez Abdel Hafez

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Dependency theory was developed since 1950s, with economic concerns. It divided the world into two parts, the states of the peripheral (third world countries) and the states of the core (the developed capitalist countries). Another perspective developed to the theory with the implementation of the idea of semi-peripheral states in the new world order. With these divisions (core, peripheral, semi-peripheral) this study aims to develop a concept from the perspective of dependency theory, to understand the nature of the relationship of the U.S. with the Middle East Regions through its relation with Iran, Saudi Arabia, and Turkey. The tested countries (Saudi Arabia, Iran and Turkey) are seeking a foothold and influential role in the region. The paper argued that the U.S. directs its policies toward the region, in the way to guarantee no country of the region will be in semi-peripheral level (that could create competitions or danger on the U.S. interest). Therefore, U.S. policies in the region have varied from declaring war to diplomatic channels and sometimes ignoring. The paper is based on the dependency theory, and other international relations theories used to study the Middle East in the international context.

Keywords: dependency, hegemony, imperialism, middle east

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Authors: Mohammed Kamal Alhassan

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The closeness of Turkey to Greece has often been a cause of many disagreements between the people of the two countries. This is against the backdrop of the fact that they have many things in common. In the past, the two countries have had unhealthy relations, which threatened to cut diplomatic ties between them. The 1996 Imia/ Kardak incident and the Öcalan crisis, for instance, nearly resulted in war between them. There were events that also brought the two countries together, for instance, the 1999 earthquake. This was because many lives were lost during the disaster. It is important to note that these events were duly covered by the media in the two countries. First of all, the study intends to look at the role of the media in the formulation of foreign policy in Turkey-Greece relations. It examines the role of the media in the formulation of foreign policy with particular emphasis on agenda-setting and positioning theories of the media as the theoretical framework. Also, the study will discuss the media landscapes in Turkey and Greece, the ownership pattern of the media sector and the relationship between media organizations and the government in the two countries. Moreover, the core foreign policy objectives of the countries will be delved into. Finally, the study employs a qualitative method to critically analyze the role of the media in the formulation of foreign policy in Turkey-Greece relations. It uses the invitation of the Former Prime Minister of Greece, George Andreas Papandreou, to the Ambassadors Conference in Turkey as a case study. In the end, the analysis will prove that, indeed, the media in Greece was effective in the formulation of foreign policy in its relations with Turkey.

Keywords: media organizations, foreign policy, government, diplomacy

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Authors: Besik Goginava

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Several days later after the end of 2008 Russo-Georgian War, Venezuela and Nicaragua formally recognized the independence of Abkhazia and South Ossetia. In 2009-10 both countries established diplomatic relations with self-declared republics. It is a paradoxical fact that after neighboring Russia-Georgian conflict territories were internationally recognized by two Latin American states with ongoing territorial disputes. The Venezuela-Guyana territorial dispute which officially began in the early XIX century became conflict-ridden again in the late 1990s and 2000s. Venezuela has long claimed the land which comprises 40% of Guyana’s current territory. Territorial disputes of Nicaragua include dispute with Colombia over Caribbean Islands, with Costa Rica over the San Juan River and maritime dispute with Honduras. Based on historical and analytical research methods the purpose of this paper is to establish the relationship between the recognition of Abkhazia and South Ossetia by Venezuela and Nicaragua and Venezuela’s territorial dispute with Guyana, as well as Nicaragua’s with Colombia, Costa Rica and Honduras. The objective of the study is to investigate the factors that led Venezuela and Nicaragua to formally recognize Georgian conflict territories and how could their own territorial disputes affect on their decision.

Keywords: Latin America, Georgia, Venezuela, Nicaragua, Abkhazia, South Ossetia

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Authors: Liyun Chang, Cheng-Hsiang Tsai

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To ensure the radiation precisely delivering to the target of cancer patients, the linear accelerator equipped with the pretreatment on-board imaging system is introduced and through it the patient setup is verified before the daily treatment. New generation radiotherapy using beam-intensity modulation, usually associated the treatment with steep dose gradients, claimed to have achieved both a higher degree of dose conformation in the targets and a further reduction of toxicity in normal tissues. However, this benefit is counterproductive if the beam is delivered imprecisely. To avoid shooting critical organs or normal tissues rather than the target, it is very important to carry out the quality assurance (QA) of this on-board imaging system. The QA of the On-Board Imager® (OBI) system of one Varian Clinac-iX linear accelerator was performed through our procedures modified from a relevant report and AAPM TG142. Two image modalities, 2D radiography and 3D cone-beam computed tomography (CBCT), of the OBI system were examined. The daily and monthly QA was executed for five months in the categories of safety, geometrical accuracy and image quality. A marker phantom and a blade calibration plate were used for the QA of geometrical accuracy, while the Leeds phantom and Catphan 504 phantom were used in the QA of radiographic and CBCT image quality, respectively. The reference images were generated through a GE LightSpeed CT simulator with an ADAC Pinnacle treatment planning system. Finally, the image quality was analyzed via an OsiriX medical imaging system. For the geometrical accuracy test, the average deviations of the OBI isocenter in each direction are less than 0.6 mm with uncertainties less than 0.2 mm, while all the other items have the displacements less than 1 mm. For radiographic image quality, the spatial resolution is 1.6 lp/cm with contrasts less than 2.2%. The spatial resolution, low contrast, and HU homogenous of CBCT are larger than 6 lp/cm, less than 1% and within 20 HU, respectively. All tests are within the criteria, except the HU value of Teflon measured with the full fan mode exceeding the suggested value that could be due to itself high HU value and needed to be rechecked. The OBI system in our facility was then demonstrated to be reliable with stable image quality. The QA of OBI system is really necessary to achieve the best treatment for a patient.

Keywords: CBCT, image quality, quality assurance, OBI

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Authors: Chaohong Pan

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Through public diplomacy on social media, governments have attempted to influence foreign public opinion. What is the impact of digital public diplomacy? Public diplomacy research often relies on content analysis to study the strategies employed by communicators but has rarely examined its actual impact on the audience. In addition, we do not know if giving a communicator an explicit label, as Twitter does with “government account”, would change the effects of the messages. Can the government label reduce the percussiveness of public diplomacy messages by sending a warning signal? Using a 2 × 2 survey experiment, the present paper contributes to the study of public diplomacy by randomly exposing American participants to four types of tweets from Chinese diplomats. The stimulus materials vary in terms of the tweets’ content (“positive-china” vs. “negative-US) and Twitter government labels (with vs. without the labels). I found that positive tweets about China have a significant positive effect on Americans’ attitudes toward China, whereas negative tweets about the US have little effect on their opinions. Furthermore, positive-China tweets are effective only on China-related issues, which indicates that Chinese diplomats’ tweets have limited effects on shaping a foreign audience’s attitudes toward their own country. Lastly, I find that labels largely have no impact on a diplomatic tweet’s effect. These results contribute to our understanding of the effects of public diplomacy in the digital age.

Keywords: public diplomacy, china, foreign public opinion, twitter

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Authors: Julia Gurol

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Why do we observe a shift towards convergence in EU-China security interests? While contradicting attitudes towards key principles of inter-state and region-to-state relations, including state sovereignty, territorial integrity, and intervention policies have ever since hindered EU-China inter-regional cooperation beyond the economic realm, collaboration in peace and security issues is now becoming a key pillar of European-Chinese relations. In addition, the Belt and Road Initiative as most ambitious Chinese foreign policy project explicitly touches upon several European foreign policy and security preferences. Based on these counterintuitive findings, this paper traces the process of convergence of Sino-European security interests. Drawing on qualitative text analysis of official Chinese and European policy papers and documents from the establishment of diplomatic relations in 1975 until today, it assesses the striking change over time. On this basis, the paper uses theories of neo-functionalism, inter-regionalism, and securitization and borrows from constructivist views in International Relations’ theory, to expound possible motives for the change in Chinese and respectively European preferences in the security realm. The results reveal interesting insights into the decisive factors and motives behind both countries’ foreign policies. The paper concludes with a discussion of further potential and difficulties of EU-China security cooperation.

Keywords: belt and road initiative, China, European Union, foreign policy, neo-functionalism, security

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Authors: Pangihutan Panjaitan, Helda Risman, Devindra Oktaviano

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This research is departed from the security issues generated from China’s unilateral claims in the South China Sea conflict. The diplomacy challenges come from Indonesia’s relations with China as well as with ASEAN-member countries involved in the conflict. It is estimated that the conflict in the South China Sea region will become an endless conflict. Comprehensively, Indonesia is implementing a gradual shift in diplomatic approach in creating positive and constructive ties among Indonesia, China, and ASEAN. In line with the rapid-changing world order, the conventional military approach becomes less significant in today’s modern inter-state interactions. This research is conducted in a qualitative literature review to explain how Indonesia’s recent soft diplomacy approach applied in the South China Sea conflict. This type of diplomacy theoretically assumed as one of the most preferred ways to establish mutual trust and confidence among conflicting parties. Maritime issues found its significance in contemporary foreign policy since the world’s most dynamic region has moved to the archipelagic Asia-Pacific. As mentioned by rationalists, every country, including Indonesia, has surely formulated its own prominent national interest, such as the defense aspect. Finally, this research will provide a deep analysis on Indonesia’s centrality in ASEAN as an effective way to ensure Indonesia’s strategic policy in the region well accommodated.

Keywords: soft diplomacy, south China sea, national defense, China

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Authors: Ali Asghar Sotoudeh

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Mediation Diplomacy has emerged as one of the main pillars of China's foreign policy goals and practices, and Beijing has established itself as a peacekeeping force in regional conflicts and crises such as Afghanistan, Syria, Sudan, Yemen, and the Arab-Israeli peace process. China is deepening and intensifying its diplomatic interventions in the Middle East and trying to shape the security and political developments in the Middle East. On the other hand, economically, China has become one of the most important trading partners with Middle Eastern governments. China is also seeking to expand its foreign policy and economic interests in the Middle East through the New Silk Road initiative and has signed cooperation agreements with 17 Arab countries. In this regard, due to the importance of the subject, this research focuses on answering this question; what is the basis of China's political mediation and economic expansionism in the Middle East? In parallel with this question, this study follows the hypothesis that the mediating role of peace is a legitimate way for China to intervene in Middle East political crises, Without causing China to deviate from its traditional guiding principles based on non-interference in the internal affairs of other actors in the international system. This policy also promotes the security of economic interests and increases the country's political influence in the Middle East. The research method is descriptive-analytical based on the qualitative method, and the data collection method is library and internet resources.

Keywords: China, middle east, political mediation, economic expansionism

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Authors: Md Nur Uddin

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The Rohingya people are one of the world's most oppressed and persecuted refugee populations, having been stateless for over six generations and still are. In recent years, more than half-million Rohingya Muslims have fled Myanmar (Burma) for neighboring nations. This article discusses the Status and Rights of Rohingya Migrants in Bangladesh, with a focus on the living conditions of this vulnerable population. A lot of information has been studied about Rohingya refugees states that violence in Rakhine state has sent an estimated 615,500 Rohingya across the border into Bangladesh's Cox's Bazar since August 25, 2017. In Cox's Bazar, a total of 33,131 Rohingya refugees are housed in two registered camps, with an additional 854,024 living in informal settlements nearby. The living conditions of Rohingya refugees in overcrowded camps remain dismal. Mental health is bad, cleanliness is poor, malnutrition is common, and physical and sexual abuse is endemic. A coordinated diplomatic effort involving Bangladesh and Myanmar, as well as international mediators such as the Organization of Islamic Countries and the United Nations, is essential to adequately resolve this complex matter. Bangladeshi officials must ensure the safety of the Rohingyas in the camps and use available humanitarian aid to give the refugees basic amenities such as food, shelter, sanitation, and medical treatment. UNHCR officials should keep an eye on the actual repatriation process to ensure that refugees who have expressed a desire to stay in Bangladesh are not deported against their choice.

Keywords: international refugee laws, united nations, Rohingya, stateless, humanitarian

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Authors: Saroj Kumar Rath

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When insurgency erupted in Kashmir in 1989, it was quickly backed by Pakistan. Kashmir witnessed terrorism for more than a decade till 2004 when Indian forces decimated militancy. After the US pressure in 1992, terrorist training camps of Pakistan shifted to Afghanistan and al Qaeda and the Taliban had taken over training of Kashmiri militants in Afghanistan after 1997 as part of their global jihad. The Indo-Pak rivalry over Kashmir dispute had taken a new turn in the aftermath of 9/11 developments. Islamabad viewed its Afghan policy through the prism of denying India any advantage in Kabul. Pakistan was successful in refuting Indian presence in Kabul for a decade through the Taliban. After the 9/11 attacks the Inter Services Intelligence (ISI) saw Northern Alliance, supported by the Americans and all of Pakistan’s regional rivals – India, Iran, and Russia – as claiming victory in Kabul. For Pakistan’s military regime, this was a strategic disaster and prompted the ISI to give refuge to the escaping Taliban, while denying full support to Hamid Karzai. The new development in Afghanistan prompted India to establish a foothold it had lost nearly a decade earlier. India established diplomatic contacts with Afghanistan; supported the Karzai government and funded aid programs. Pakistan alleged that Indian agents are training Baloch and Sindhi dissidents in Pakistan through Afghanistan. Kabul had suddenly become the new Kashmir – the new battleground for India-Pakistan rivalry.

Keywords: Afghan imbroglio, Kashmir conflict, Indo-Pak rivalry, US policy in South Asia

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Authors: Marisa Galiza Filipe

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In 1942, at the height of the Second World War, Roosevelt and Churchill planned to occupy the Azores to establish air and naval bases. The islands' privileged position in the middle of the Atlantic made them a strategic location for both the Axis and the Allies. For the Germans, the occupation of the island was also a strategic place to launch an attack on the United States of America, and for the British and Americans, the islands were the perfect spot to counterattack the German sinking of British boats and submarines. Salazar avoided the concession of the islands until 1943, claiming, on the one hand, the policy of neutrality, a decision made in agreement with England, and on the other hand, the reaffirmation of Portuguese sovereignty over the territory. Aware of the constant changes and supported by a network of informers on the islands, the German and British spies played a crucial role in the negotiations between Portugal and the Allies and the ceding of the bases by Salazar, which prevented their forced occupation. The espionage caused several diplomatic tensions, and the large number of German spies denounced by the British, operating on the islands under the watchful eye of the PVDE and Salazar, weakened the Portuguese-British alliance. Using primary source documents in the Ministério dos Negócios Estrangeiros (MNE) archives, this paper introduces the spies that operated on the islands, their missions and motives, organizations, and modus operandi. As a chess game, any move was careful thinking and the spies were valuable assets to control and use information that could lead to the occupation of the islands and, ultimately, change the tide of the war.

Keywords: espionage, Azores, WWI, neutrality

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Authors: Anton Andreev

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With the collapse of the Soviet Union and the collapse of a large part of the socialist regimes, left-wing parties all over the world entered the space of crisis, of problems with ideology, identity, with the definition of its goals and objectives. First of all, we can say that the communist parties actually lost their foundation. In 1992, despite the victory of left-wing forces, a Broad Front in which was the winner in the struggle against dictatorship plunged into a deep crisis, the nature of which is looking for a new platform, a new foundation, new goals. Thus, in the late 20th century, the party has revised theoretical beliefs and positions. Radical communist ideology was moderated to social reformism. Modern leftist movement in Uruguay is a movement of moderate reform. Left forces suggest going through successive changes. Changes in ideology and ideas have influenced to the understanding of foreign policy. After the collapse of the Soviet Union Broad Front has changed the direction of its diplomacy from the orientation to the Soviet state to support the USA policy. Government formed by Broad Front, supported the integration processes in the South America. Uruguay was developing the cooperation in the framework of MERCOSUR and began to create relationship with the new centers of power in world political space. Uruguay in the early 21st century is a country that starts to play important role in the international arena. Elections of 26 October 2014 should answer the question of support of internal policy of a Broad Front, as well as of the support of the diplomatic work of the "Left" governments of the country.

Keywords: Uruguay, broad front, Vazquez, international dimensions

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Authors: Congrui Chen

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The European Court of Human Rights (hereinafter ECtHR) delivered its judgment of just satisfaction on the case of Cyprus v. Turkey, ordering a lump sum of 9,000,000 euros as the just compensation. It is the first time that the ECtHR applied the Article 41 of just compensation in an inter-state case, and it stands as the highest amount of just compensation awarded in the history of the ECtHR. The Cyprus v. Turkey case, which represents the most crucial contribution to European peace in the history of the court. This thesis uses the methodologies of textual research, comparison analysis, and case law study to go further on the following two questions specifically:(i) whether the just compensation is applicable in an inter-state case; (ii) whether such just compensation is of punitive nature. From the point of view of general international law, the essence of the case is the state's responsibility for the violation of individual rights. In other words, the state takes a similar diplomatic protection approach to seek relief. In the course of the development of international law today, especially with the development of international human rights law, States that have a duty to protect human rights should bear corresponding responsibilities for their violations of international human rights law. Under the specific system of the European Court of Human Rights, the just compensation for article 41 is one of the specific ways of assuming responsibility. At the regulatory level, the European Court of Human Rights makes it clear that the just satisfaction of article 41 of the Convention does not include punitive damages, as it relates to the issue of national sovereignty. Nevertheless, it is undeniable that the relief to the victim and the punishment to the responsible State are two closely integrated aspects of responsibility. In other words, compensatory compensation has inherent "punitive".

Keywords: European Court of Human Right, inter-state cases, just satisfaction, punitive damages

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Authors: Stephen L. Roberts

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This article offers a critical analysis of the rise of syndromic surveillance systems for the advanced detection of pandemic threats within contemporary global health security frameworks. The article traces the iterative evolution and ascendancy of three such novel syndromic surveillance systems for the strengthening of health security initiatives over the past two decades: 1) The Program for Monitoring Emerging Diseases (ProMED-mail); 2) The Global Public Health Intelligence Network (GPHIN); and 3) HealthMap. This article demonstrates how each newly introduced syndromic surveillance system has become increasingly oriented towards the integration of digital algorithms into core surveillance capacities to continually harness and forecast upon infinitely generating sets of digital, open-source data, potentially indicative of forthcoming pandemic threats. This article argues that the increased centrality of the algorithm within these next-generation syndromic surveillance systems produces a new and distinct form of infectious disease surveillance for the governing of emergent pathogenic contingencies. Conceptually, the article also shows how the rise of this algorithmic mode of infectious disease surveillance produces divergences in the governmental rationalities of global health security, leading to the rise of an algorithmic governmentality within contemporary contexts of Big Data and these surveillance systems. Empirically, this article demonstrates how this new form of algorithmic infectious disease surveillance has been rapidly integrated into diplomatic, legal, and political frameworks to strengthen the practice of global health security – producing subtle, yet distinct shifts in the outbreak notification and reporting transparency of states, increasingly scrutinized by the algorithmic gaze of syndromic surveillance.

Keywords: algorithms, global health, pandemic, surveillance

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Authors: Jalil ur Rehman, Ramesh C. Tailor, Muhammad Isa Khan, Jahnzeeb Ashraf, Muhammad Afzal, Geofferry S. Ibbott

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Purpose: The purpose of this analysis was to investigate dose distribution of different techniques (3D-CRT, IMRT and VMAT) of head and neck cancer using 3-dimensional dosimeter called PRESAGETM Dosimeter. Materials and Methods: Computer tomography (CT) scans of radiological physics center (RPC) head and neck anthropomorphic phantom with both RPC standard insert and PRESAGETM insert were acquired separated with Philipp’s CT scanner and both CT scans were exported via DICOM to the Pinnacle version 9.4 treatment planning system (TPS). Each plan was delivered twice to the RPC phantom first containing the RPC standard insert having TLD and film dosimeters and then again containing the Presage insert having 3-D dosimeter (PRESAGETM) by using a Varian True Beam linear accelerator. After irradiation, the standard insert including point dose measurements (TLD) and planar Gafchromic® EBT film measurement were read using RPC standard procedure. The 3D dose distribution from PRESAGETM was read out with the Duke Midsized optical scanner dedicated to RPC (DMOS-RPC). Dose volume histogram (DVH), mean and maximal doses for organs at risk were calculated and compared among each head and neck technique. The prescription dose was same for all head and neck radiotherapy techniques which was 6.60 Gy/friction. Beam profile comparison and gamma analysis were used to quantify agreements among film measurement, PRESAGETM measurement and calculated dose distribution. Quality assurances of all plans were performed by using ArcCHECK method. Results: VMAT delivered the lowest mean and maximum doses to organ at risk (spinal cord, parotid) than IMRT and 3DCRT. Such dose distribution was verified by absolute dose distribution using thermoluminescent dosimeter (TLD) system. The central axial, sagittal and coronal planes were evaluated using 2D gamma map criteria(± 5%/3 mm) and results were 99.82% (axial), 99.78% (sagital), 98.38% (coronal) for VMAT plan and found the agreement between PRESAGE and pinnacle was better than IMRT and 3D-CRT plan excludes a 7 mm rim at the edge of the dosimeter. Profile showed good agreement for all plans between film, PRESAGE and pinnacle and 3D gamma was performed for PTV and OARs, VMAT and 3DCRT endow with better agreement than IMRT. Conclusion: VMAT delivered lowered mean and maximal doses to organs at risk and better PTV coverage during head and neck radiotherapy. TLD, EBT film and PRESAGETM dosimeters suggest that VMAT was better for the treatment of head and neck cancer than IMRT and 3D-CRT.

Keywords: RPC, 3DCRT, IMRT, VMAT, EBT2 film, TLD, PRESAGETM

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Authors: Iman Shabanzadeh

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The economic growth and the special model of development in China have caused sensitivity in the public opinion of the world regarding the nature of this growth and development. In this regard, the Chinese have tried to put an end to such alarming procedures by using all the tools at their disposal and seek to present a peaceful and cooperative image of themselves. In this way, one of the most important diplomatic tools that Beijing has used to reduce the concerns caused by the Threat Theory has been the use of soft power resources and its tools in its development policies. This article begins by analyzing the concept of soft power and examining its foundations in international relations, and continues to examine the components of soft power in its Chinese version. The main purpose of the article is to figure out about the position of West Asia in China's soft power strategy and resources China use to achieve its goals in this region. In response to the main question, the paper's hypothesis is that soft power in its Chinese version had significant differences from Joseph Nye's original idea. In fact, the Chinese have imported the American version of soft power and adjusted, strengthened and, in other words, internalized it with their abilities, capacities and political philosophy. Based on this, China's software presence in West Asia can be traced in three areas. The first source of China's soft power in this region of West Asia is cultural in nature and is realized through strategies such as "use of educational tools and methods", "media methods" and "tourism industry". The second source is related to political soft power, which is applied through the policy of "balance of influence" and the policy of "mediation" and relying on the "ideological foundations of Confucianism". The third source also refers to China's economic soft power and is realized through three tools: "energy exchanges", "foreign investments" and "Belt-Road initiative". The research method of this article is descriptive-analytical.

Keywords: soft power, cooperative power, china, west asia

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Authors: Euripides Antoniades

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In 1821, the Greek Revolution movement, under the political influence that arose from the French revolution, and the corresponding movements in Italy, Germany and America, demanded the liberation of the nation and the establishment of an independent national state. Published topics in the British press regarding the Greek Revolution, focused on: a)the right of the Greeks to claim their freedom from Turkish domination in order to establish an independent state based on the principle of national autonomy, b)criticism regarding Turkish rule as illegal and the power of the Ottoman Sultan as arbitrary, c)the recognition of the Greek identity and its distinction from the Turkish one and d)the endorsement Greeks as the descendants of ancient Greeks. The London Times is a print publication that presents, in chronological or thematic order, the news, opinions or announcements about the most important events that have occurred in a place during a specified period of time. A combination of qualitative and quantitative content analysis was applied. An attempt was made to record Greek Revolution references along with the usage of specific words and expressions that contribute to the representation of the historical events and their exposure to the reading public. Key finds of this research reveal that a)there was a frequency of passionate daily articles concerning the events in Greece, their length, and context in The Times of London, b)he British public opinion was influenced by this particular newspaper and c) he newspaper published various news about the revolution by adopting the role of animator of the Greek struggle. In fact, this type of news was the main substance of the The London Times’ structure, establishing a positive image about the Greek Revolution contributing to the European diplomatic development. These factors offered a change in the attitude of the British and Russians respectively assuming a positive approach towards Greece.

Keywords: Greece, revolution, press, the london times, great britain, mass media

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Authors: Riddhi Chopra

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While China’s friendship with a number of countries has waxed and waned over the decades, Sino-Pak relationship is said to have withstood the vicissitudes of larger international politics as well as changes in regional and domestic currents. Pakistan, one of the first countries to recognize the People’s Republic of China, thus providing China with a corridor into the energy rich Muslim states which was reciprocated with a continual stream of no-strings-attached military hardware and defense-related assistance from Beijing. The joint enmity towards India also provided the initial thrust to a burgeoning Sino-Pak friendship. This paper intends to provide a profound analysis of the strategic relation between China-Pakistan and examine India as a determining factor. The Pakistan-China strategic relationship has been conventionally viewed by India as a zero sum game, wherein any gains accrued by Pakistan or China through their partnership is seen as a direct detriment to the evolution of India-Pakistan or India-China relation. The paper evaluates various factors which were crucial for the synthesis of such a strong relation and presents a comprehensive study of the various policies and programs that have been undertaken by the two countries to tie India to South Asia and reduce its sphere of influence. The geographic dynamics is said to breed a natural coalition, dominating the strategic ambitions of both Beijing and Islamabad hence directing their relationship. In addition to the obvious geopolitical factors, there are several dense collaborations between the two nations knitting a relatively close partnership. Moreover, an attempt has been made to assess the irritants in China-Pak relations and the initiatives taken by the two to further strengthen it. Current trends in diplomatic, economic and defense cooperation – along with the staunch affinity rooted in history and consistent geo-strategic interests – points to a strong and strengthening relationship, significant in directing India’s foreign and security policies. This paper seeks to analyze the changing power dynamics of the China-Pak nexus with external actors such as US and India with an ulterior motive of their own and predict the change in power dynamics between the four countries.

Keywords: China, Pakistan, India, strategy

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Authors: Daniel Gidey, Kunwar Siddarth Dadhwal

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By evaluating India's aid systems and ongoing development initiatives, this conference paper offers light on India's role as a source of developmental assistance in Africa. This research attempts to provide insights into the developing landscape of foreign aid and development cooperation by focusing on understanding India's motivations and strategy. In recent years, India's connection with Africa has grown significantly, driven by economic, political, and strategic reasons. This conference paper covers India's many forms of aid, including financial, capacity building efforts, technical assistance, and infrastructure development projects, via a thorough investigation. The article seeks to establish India's priorities and highlight the possible impacts of its development assistance in Africa by examining the industries and locations of concentration. Using secondary data sources, the investigation delves into the underlying goals of India's aid policy in Africa. It investigates whether India's development assistance is consistent with its broader geopolitical aims, such as access to resources, competing with regional rivals, or strengthening diplomatic ties. Furthermore, the article investigates how India's aid policy combines the ideals of South-South cooperation and mutual development, as well as the ramifications for recipient countries. Furthermore, the paper assesses the efficacy and sustainability of India's aid operations in Africa. It takes into account the elements that influence their success, the problems they face, and the amount to which they contribute to local development goals, community empowerment, and poverty alleviation. The study also focuses on the accountability systems, transparency, and knowledge transfer aspects of India's development assistance. By providing a detailed examination of India's aid endeavors in Africa, the paper adds to the current literature on international development cooperation. By offering fresh insights into the motives, strategies, and impacts of India's assistance programs, it seeks to enhance understanding of the emerging patterns in South-South cooperation and the complex dynamics of contemporary international aid architecture.

Keywords: India, Africa, developmental assistance, aid projects and South-South cooperation

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Authors: Sehrish Qayyum

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Active military power contention is shifting to economic and cyberwar to retain hegemony. Attuned Pestle analysis confirms that structural stress of hegemon’s power loss drives a containment approach towards caging actions. Ongoing diplomatic, asymmetric, proxy and direct wars are increasing stress hegemon’s power retention due to tangled military and economic alliances. It creates the condition of catalepsy with defective reflexive control which affects the core warfare operations. When one’s own power is doubted it gives power to one’s own doubt to ruin all planning either done with superlative cost-benefit analysis. Strategically calculated estimation of Hegemon’s power game since the early WWI to WWII, WWII-to Cold War and then to the current era in three chronological periods exposits that Thucydides’s trap became the reason for war broke out. Thirst for power is the demise of imagination and cooperation for better sense to prevail instead it drives ashes to dust. Pestle analysis is a wide array of evaluation from political and economic to legal dimensions of the state matters. It helps to develop the Pacification and Security Policy Plan (PSPP) to avoid hegemon’s structural stress of power loss in fact, in turn, creates an alliance with maximum amicable outputs. PSPP may serve to regulate and pause the hurricane of power clashes. PSPP along with a strategic work plan is based on Pestle analysis to deal with any conceivable war condition and approach for saving international peace. Getting tangled into self-imposed epistemic dilemmas results in regret that becomes the only option of performance. It is a generic application of probability tests to find the best possible options and conditions to develop PSPP for any adversity possible so far. Innovation in expertise begets innovation in planning and action-plan to serve as a rheostat approach to deal with any plausible power clash.

Keywords: alliance, hegemon, pestle analysis, pacification and security policy plan, security

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Authors: Mike Chia-Yu Huang

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China’s port facility construction projects in the Indian Ocean (IO) region, Gwadar Port and Djibouti Port projects in particular, have led to a heated debate among both Chinese and Western strategists over whether the country has literally been carrying out its “string of pearls” strategy, an alleged Chinese plan to challenge America’s military predominance in South Asia. Even though the Chinese government repeatedly denied the existence of such a strategy and highlighted the civilian/commercial nature of its port projects, it has significantly enhanced its strategic cooperation with littoral countries in the IO region since the “One Belt One Road” initiative was introduced by Chinese President Xi Jinping in 2013. Whether China does have a plan to expand its sphere of military influence westward concerns the balance of power in the IO region. If the answer is positive, the security environment there will be changed drastically. This paper argues that rather than simply copying the U.S. model of developing overseas military bases along the IO periphery, Beijing has been deliberating a more sophisticated plan for its physical presence there: creating a new set of “overseas strategic pivots.” These “pivots,” semi-military and semi-commercial in nature, are designed to help Beijing sustain its anti-piracy operations in the Gulf of Aden and serve as forward stations for the transportation of China’s imported energy and merchandise. They can support the Chinese Navy’s operations overseas but are not supposed to undertake face-to-face combat missions. This upgraded Chinese scheme can be identified as “string of pearls” strategy 2.0. Moreover, it is expected to help China deepen its roots in the IO region, implying that Beijing has to a large extent scratched its old diplomatic philosophy which highlighted the merits of non-interference and nonalignment. While a full-scale maritime confrontation between China and the U.S.-India security alliance is unlikely to be witnessed in the near future, an ambitious Chinese plan to step into the global maritime domain has been evidently shown.

Keywords: Chinese navy, Djibouti, Gwadar, Indian Ocean, string of pearls strategy

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Authors: Somayeh Pashaee

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The ever-increasing growth of the Internet and the development of information and communication technology have prompted the politicians of different countries to use virtual networks as an efficient tool for their foreign policy. The communication of governments and countries, even in the farthest places from each other, through electronic networks, has caused vast changes in the way of statecraft and governance. Importantly, in the meantime, diplomacy, which is always based on information and communication, has been affected by the new prevailing conditions and new technologies more than other areas and has faced greater changes. The emergence of virtual space and the formation of new communication tools in the field of public diplomacy has led to the redefinition of the framework of diplomacy and politics in the international arena and the appearance of a new aspect of diplomacy called digital diplomacy. Digital diplomacy is in the concept of changing relations from a face-to-face and traditional way to a non-face-to-face and new way, and its purpose is to solve foreign policy issues using virtual space. Digital diplomacy, by affecting diplomatic procedures and its change, explains the role of technology in the visualization and implementation of diplomacy in different ways. The purpose of this paper is to investigate the position of digital diplomacy in the public diplomacy of the Islamic Republic of Iran. The paper tries to answer these two questions in a descriptive-analytical way, considering the progress of communication and the role of virtual space in the service of diplomacy, what is the approach of the Islamic Republic of Iran towards digital diplomacy and the use of a new way of establishing foreign relations in public diplomacy? What capacities and damages are facing the country after the use of this type of new diplomacy? In this paper, various theoretical concepts in the field of public diplomacy and modern diplomacy, including Geoff Berridge, Charles Kegley, Hans Tuch and Ronald Peter Barston, as well as the theoretical framework of Marcus Holmes on digital diplomacy, will be used as a conceptual basis to support the analysis. As a result, in order to better achieve the political goals of the country, especially in foreign policy, the approach of the Islamic Republic of Iran to public diplomacy with a focus on digital diplomacy should be strengthened and revised. Today, only emphasizing on advancing diplomacy through traditional methods may weaken Iran's position in the public opinion level from other countries.

Keywords: digital diplomacy, public diplomacy, islamic republic of Iran, foreign policy, opportunities and challenges

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Authors: Mohammad Anwarul Kabir, Fayezul Islam

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Language invariably is learned / taught to be used primarily as means of communications. Teaching a language for its native audience differs from teaching it to non-native audience. Moreover, teaching a language for communication only is different from teaching it for specific purposes. Arabic language is primarily regarded as the language of the Quran and the Sunnah (Prophetic tradition). Arabic is, therefore, learnt and spread all over the globe. However, Arabic is also a cultural heritage shared by all Islamic nations which has used Arabic for a long period to record the contributions of Muslim thinkers made in the field of wide spectrum of knowledge and scholarship. That is why the phenomenon of teaching Arabic by different educational institutes became quite rife, and the idea of teaching Arabic for specific purposes is heavily discussed in the academic sphere. Although the number of learners of Arabic is increasing consistently, yet their purposes vary. These include religious purpose, international trade, diplomatic purpose, better livelihood in the Arab world extra. By virtue of this high demand for learning Arabic, numerous institutes have been established all over the world including Bangladesh. This paper aims at focusing on the current status of the language institutes which has been established for learning Arabic for specific purposes in Bangladesh including teaching methodology, curriculum, and teachers’ quality. Such curricula and using its materials resulted in a lot of problems. The least, it confused teachers and students as well. Islamic educationalists have been working hard to professionally meet the need. They are following a systematic approach of stating clear and achievable goals, building suitable content, and applying new technology to present these learning experiences and evaluate them. It also suggests a model for designing instructional systems that responds to the need of non-Arabic speaking Islamic communities and provide the knowledge needed in both linguistic and cultural aspects. It also puts forward a number of suggestions for the improvement of the teaching / learning Arabic for specific purposes in Bangladesh after a detailed investigation in the following areas: curriculum, teachers’ skills, method of teaching and assessment policy.

Keywords: communication, Quran, sunnah, educational institutes, specific purposes, curriculum, method of teaching

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