Search results for: political representation

Authors: Roxanne J. Kovacs

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This paper shows that political corruption in Ghana and Kenya does not, as is assumed by a considerable part of the academic literature, depend on the level of party competition as such, but rather on the kinds of issues that parties compete about. Party competition in Ghana revolves around party performance, which gives political leaders a strong incentive to control corruption. In contrast, party competition in Kenya revolves around ethnic identities, which directly reduces competition based on candidate quality and therefore fosters corruption.

Keywords: corruption, electoral competition, Kenya, Ghana

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Authors: Halimah Abdul Manaf, Ahmad Martadha Mohamed, Zainal M. Zan, Nur Rusydina Khadzali

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Strengthening accountability among civil servants has been at the centre of government transformation ever since the country is striving to become a developed nation by the year 2020. One critical area that has become the loci of attention is increasing the accountability of local government by delivering services that are preferred by the communities. This article explores the practices of citizen participation and political accountability in local government in Malaysia. The existing literature has identified a mismatch between the demands of the community and the actual services delivered by the local government. Based upon this framework, this research attempts to examine the linkages between citizen participation and political accountability in selected local governments in Malaysia. This study employs quantitative method involving 1155 respondents who were randomly selected from local government personnel as well as local citizens. The instruments in the questionnaires were adopted from Wang and Wart (2007) who have also studied local government accountability. The findings reveal that respondents are satisfied with the services provided to the community. However, three areas of concerned are the inadequacy of citizens’ participation in programs, immediate actions on complaints as well as the slow response to repair dilapidated basic infrastructures such as roads, park, and recreations. It is recommended that local governments in Malaysia continue to engage the citizens in the decision making process so that the needs and demands of the citizens can be adequately fulfilled.

Keywords: citizen participation, political accountability, local government, Malaysia

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Authors: Hyeon Sop Baek

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This paper will briefly investigate Jeong Do-jeon’s political philosophy. Jeong Do-jeon was a Korean Confucian philosopher and politician during the turbulent 14th Century who revolted against the old order, founded Joseon Dynasty, and significantly impacted the development of Korean culture. Jeong’s vision of an ideal state involved a polity that has its roots in the people -that is, an ideal government prioritizes caring for the welfare of the people, respecting and attending to the diverse opinions and concerns of the people, and relies on the genuine, voluntary support of the people. With the neo-Confucian worldview in mind -that every human being has the equal potential to become a moral person- Jeong sought to create a world suitable for everybody to contribute to the decision-making procedure and be able to realize their potential fully. This paper will first examine his works and present a quick overview of his vision of the ideal government. Then, it will examine the Confucian virtues of ren (仁) and yi (義) and how they formulate the basis of his philosophy, and then discuss the central features of his vision of government: popular mandate, equity of wealth, promoting freedom of expression and political participation, and elevating caring disposition as the paramount quality of the political leaders. Furthermore, this paper aims to analyze the element of care inherent within his political philosophy, namely his view on the dynamics of power, nurturing the people, and noncoercive justice. Finally, a discussion on why his philosophy is still relevant in the contemporary context will be provided. Jeong’s view aimed at building a sustainable model of government, by proposing that the people should be the foundation of a state and that they need to be carefully nurtured so they can realize their inborn potential and continue to contribute to the sustenance of the world, is the focal point of Jeong’s philosophy. Just as he sought to rebuild his world following the turmoils of the 14th Century, his philosophy still has a substantial implication on how we should strive to rebuild our society today.

Keywords: Korea, Confucianism, Jeong Do-jeon, Joseon, Korean philosophy, political philosophy

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Authors: Vathya Anindita Putri, Henny Saptatia Drajati Nugrahani

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This research aims to explore the representation of Nordic mythology in the commercial film titled “Thor” produced by the Marvel Cinematic Universe. First, the Nordic mythology adaptation and representation in “Thor” compared to other media. Second, the importance of using the mise en scene technique, the comprehensive portrayal of Nordic mythology and the audience's experiences in enjoying the film. This research is conducted using qualitative methods. The two research questions are analyzed using three theories: Adaptation theory by Robert Stam, Mise en Scene theory by Jean-Luc Godard, and Cultural Criticism theory by Michel Foucault. Robert Stam emphasizes the importance of social and historical in understanding film adaptations. Film adaptations always occur in a specific cultural and historical context; therefore, authors and producers must consider these factors when creating a successful adaptation. Jean-Luc Godard uses the “politiques des auteurs” approach to understand that films are not just cultural products made for entertainment, but they are works of art by authors and directors. It is important to explore how authors and directors convey their ideas and emotions in their films, in this case, a film set in Nordic mythology. Foucault takes an approach to analyzing power that considers how power operates and influences social relationships in a specific context. Foucault’s theory is used to analyze how the representation of Nordic mythology is used as an instrument of power by the Marvel Cinematic Universe to influence how the audience views Nordic mythology. The initial findings of this research are that the fusion of Nordic mythology with modern superhero storytelling in the film “Thor” produced by Marvel, is successful. The film contains conflicts in the modern world and represents the symbolism of Nordic mythology. The rich and interesting atmosphere of Nordic mythology is presented through epic battle scenes, captivating character roles, and the use of visual effects that make the film more vivid and real.

Keywords: adaptation theory, cultural criticism theory, film criticism, Marvel cinematic universe, Mise en Scene theory, Nordic mythology

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Authors: Valentina Piric, Maja Martinovic, Zoran Barac

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The application of marketing to the domain of politics has become relevant in recent times. With this article the authors wanted to explore the issue of the current political engagement among young people in Croatia. The question is what makes young people (age 18-30) politically active in young democracies such as that of the Republic of Croatia. Therefore, the objective of this study was to discover the real or hidden motivations behind the decision to actively participate in politics among young members of the two largest political parties in the country – the Croatian Democratic Union and the Social Democratic Party of Croatia. The study expected to find that the motivation for political engagement of young people is often connected with a possible achievement of individual goals and egoistic needs such as: self-acceptance, social success, financial success, prestige, reputation, status, recognition from the others etc. It was also expected that, due to the poor economic and social situation in the country, young people feel an increasing disconnection from politics. Additionally, the authors expected to find that there is a huge potential to engage young people in the political life of the country through a proper and more interactive use of marketing communication campaigns and social media platforms, with an emphasis on highly ethical motives of political activity and their benefits to society. All respondents included in the quantitative survey (sample size [N=100]) are active in one of the two largest political parties in Croatia. The sampling and distribution of the survey occurred in the field in September 2016. The results of the survey demonstrate that in Croatia, the way young people feel about politics and act accordingly, are in fact similar to what the theory describes. The research findings reveal that young people are politically active; however, the challenge is to find a way to motivate even more young people in Croatia to actively participate in the political and democratic processes in the country and to encourage them to see additional benefits out of this practice, not only related to their individual motives, but related more to the well-being of Croatia as a country and of every member of society. The research also discovered a huge potential for political marketing communication possibilities, especially related to interactive social media. It is possible that the social media channels have a stronger influence on the decision-making process among young people when compared to groups of reference. The level of interest in politics among young Croatians varies; some of them are almost indifferent, whilst others express a serious interest in different ways to actively contribute to the political life of the country, defining a participation in the political life of their country almost as their moral obligation. However, additional observations and further research need to be conducted to get a clearer and more precise picture about the interest in politics among young people in Croatia and their social potential.

Keywords: Croatia, marketing communication, motivation, politics, young people

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Authors: Liberty Takudzwa Nyete

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This paper examines the feminine representation of women’s experiences in relation to womanhood as depicted by selected three South African female authors:. The study examines the challenges, difficulties and strategies used by various female characters’ to deal with situations in a typical apartheid and post-apartheid society. It also explores the way in which gender, race and class discourses are treated in the selected texts. The three authors, born and bred at the peak of the anti-apartheid movement and women’s protest against patriarchy, witnessed the effects of apartheid on both their families and societies at large which could perhaps have influenced their writing. The study is informed by both the feminist and womanist ideologies postulated by different theorists. In particular, the study of Not Woman Enough considers issues of motherhood, womanhood and racism; while that of Shameless focuses on the importance of women’s narration of their own stories, sexuality and racism; and the depiction of sexual violence, class, and women’s roles in the fight against oppression is explored with regard to This Book Betrays My Brother. Thus, the study concludes on the social makeovers that include women in all the spheres of life, such as education and the economy, which were largely dominated by men but are no longer defined by economic status, physical attributes, class nor sexuality.

Keywords: apartheid, feminism, prostitution, sexual violence, womanism, womanhood

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Authors: Mahmood Seyyed, Akram Salehi Heykoei, Hamidreza Safakish Kashani

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Among the remaining resource of the past, coins considered as an authentic documents among the most important documentary sources. The coins were minted in a place that called mint. The number and position of the mints in each period reflects the amount of economic power, political security and business growth, which was always fluctuated its position with changing the political and economic condition. Considering that, trade has more growth during the Safavid period than previous ones, the mint also has been in greater importance. It seems the one hand, the growth of economic in Safavid period has a direct link with the number and places of the mints at that time and in the other hand, the mints have been formed in some places because of the specific characteristic of cities and regions. Increasing the number of mints in the north of the country due to the growth of silk trade and in the west and northwest due to the political and commercial relation with Ottoman Empire, also the characteristics such as existence of mines, located in the Silk Road and communication ways, all are the results of this investigation. Accordingly, in this article researcher tries to examine the characteristics that give priority to a city for having mint. With considering that in the various historical periods, the mints were based in the most important cities in terms of political and social, at that time, this article examines the cities specific characteristics in the formation of the mints in Safavid period.

Keywords: documentary sources, coins, mint, city, Safavid

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Authors: Leonid Rybakovski

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Contemporary media offer a variety of themes for the diverse tastes of their audiences. The Digital games medium was mostly perceived as an instrument of entertainment. But being a part of global trends while constantly pushing the boundaries of storytelling in virtual reality and standing on the edge of technology also brings huge responsibility for game designers around the globe. A very recent emerging topic over the last years was an individual's mental state. In recent years there has been a shift in mental problems representations in commercial game releases such as Hell blade: Senua's Sacrifice and Sea of Solitude. The aim of this study is to research the approach of mental illness representation in media and digital games over the years and to suggest alternatives for putting characters who suffer from mental illness at the forefront of the storyline. This study traces dominant representations of characters with mental illness in digital games, reflecting the major change of the game industry toward inclusiveness. At the same time, the research embraces a hybrid approach to the academic study of digital games and includes the development of a game that follows a post-traumatic young girl, forcing the users to live her life through her eyes. The game prototype was developed as part of the Mdes Game Design and Development program and consisted of academic research and game development practices.

Keywords: framing analysis, mental condition, up keying, game mechanics

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Authors: Alena Radina

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On the global stage, national image is shaped by historical memory of wars and alliances, government ideology and particularly media stereotypes which represent countries in positive or negative ways. News magazine covers are a key site for national representation. The object of analysis in this paper is the portrayals of the US, Germany, China, and Russia in the front pages and cover stories of “Time”, “Der Spiegel”, “Beijing Review”, and “Expert”. Political comedy helps people learn about current affairs even if politics is not their area of interest, and thus satire indirectly sets the public agenda. Coupled with satirical messages, cover images and the linguistic messages embedded in the covers become persuasive visual and verbal factors, known to drive about 80% of magazine sales. Preliminary analysis identified satirical elements in magazine covers, which are known to influence and frame understandings and attract younger audiences. Multimodal and transnational comparative framing analyses lay the groundwork to investigate why journalists, editors and designers deploy certain frames rather than others. This research investigates to what degree frames used in covers correlate with frames within the cover stories and what these framings can tell us about media professionals’ representations of their own and other nations. The study sample includes 32 covers consisting of two covers representing each of the four chosen countries from the four magazines. The sampling framework considers two time periods to compare countries’ representation with two different presidents, and between men and women when present. The countries selected for analysis represent each category of the international news flows model: the core nations are the US and Germany; China is a semi-peripheral country; and Russia is peripheral. Examining textual and visual design elements on the covers and images in the cover stories reveals not only what editors believe visually attracts the reader’s attention to the magazine but also how the magazines frame and construct national images and national leaders. The cover is the most powerful editorial and design page in a magazine because images incorporate less intrusive framing tools. Thus, covers require less cognitive effort of audiences who may therefore be more likely to accept the visual frame without question. Analysis of design and linguistic elements in magazine covers helps to understand how media outlets shape their audience’s perceptions and how magazines frame global issues. While previous multimodal research of covers has focused mostly on lifestyle magazines or newspapers, this paper examines the power of current affairs magazines’ covers to shape audience perception of national image.

Keywords: framing analysis, magazine covers, multimodality, national image, satire

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Authors: Neeraj Shetye

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A common phenomenon between the rise of leaders like Mussolini and Adolf Hitler in the 20th century is their 'charisma'. They possessed the ability to seduce the crowd not just by the things they said but also by the way they said it. Aristotle defined rhetoric as an art of persuasion and reasoning which is how social scientists understand the concept. Political rhetoric in a modern democracy has several complexities including the huge number of speakers, quantity of information, diverse viewpoints, number of candidates and the impact of digital age. Politics in India since the seventies have been 'visibly dominated' by uses of rhetorical language and with a number of slogans. This idea of how language can steer an individual to establish or adopt a certain viewpoint has not been a focus of study in the Indian discourse. In a linguistically diverse region such as India, the idea of political rhetoric is vast and may not be accomplished in a year. There are in-depth studies by western thinkers on European or American political rhetoric unlike their Asian counterparts such as China, India or any of the Pacific nations. India saw an integration of states based on languages. Keeping this idea in mind, this paper aims to cover one political party that rose to its prominence over five decades and most significantly known for its conservative expression: Shivsena. Shivsena’s rise during the eighties and eventually establishing their government in the nineties are two fascinating periods to focus especially with a simultaneous rise of Bombay underworld, Babri demolition and major economic policy changes in the form of liberalisation (1991) and globalization (1995). This project attempts to study this with a two-fold methodology: literature review and fieldwork. There is an immense literature on Shivsena by both its admirers and critiques, contributing to both sides of the debate. Scholars have been writing about this party over these years and have keenly observed its growing popularity amongst the masses. There is just one intention behind this project, and it is to connect and analyse the vast, dispersed literature that is available and contribute to a field that has not been adequately analysed in the academic discourse.

Keywords: India, language, political rhetoric, Shivsena, slogans

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Authors: Salieg L. Munestri

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War on Terror became a principal war after the 9/11 attacks on U.S. homeland. Instead of helping to build up worldwide efforts to condemn terror and suicide bombings, the U.S.-led war on terror has given opportunities for the vast spread of terror. In much of Muslim world recently, the Bush’s Doctrine pushing all nations to choose sides in a war that is not truly a war has resulted worse effects. In the world’s most populous Muslim nation, Indonesia, more terror occurred since then. Instead of reinforcing the well-trained anti-terror military forces, Indonesian government established US-funded Special Detachment 88 to guarantee the accomplishment of war on terror in Indonesia and significantly to bring impact on regional security atmosphere. Indonesia is a potential power in Asia but it lacked off sophisticated military equipments. Consequently, Indonesia agrees to become a U.S. mutual partner in combating terrorism managed by Defense Security Cooperation Agency. The formation of elite anti-terror forces and U.S. partnerships perform Indonesia’s commitment to take a position beside the U.S. in coping with terrorism issue. However, this undeniably brings consequences on Indonesian political athmosphere, which encourages the writer to dig deep the consequences on the domestic environment of Indonesian political system. The establishment of the elite forces has aroused fluctuations within government, chiefly Indonesian House, concerning the establishment urgency, the large amount of funding, and the unpleasant performances, particularly the treatment toward suspected terrorists. Hence, evaluation process upon the Detachment 88 is highly demanding.

Keywords: anti-terror forces, Indonesia, political system, war on terror

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Authors: Nur Rafeeda Daut

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The significance of this paper is to provide an insight on the role of social movement in building stronger ethnic relations in Malaysia. In particular, it focuses on how the BERSIH movement have been able to bring together the different ethnic groups in Malaysia to resist the present political administration that is seen to manipulate the electoral process and oppress the basic freedom of expression of Malaysians. Attention is given on how and why this group emerged and its mobilisation strategies. Malaysia which is a multi-ethnic and multi-religious society gained its independence from the British in 1957. Like many other new nations, it faces the challenges of nation building and governance. From economic issues to racial and religious tension, Malaysia is experiencing high level of corruption and income disparity among the different ethnic groups. The political parties in Malaysia are also divided along ethnic lines. BERSIH which is translated as ‘clean’ is a movement which seeks to reform the current electoral system in Malaysia to ensure equality, justice, free and fair elections. It was originally formed in 2007 as a joint committee that comprised leaders from political parties, civil society groups and NGOs. In April 2010, the coalition developed as an entirely civil society movement unaffiliated to any political party. BERSIH claimed that the electoral roll in Malaysia has been marred by fraud and other irregularities. In 2015, the BERSIH movement organised its biggest rally in Malaysia which also includes 38 other rallies held internationally. Supporters of BERSIH that participated in the demonstration were comprised of all the different ethnic groups in Malaysia. In this paper, two social movement theories are used: resource mobilization theory and political opportunity structure to explain the emergence and mobilization of the BERSIH movement in Malaysia. Based on these two theories, corruption which is believed to have contributed to the income disparity among Malaysians has generated the development of this movement. The rise of re-islamisation values propagated by certain groups in Malaysia and the shift in political leadership has also created political opportunities for this movement to emerge. In line with the political opportunity structure theory, the BERSIH movement will continue to create more opportunities for the empowerment of civil society and the unity of ethnic relations in Malaysia. Comparison is made on the degree of ethnic unity in the country before and after BERSIH was formed. This would include analysing the level of re-islamisation values and also the level of corruption in relation to economic income under the premiership of the former Prime Minister Mahathir and the present Prime Minister Najib Razak. The country has never seen such uprisings like BERSIH where ethnic groups which over the years have been divided by ethnic based political parties and economic disparity joined together with a common goal for equality and fair elections. As such, the BERSIH movement is a unique case where it illustrates the change of political landscape, ethnic relations and civil society in Malaysia.

Keywords: ethnic relations, Malaysia, political opportunity structure, resource mobilization theory and social movement

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Authors: Ebrahim Rahmani, Siyamak Moazeni

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According to the Iraq's first constitutional law (approved 2005), Iraq is an independent with sovereignty and its governmental structure is parliamentary democratic republic and federal. Even in reforms in 2009, this article of law did not changed at all. But considering the existence of this emphasis and clarity which is mentioned in the law, different and sometimes contradictory interpretations and positions are expressed about federalism in the way that we can say, considering the importance of the matter, federalism is a focus point to create and expansion of the cold war among leaders of different groups of the country. Iraq's today political and security position has granted the suitable opportunity to Iraq's Kurdistan in appearing of the recent security crisis to increase its share from the central political power or to achieve to its independent dream. The federalism the weakest point of Iraq's territorial integrity in a way that if different groups do not come to a consensus about it and do not think about a mechanism which is accepted by all of them, this can effect on and Iraq's political stability and security. Iraq's Kurdistan follows the option of disintegration and separation under the shadow of political and security changes, even with existence of some Iraqi groups' hopes regarding the improvement of situation after parliament election and also considering Masoud Barezani's power will for separation from Iraq as well as regarding special international changes and disintegration of Karime from Ukraine and ISIS crises; concerns have been created among regional and international powers and interior players. In this article, a paradox due constitutional law about federalism, Iraq's central government view and its politicians to the matter and the regional effect of this action on region's geopolitics are reviewed as well.

Keywords: constitutional law, federalism, decomposition, Iraq's Kurdistan

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Authors: Behre O. Ozalp

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Cinema is a reflection of the society, as much as it captures the social codes. These codes are learned within the society; and through movies these practices of the gender order are reproduced as well. One of the best examples engendering these codes is a modern classic of Turkish cinema, Cholera District (1997), originally Ağır Roman in Turkish. It is a coming of age movie of a teenage boy in an old neighborhood of Istanbul, where he learns to be a 'man' through the hegemonic masculinity codes of the society. The corporal and verbal practices that are used in the representation of the male protagonist's portrayal is based on his performativity. This paper, through narrative analysis of the aforementioned movie, reviews how gender and narrative are intertwined within the context of queer theory. The methodology follows the protagonist's object of desire while evaluating his heterosexuality which requires affirmative performances. The framework of the study firstly focuses on the protagonist's own life and his interactions with the males of his kinship. Later, the focus gravitates towards his interactions with the female object of desire while evaluating how this relationship shapes his status in society. Lastly, the study focuses on the relationship between the protagonist and non-relative males of the neighborhood. The journey of a young male becoming a man by copying the other males delivers a clear representation of how heterosexuality is favored in terms of gender order.

Keywords: hegemonic masculinity, performativity, queer theory, Turkish cinema

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Authors: Muhammet Erbay

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The phenomenon of communication that has been studied by different disciplines has social, political and economical aspects. The scope of communication has extended from a traditional content to the modern world which is under the control of mass media. Nowadays, thanks to globalization and technological facilities, many companies, public or international institutions take advantage of new communication technologies and overhaul their policies. European Union (EU) is one of the effective institutions in this sphere. It aims to harmonize the communication infrastructure and policies of member countries which have gone through the process of political unification. It is a significant problem for the unification of EU to have legal restrictions or critical differences in communication facilities among countries while technology stands at the center of economic and social life. Therefore, EU institutions place a particular importance to their communication policies. Besides, communication processes have a vital importance in creating a European public opinion in the process of political integration. Based on the evaluation above, the aim of this paper is to analyze the cohesion process of Turkey that tries to take an active role in EU communication policies and has on-going negotiations. This article does not only confine itself to the technical details of communication policies but also aims to evaluate socio-political dimension of the process. Therefore, a corporate review has been featured in the study and Turkey's compliance process in communication policies on European Union has been evaluated by the means of deduction method. Some problematic areas have been identified in compliance process on communication policies such as human rights and minority rights, whereas compliance process on communication infrastructure and technology proceeds effectively.

Keywords: communication policies, European Union, integration, Turkey

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Authors: Mohammad Jamiu Abdullahi, Shykh Ahmed Abdussalam

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The emergence of Arabic on the shore of West Africa heralded the practise of Islam and advocation for a just and egalitarian society. Islam, it was argued, has been perverted and subverted by the Hausa leadership. This necessitated the call for reforming Islam. Al-Shaykh Usman Bin Fodio grabbed the opportunity and fought the perverts to restore the glory of Islam and establish shari'ah way of life. This was the practice, especially in the northern part of Nigeria until the incursion of colonialism. The conquest of the colonial master halted the rule of jihadi leaderships and subjected them to colonialism under which only some aspects of Islamic system considered potentially beneficial to the British interest were retained. The current socio-political and economic crises in Nigeria has necessitated the need to look inwardly to the bulk of works, in Arabic, left behind by the Muslim scholars to help to salvage the country from its present political crisis, economic paralysis and legal decadence. This paper, therefore, examines the relevance of Arabic literary works that housed political/legal theories to salvaging the country from its present political crises, economic paralysis and legal decadence.

Keywords: Arabic Fodio Nigeria security, advocacy governance scholar Usman, British colonial perspective shaykh, leadership Islam jihad politics

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Authors: Khitem Amiri, Mohamed Farah

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Image classification is a challenging task and is gaining lots of interest since it helps us to understand the content of images. Recently Deep Learning (DL) based methods gave very interesting results on several benchmarks. For Hyperspectral images (HSI), the application of DL techniques is still challenging due to the scarcity of labeled data and to the curse of dimensionality. Among other approaches, Deep Belief Network (DBN) based approaches gave a fair classification accuracy. In this paper, we address the problem of the curse of dimensionality by reducing the number of bands and replacing the HSI channels by the channels representing radiometric indices. Therefore, instead of using all the HSI bands, we compute the radiometric indices such as NDVI (Normalized Difference Vegetation Index), NDWI (Normalized Difference Water Index), etc, and we use the combination of these indices as input for the Deep Belief Network (DBN) based classification model. Thus, we keep almost all the pertinent spectral information while reducing considerably the size of the image. In order to test our image representation, we applied our method on several HSI datasets including the Indian pines dataset, Jasper Ridge data and it gave comparable results to the state of the art methods while reducing considerably the time of training and testing.

Keywords: hyperspectral images, deep belief network, radiometric indices, image classification

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Authors: Neelum Maqsood

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This paper is a study of how institutional structures shape the policy-making activities of female legislators. The literature on this area indicates that if there is an institution created by men to secure elite interests, women will face constraints in legislative activities. This paper will analyze the institutional setting in Pakistan and document the conditions women face that both restrict or enable them from representing the general interests of other women. The main experimental design depends on the variation of international scrutiny that Pakistan faces in two different time periods that will be classified as high international scrutiny and low international scrutiny. A high international scrutiny period is one where Pakistan comes under the international lens because of a domestic event that has international ramifications, for example, in terms of gender equality. The argument is that women parliamentarians receive different treatment in periods of high international scrutiny. As Pakistan comes under scrutiny, women will be more active in their legislative activities than in low international scrutiny, as male parliamentarians will be less likely to influence or restrain women’s activities. Using this variation, the trends in memberships and support functions given to women in these two time periods will be studied. The second variation will comprise the analysis of male and female assignments, training, and funding on general seats across time, which will require data collection over this time of 12-15 years, including the years during the war when Pakistan was under high international scrutiny.

Keywords: female representation, gender equality, democratic institutions, quota seats

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Authors: Neslihan Cetin

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In this study, we will aim to analyze how the period of the state of emergency in Turkey lead to gaps in law and the formation of areas in which there was a complete lack of supervision. The state of emergency that was proclaimed following the coup attempt of July 15, 2016, continued until July 18, 2018, that is to say, 2 years, without taking into account whether the initial circumstances persisted. As part of this work, we claim that the state of emergency provided the executive power with important tools for governing, which it took constant use. We can highlight how the concern for security at the center of the basic considerations of the people in a city was exploited as a foundation by the military power in Turkey to interfere in the political, legal, and social spheres. The constitutions of 1924, 1961, and 1982 entrusted the army with the role of protector of the integrity of the state. This became an instrument at the hands of the military to legitimize their interventions in the name of public security. Its interventions in the political field are indeed politically motivated. The constitution, the legislative, and regulatory systems are modified and monopolized by the military power that dominates the legislative, regulatory, and judicial power, leading to a state of exception. With the political convulsions over a decade, the government was able to usurp the instrument called the state of exception. In particular, the decree-laws of the state of emergency, which the executive makes frequent and generally abusive use, became instruments in the hands of the government to take measures that it wishes to escape from the rules and the pre-established control mechanisms. Thus the struggle against the political opposition becomes more unbalanced and destructive. To this must also be added the ineffectiveness of ex-post controls and domestic remedies. This research allows us to stress how a legal concept, such as ‘the state of emergency’ can be politically exploited to make it a legal weapon that continues to produce victims.

Keywords: constitutional law, state of emergency, rule of law, instrumentalization of law

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Authors: Riikka Elina Kallio

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“The walls have ears” phrase is defining the era of dictatorship in Portugal (1926–1974) and political unrest decades in Finland (1917–1948). The phrase is referring to the policing of the political, secret police, PIDE (Policia Internacional e de Defesa do Estado 1933–1969) in Portugal and VALPO (Valtiollinen Poliisi 1939–1948) in Finland. Free speech at any public space and even in private events could be fatal. The members of the PIDE/VALPO or informers/collaborators could be listening. Strict censorship under the Salazar´s regime was controlling media for example newspapers, music, and the film industry. Similarly, the politically affected censorship influenced the media in Finland in those unrest decades. This article examines the similarities and the differences in the images of the political police in Finland and Portugal, by analyzing Finnish and Portuguese films from the nineteen-thirties to nineteensixties. The text addresses two main research questions: what are the common and different features in the representations of the Finnish and Portuguese political police in films between the 1930s and 1960s, and how did the national censorship affect these representations? This study approach is interdisciplinary, and it combines film studies and criminology. Close reading is a practical qualitative method for analyzing films and in this study, close reading emphasizes the features of the police officer. Criminology provides the methodological tools for analysis of the police universal features and European common policies. The characterization of the police in this study is based on Robert Reiner´s 1980s and Timo Korander´s 2010s definitions of the police officer. The research material consisted of the Portuguese films from online film archives and Finnish films from Movie Making Finland -project´s metadata which offered suitable material by data mining the keywords such as poliisi, poliisipäällikkö and konstaapeli (police, police chief, police constable). The findings of this study suggest that even though there are common features of the images of the political police in Finland and Portugal, there are still national and cultural differences in the representations of the political police and policing.

Keywords: censorship, film studies, images, PIDE, political police, VALPO

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Authors: Nilufer Turksoy

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Social media tools successfully connect people from different milieu to each other. This easy access allows politicians with populist attitude to circulate any kind of political opinion or message, which will hardly appear in conventional media. Populism is a relevant concept, especially, in political communication research. In the last decade, populism in social media has been researched extensively. The present study focuses on how social media is used as a playground by Turkish Cypriot politicians to perform populism in Northern Cyprus. It aims to determine and understand the relationship between politicians and social media, and how they employ social media in their political lives. Northern Cyprus’s multi-faced character provides politicians with many possible frames and topics they can make demagogy about ongoing political deadlock, international isolation, economic instability or social and cultural life in the north part of the island. Thus, Northern Cyprus, bizarrely branded as a 'no man's land', is a case par excellence to show how politically and economically unstable geographies are inclined to perform populism. Northern Cyprus is legally invalid territory recognized by no member of the international community other than Turkey and a phantom state, just like Abkhazia and South Ossetia or Nagorno-Karabakh. Five ideological key elements of populism are employed in the theoretical framework of this study: (1) highlighting the sovereignty of the people, (2) attacking the elites, (3) advocacy for the people, (4) excluding others, and (5) invoking the heartland. A qualitative text analysis of typical Facebook posts was conducted. Profiles of popular political leaders who occupy top positions (e.g. member of parliament, minister, chairman, party secretary), who have different political views, and who use their profiles for political expression on daily bases are selected. All official Facebook pages of the selected politicians are examined during a period of five months (1 September 2017-31 January 2018). This period is selected since it was prior to the parliamentary elections. Finding revealed that majority of the Turkish Cypriot politicians use their social media profile to propagate their political ideology in a populist fashion. Populist statements are found across parties. Facebook give especially the left-wing political actors the freedom to spread their messages in manipulative ways, mostly by using a satiric, ironic and slandering jargon that refers to the pseudo-state, the phantom state, the unrecognized Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus state. While most of the political leaders advocate for the people, invoking the heartland are preferred by right-wing politicians. A broad range of left-wing politicians predominantly conducted attack on the economic elites and ostracism of others. The finding concluded that different politicians use social media differently according to their political standpoint. Overall, the study offers a thorough analysis of populism on social media. Considering the large role social media plays in the daily life today, the finding will shed some light on the political influence of social media and the social media usage among politicians.

Keywords: Northern Cyprus, populism, politics, qualitative text analysis, social media

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Authors: A. Nawaz

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The present study uses Halliday’s transitivity model to analyze and interpret ideological stance in PM Nawaz Sharif’s political discourse. His famous speech at the 71st UN assembly was analyzed qualitatively using clausal analysis approach to investigate the communicative functions of the linguistic choices made in the address. The study discovers that among the six process types under the transitivity model, material, relational and mental processes appear most frequently in the speech, making up almost 86% of the whole. Verbal processes rank 4th, whereas existential and behavioral are the least occurring processes covering only 2 and 1 percent respectively. The dominant use of material processes suggests that Nawaz Sharif and his government are the main actors working on several concrete projects to produce a sense of developmental progression and continuity. Using relational and mental processes the PM, along with establishing proximity with masses and especially Kashmiri, gives guarantees and promises. The linguistic analysis concludes Kashmir dispute as being the central theme of the address, since it covers more than half of the discourse. The address calls for a strong action instead of formal assurances and wishful thoughts. The study establishes that language structures can yield certain connotations and ideologies which are not overt for readers. This is in affirmation to the supposition that language form performs a communicative function and is not merely fortuitous.

Keywords: Hallidian perspective on language, implicit meanings, Nawaz Sharif, political ideologies, political speeches, transitivity, UN Assembly

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Authors: Ahmad Alsolami, Darren Mundy, Manuel Hernandez-Perez

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Social media networks, such as Twitter, offer the perfect opportunity to either positively or negatively affect political attitudes on large audiences. A most important factor contributing to this effect is the existence of influential users, who have developed a reputation for their awareness and experience on specific subjects. Therefore, knowledge of the mechanisms to identify influential users on social media is vital for understanding their effect on their audience. The concept of the influential user is based on the pioneering work of Katz and Lazarsfeld (1959), who created the concept of opinion leaders' to indicate that ideas first flow from mass media to opinion leaders and then to the rest of the population. Hence, the objective of this research was to provide reliable and accurate structural mechanisms to identify influential users, which could be applied to different platforms, places, and subjects. Twitter was selected as the platform of interest, and Saudi Arabia as the context for the investigation. These were selected because Saudi Arabia has a large number of Twitter users, some of whom are considerably active in setting agendas and disseminating ideas. The study considered the scientific methods that have been used to identify public opinion leaders before, utilizing metrics software on Twitter. The key findings propose multiple novel metrics to compare Twitter influencers, including the number of followers, social authority and the use of political hashtags, and four secondary filtering measures. Thus, using ratio and percentage calculations to classify the most influential users, Twitter accounts were filtered, analyzed and included. The structured approach is used as a mechanism to explore the top ten influencers on Twitter from the political domain in Saudi Arabia.

Keywords: twitter, influencers, structured mechanism, Saudi Arabia

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Authors: Zoaib Mirza

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Pakistan is an Islamic country that got its partition from India in 1947 so that the people could practice the religion of Islam. The ideology of Pakistan was based on the notion that sovereignty only belonged to God Almighty (in Arabic, God means “Allah”), and Muslims will live in accordance with Islam principles. The Quran (Holy Book) and Sunnah (authentic practices of Prophet Mohammad, Peace Be Upon Him, that explains the application of the Quran) are foundations of the Islamic principles. It has been over 75 years, but unfortunately, Pakistan, due to its own political, social, and economic mistakes, is responsible for not being able to become a true Islamic nation to justify its partition from India. The rationale for writing this paper is to analyze the factors that led to changes in the democratic movements impacting the country's political, social, and economic growth. The methodology to examine the historical and political context of Pakistan’s history is by referencing the scholarly work of Israr Ahmed, a Pakistani Islamic theologian, philosopher, and Islamic scholar. While from a Western perspective, Karl Marx, Mar Weber, Hannah Arendt, Sheldon Wolin, Paulo Freire, and Jacques Ranciere's philosophies specific to totalitarianism, politics, military rule, religion, capitalism, and superpower are used as the framework to analyze Pakistan’s democracy. The study's findings conclude that Pakistan's democracy is unstable and has been impacted by military and civilian governance, which led to political, social, and economic downfall. To improve the current situation, the citizens of Pakistan have to realize that the success of a nation is only dependent on the level of consciousness of the leader and not the political system. Therefore, it is the responsibility of every citizen to be conscious of how they select their leader and take responsibility for the current situation in Pakistan.

Keywords: Pakistan, Islam, democracy, totalitarianism, military, religion, capitalism

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Authors: Robert Birkholc

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One of the basic issues related to the creation of characters in media, such as literature and film, is the representation of the characters' thoughts, emotions, and perceptions. This paper is devoted to the social perspective (or the focalization) expressed in film narration. The aim of the paper is to show how social point of view of the hero –conditioned by his origin and the environment from which he comes– can be created by using non-verbal, purely audiovisual means of expression. The issue will be considered on the example of the little-known polish movie The Dancing Hawk (1977) by Grzegorz Królikiewicz, based on the novel by Julian Kawalec. The thesis of the paper is that the polish director uses a narrative figure, which is somewhat analogous to literary form of free indirect discourse. In literature, free indirect discourse is formally ‘spoken’ by the external narrator, but the narration is clearly filtered through the language and thoughts of the character. According to some scholars (such as Roy Pascal), the narrator in this form of speech does not cite the character's words, but uses his way of thinking and imitates his perspective – sometimes with a deep irony. Free indirect discourse is frequently used in Julian Kawalec’s novel. Through the linguistic stylization, the author tries to convey the socially determined perspective of a peasant who migrates to the big city after the Second World War. Grzegorz Królikiewicz expresses the same social experience by pure cinematic form in the adaptation of the book. Both Kawalec and Królikiewicz show the consequences of so-called ‘social advancement’ in Poland after 1945, when the communist party took over political power. On the example of the fate of the main character, Michał Toporny, the director presents the experience of peasants who left their villages and had to adapt to new, urban space. However, the paper is not focused on the historical topic itself, but on the audiovisual form of the movie. Although Królikiewicz doesn’t use frequently POV shots, the narration of The Dancing Hawk is filtered through the sensations of the main character, who feels uprooted and alienated in the new social space. The director captures the hero's feelings through very complex audiovisual procedures – high or low points of view (representing the ‘social position’), grotesque soundtrack, expressionist scenery, and associative editing. In this way, he manages to create the world from the perspective of a socially maladjusted and internally split subject. The Dancing Hawk is a successful attempt to adapt the subjective narration of the book to the ‘language’ of the cinema. Mieke Bal’s notion of focalization helps to describe ‘free indirect discourse’ as a transmedial figure of representing of the characters’ perceptions. However, the polysemiotic medium of the film also significantly transforms this figure of representation. The paper shows both the similarities and differences between literary and cinematic ‘free indirect discourse.’

Keywords: film and literature, free indirect discourse, social experience, subjective narration

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Authors: Abdulvahab Forati

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Religious intellectualism is the only stream of consciousness in Iran that its religious theories formed Democracy. The theory of Religious intellectualism was utilized in Constitutional Revolution and Islamic Revolution. To instate Democracy in Iran, in compare with West and sunnis, the theory of Religious Intellectualism is being used differently. Unlike Democracy in the west that has started with the concept of Individualism and Natural Rights or in Sunni world that has started with the concept of consultation, it has started in Iran with mima-la-nas-fih (what we don’t have any proof for)or mantaqa-alfiraq-altashri’ (area of vacuum from reason). Shia scholars first acquainted with the concept of Democracy through theories of Sheikh Mortiza Ansari, and later some of his followers, including Akhund-e-khorasani and Mirzaye naeini, regarding Sheikh Ansari’s thoughts, began to analyze its Constitutional system and Democratic elements. But Imam Khomeini, the great founder of Islamic Republic of Iran, with respect to RAKHS (religious permission for having a choice)could make connection between Islam and Democracy. Instead of focusing on Civil contracts, he relied on Sirah Ughala (Tradition) and accepted many of the current conducts, e.g. Democracy and Political Parties and acknowledged the authority (Hujiat) of them even in absence of Infallibles. These two are the most notable experiences of shia political thoughts about Democracy within the last 100 years. In this article, the author tries to explain the second experience in Imam Khomeini’s thoughts and Sirah.

Keywords: Shia school, Islamic revolution, democracy, political order

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Authors: Alessandro Giardino

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The Iranian Revolution has been the object of numberless historical and semi-fictional accounts, often providing a monolithic perspective on the events, due to the westerner positioning of those recounting them. Against this tradition, two contemporary French-Iranian novels "Disoriental" (2016) by Negar Djavadi and "Marx and The Doll" (2017) by Maryam Madjidi have offered readers a female-oriented and interestingly layered representation of the Iranian Revolution, hence addressing the responsibilities and misconceptions of Western countries. Furthermore, these two women writers have shed light on the disenchantment of the Iranian intellectual class vis-à-vis the foundation of the Islamic Republic, by particularly focusing on the deterioration of women’s rights, as well as the repression of political, ethnical, religious and sexual minorities. By a psycholinguistic and semasiological analysis of the two novels by Djavadi and Madjidi, this essay will focus on alternative accounts of the revolution in order to reflect upon the role of intersectional literature to the understanding of history. More specifically, as both women, refugees, and bi-cultural writers, Djavadi and Madjidi unearthed moments and figures of the revolution which had disappeared from the prevalent narrative. In doing so, however, these two writers resorted to entirely opposite styles of writing that, it will be argued, stem from different types of female resistance. In defining these two approaches as a "narrative resistance" and a "photographic resistance," the essay will elucidate the dependence of these writers’ language on generational and psychological factors, but it will also stir a reflection on their different communicative strategies.

Keywords: Iranian revolution, French-Iranian, intersectionality, literature, women writers

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Authors: Muhammad Muhammad Suleiman

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The Nigerian political system has witnessed rising occurrences of election malpractice in the last decade. This has been due to election rigging and other forms of electoral fraud. In order to find a sustainable solution to this malpractice, the introduction of electronic voting (e-voting) has been suggested. This paper reviews the challenges, benefits, and issues associated with e-voting as a panacea for election malpractice in Nigeria. The review of existing literature revealed that e-voting can reduce the cost of conducting elections and reduce the opportunity for electoral fraud. The review suggests that the introduction of e-voting in the Nigerian political system would require adequate cybersecurity measures, trust-building initiatives, and proper legal frameworks to ensure its successful implementation. It is recommended that there should be an effective policy that would ensure the security of the system as well as the credibility of the results. Furthermore, a comprehensive awareness campaign needs to be conducted to ensure that voters understand the process and are comfortable using the system. In conclusion, e-voting has the potential to reduce the occurrence of election malpractice in the Nigerian political system. However, the successful implementation of e-voting will require effective policy interventions and trust-building initiatives. Additionally, the costs of acquiring the necessary infrastructure and equipment and implementing proper legal frameworks need to be considered.

Keywords: electronic voting, general election, candidate, INEC, cyberattack

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Authors: G. Bruno, A. Ciavarella, N. Linciano

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The proportion of women in boardroom has traditionally been low around the world. Over the last decades, several jurisdictions opted for active intervention, which triggered a tangible progress in female representation. In Europe, many countries have implemented boardroom diversity policies in the form of legal quotas (Norway, Italy, France, Germany) or governance code amendments (United Kingdom, Finland). Policy actions rest, among other things, on the assumption that gender balanced boards result in improved corporate governance and performance. The investigation of the relationship between female boardroom representation and firm value is therefore key on policy grounds. The evidence gathered so far, however, has not produced conclusive results also because empirical studies on the impact of voluntary female board representation had to tackle with endogeneity, due to either differences in unobservable characteristics across firms that may affect their gender policies and governance choices, or potential reverse causality. In this paper, we study the relationship between the presence of female directors and corporate performance in Italy, where the Law 120/2011 envisaging mandatory quotas has introduced an exogenous shock in board composition which may enable to overcome reverse causality. Our sample comprises Italian firms listed on the Italian Stock Exchange and the members of their board of directors over the period 2008-2016. The study relies on two different databases, both drawn from CONSOB, referring respectively to directors and companies’ characteristics. On methodological grounds, information on directors is treated at the individual level, by matching each company with its directors every year. This allows identifying all time-invariant, possibly correlated, elements of latent heterogeneity that vary across firms and board members, such as the firm immaterial assets and the directors’ skills and commitment. Moreover, we estimate dynamic panel data specifications, so accommodating non-instantaneous adjustments of firm performance and gender diversity to institutional and economic changes. In all cases, robust inference is carried out taking into account the bidimensional clustering of observations over companies and over directors. The study shows the existence of a U-shaped impact of the percentage of women in the boardroom on profitability, as measured by Return On Equity (ROE) and Return On Assets. Female representation yields a positive impact when it exceeds a certain threshold, ranging between about 18% and 21% of the board members, depending on the specification. Given the average board size, i.e., around ten members over the time period considered, this would imply that a significant effect of gender diversity on corporate performance starts to emerge when at least two women hold a seat. This evidence supports the idea underpinning the critical mass theory, i.e., the hypothesis that women may influence.

Keywords: gender diversity, quotas, firms performance, corporate governance

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Authors: Sandeep Santosh, O. P. Sahu

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In this paper, performance comparison of wideband covariance matrix sparse representation (W-CMSR) method with other existing wideband Direction of Arrival (DOA) estimation methods has been made.W-CMSR relies less on a priori information of the incident signal number than the ordinary subspace based methods.Consider the perturbation free covariance matrix of the wideband array output. The diagonal covariance elements are contaminated by unknown noise variance. The covariance matrix of array output is conjugate symmetric i.e its upper right triangular elements can be represented by lower left triangular ones.As the main diagonal elements are contaminated by unknown noise variance,slide over them and align the lower left triangular elements column by column to obtain a measurement vector.Simulation results for W-CMSR are compared with simulation results of other wideband DOA estimation methods like Coherent signal subspace method (CSSM), Capon, l1-SVD, and JLZA-DOA. W-CMSR separate two signals very clearly and CSSM, Capon, L1-SVD and JLZA-DOA fail to separate two signals clearly and an amount of pseudo peaks exist in the spectrum of L1-SVD.

Keywords: W-CMSR, wideband direction of arrival (DOA), covariance matrix, electrical and computer engineering

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