Search results for: the international covenant on civil and political rights

Authors: Silvia Lucciarini, Antonio Corasaniti

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The issue of democracy in capitalist countries has once again become the focus of debate in recent years. A number of socio-economic and political tensions have triggered discussion of this topic from various perspectives and disciplines. Political developments, the rise of both right-wing parties and populism and the constant growth of inequalities in a context of welfare downsizing, have led scholars to question if European capitalist countries are really capable of creating and redistributing resources and look for elements that might make democratic capital in European countries more dense. The aim of the work is to shed light on the trajectories, intensity and convergence or divergence between political and associative participation, on one hand, and organization, on the other, as these constitute two of the main points of connection between the norms, values and actions that bind citizens to the state. Using the European Social Survey database, some studies have sought to analyse degrees of unionization by investigating the relationship between systems of industrial relations and vulnerable groups (in terms of value-oriented practices or political participation). This paper instead aims to investigate the relationship between union participation and civil/political participation, comparing union members and non-members and then distinguishing between employees and self-employed professionals to better understand participatory behaviors among different workers. The first component of the research will employ a multilinear logistic model to examine a sample of 10 countries selected according to a grid that combines the industrial relations models identified by Visser (2006) and the Welfare State systems identified by Esping-Andersen (1990). On the basis of this sample, we propose to compare the choices made by workers and their propensity to join trade unions, together with their level of social and political participation, from 2002 to 2016. In the second component, we aim to verify whether workers within the same system of industrial relations and welfare show a similar propensity to engage in civil participation through political bodies and associations, or if instead these tendencies take on more specific and varied forms. The results will allow us to see: (1) if political participation is higher among unionized workers than it is among the non-unionized. (2) what are the differences in unionisation and civil/political participation between self-employed, temporary and full-time employees and (3) whether the trajectories within industrial relations and welfare models display greater inclusiveness and participation, thereby confirming or disproving the patterns that have been documented among the different European countries.

Keywords: union membership, participation, democracy, industrial relations, welfare systems

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Authors: Michael Augustus Akagbor

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Same-sex relationships have always existed in Ghana. In coastal towns such as James Town in the heart of the country’s capital, persons who were sexually different and attracted to members of their own sex were able to live their lives openly as queer persons without any fear for their lives. Since 2006, this idyllic existence has been under attack, with LGBTQ+ communities suffering violence and discrimination. This paper highlights the lived experiences of the LGBTIQ+ community in Ghana against the backdrop of the anti-gay bill - The Promotion of Proper Human Sexual Rights and Ghanaian Family Values Bill, 2021 (now renamed the Human Sexual Rights and Family Values Bill, 2021), currently before Parliament, introduced by eight members of Parliament as a Private Members’ Bill, and its implications for the LGBTQ+ community. The paper makes recommendations to key stakeholders on strategies to counter the cultural and religious arguments/strategies and activism of the anti-LGBTQ+ movement in Ghana. It relied on secondary data from a variety of sources, including the Bill before Parliament, media reports, and baseline surveys and studies conducted by LGBTQ organizations and other Civil Society Organizations (CSOs) in Ghana and elsewhere.

Keywords: sexual rights, promotion, family values, lgbtq+, ghana, discrimination

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Authors: Shivam Dwivedi, Saumya Kapoor

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The Israeli Supreme Court in Public Committee against Torture in Israel v. Government of Israel observed the presence of non-state actors in cross-border terrorist activities thereby making the role of non-state actors in terrorism the center of discussion under the scope of International Humanitarian Law. Non-state actors and their role in a conflict have also been traversed upon by the Tadic case decided by the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia. However, there still are lacunae in International Humanitarian Law when it comes to determining the nature of a conflict, especially when non-state groups act within the ambit of various states, for example, Taliban in Afghanistan or the groups operating in Ukraine and Georgia. Thus, the objective of writing this paper would be to observe the ways by which non-state actors particularly terrorist organizations could be brought under the ambit of Additional Protocol I. Additional Protocol I is a 1977 amendment protocol to the Geneva Conventions relating to the protection of victims of international conflicts which basically outlaws indiscriminate attacks on civilian populations, forbids conscription of children and preserves various other human rights during the war. In general, the Additional Protocol I reaffirms the provisions of the original four Geneva Conventions. Since provisions of Additional Protocol I apply only to cases pertaining to International Armed Conflicts, the answer to the problem should lie in including the scope for ‘transnational armed conflict’ in the already existing definition of ‘International Armed Conflict’ within Common Article 2 of the Geneva Conventions. This would broaden the applicability of the provisions in cases of non-state groups and render an international character to the conflict. Also, the non-state groups operating or appearing to operate should be determined by the test laid down in the Nicaragua case by the International Court of Justice and not under the Tadic case decided by the International Criminal Tribunal for Former Yugoslavia in order to provide a comprehensive system to deal with such groups. The result of the above proposal, therefore, would enhance the scope of the application of International Humanitarian Law to non-state groups and individuals.

Keywords: Geneva Conventions, International Armed Conflict, International Humanitarian Law, non-state actors

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Authors: Luljeta Plakolli-Kasumi

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In the digital age, the relationship between traditional property rights and online intellectual property rights is becoming increasingly complex. On the one hand, the internet and advancements in technology have allowed for the widespread distribution and use of digital content, making it easier for individuals and businesses to access and share information. On the other hand, the rise of digital piracy and illegal file-sharing has led to increased concerns about the protection of intellectual property rights. This paper aims to examine the relationship between traditional property rights and online intellectual property rights in the digital age by analyzing the current legal frameworks, key challenges and controversies that arise, and potential solutions for addressing these issues. The paper will look at how traditional property rights concepts such as ownership and possession are being applied in the online context and how they intersect with new and evolving forms of intellectual property such as digital downloads, streaming services, and online content creation. It will also discuss the tension between the need for strong intellectual property protection to encourage creativity and innovation and the public interest in promoting access to information and knowledge. Ultimately, the paper will explore how the legal system can adapt to better balance the interests of property owners, creators, and users in the digital age.

Keywords: intellectual property, traditional property, digital age, digital content

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Authors: David Abrahams

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In October 2016 South Africa deposited its ‘instrument of withdrawal’ from the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court, with the Secretary-General of the United Nations. The Rome Statute is the founding document of the treaty-based International Criminal Court (ICC). The ICC has jurisdiction to hear cases where crimes against humanity, war crimes and genocide have been committed, on the basis of individual criminal responsibility. It is therefore not surprising that one of the ICCs mandates is to ensure that the sufferings, due to gross human rights violations towards the civilian population is, in principle, brought to an end by punishing those individuals responsible, thus providing justice to the victims. The ICC is unable to effectively fulfill its mandate and thus depends, in part on the willingness of states to assist the Court in its functions. This requires states to ratify the Statute and to domesticate its provisions, depending on whether it is a monist or dualist state. South Africa ratified the Statute in November 2000, and domesticated the Statute in 2002 by virtue of the Implementation of the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court Act 27 of 2002. South Africa thus remains under an obligation to cooperate with the ICC until the final date of withdrawal, which is October 2017. An AU Summit was hosted by South Africa during June 2015. Omar Al-Bashir, whom the prosecutor of the ICC has indicted on two separate occasions, was invited to the summit. South Africa made an agreement with the AU that it will honour its obligations in terms of its Diplomatic and Immunities Privileges Act of 2001, by granting immunity to all heads of state, including that of Sudan. This decision by South Africa has raised a plethora of questions regarding the status and hierarchy of international laws versus regional laws versus domestic laws. In particular, this paper explores whether a state’s international law treaty obligations may be suspended in favour of, firstly, regional peace (thus safeguarding the security of the civilian population against further atrocities and other gross violations of human rights), and secondly, head of state immunity. This paper also reflects on the effectiveness of the trias politca in South Africa in relation the manner in which South African courts have confirmed South Africa’s failure in fulfilling its obligations in terms of the Rome Statute. A secondary question which will also be explored, is whether the Rome Statute is currently an effective tool in dealing with gross violations of human rights, particularly in a regional African context, given the desire by a number of African states currently party to the Statute, to engage in a mass exodus from the Statute. Finally, the paper concludes with a proposal that there can be no justice for victims of gross human rights violations unless states are serious in playing an instrumental role in bringing an end to impunity in Africa, and that withdrawing from the ICC without an alternative, effective system in place, will simply perpetuate impunity.

Keywords: African Union, diplomatic immunity, impunity, international criminal court, South Africa

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Authors: Andi Triswoyo

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The establishment of ASEAN Community 2015 was proposed to integrate concretely, in terms of regional cooperation. All of the members of the ASEAN itself compete to prepare themselves in the actual place. Regarding to the Bali Concord III, subsequently ASEAN Community was categorized by three elements, such as (1) ASEAN Political-security Community (APC), (2) ASEAN Economic Community (AEC), and (3) ASEAN Socio-cultural Community (ASC). Preparing on three components above, civil society organizations must be prioritized as the main body, which ensure grassroots society itself obtain maximum benefits or advantage of these declarations. NU, as the representative of mass-based organizations, was choose, due to the highly influences toward Moslem rural-traditionalist, which has the largest followers in Indonesia. This paper was aimed to explain the contribution of NU in developing and empowering society. Furthermore, it will use historical perspective, by looking for related data, which contain basic- knowledge and explanatory facts in literary desk. It would elaborate in NU’s urgency for promoting civil societies roles in ASEAN Community. In the ends, this paper was proposed to measure to what extend NU’s roles in promoting the Civil Society in Indonesia and its potential capability to get involved at the upcoming regional communities. Hopefully, the attempt to strengthen Civil Society Organizations (CSOs), like NU can push faster in creating good governance and democracy, toward social configurations amongst state, market and civil society.

Keywords: ASEAN community, Nahdlatul Ulama, civil society organizations(CSO), civil society

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Authors: Sisaye Tamrat Ayalew

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In Ethiopia, the relationships between different communities have been characterized by mistrust, prejudice, and conflict, resulting in mass killings, displacement, and human rights violations. These relationships are mainly based on ethnic, religious, and linguistic lines, leading to a polarized society. The aim of this study is to appraise the nature of two major community relationships, namely the I-Thou relationship, characterized by genuine dialogue and mutual understanding, and the I-It relationship, characterized by a monologue and mutual suspicion. The study also aims to analyze how these two types of relationships contribute to either resolving or aggravating conflicts and building or deteriorating peace in Ethiopia. The study adopts a qualitative approach, specifically hermeneutics, to explore the nature of the I-Thou and I-It relationships in the Ethiopian context. It also examines how political elites shape these relationships within the community. The study finds that the dominant relationship in Ethiopian society is the I-It relationship, which is manifested as "com-animation." This relationship is characterized by mutual mistrust, prejudice, hostility, and misunderstanding. As a result, conflicts have arisen, leading to violence, displacement, and human rights violations. The study concludes that there is a need to shift from the I-It (com-animation) relationship to the I-Thou (communication) relationship in Ethiopian society. This shift would involve rethinking and readjusting societal relationships, especially among political elites, to foster genuine dialogue, mutual understanding, and lasting peace. It is imperative to overcome mutual mistrust, prejudice, and misunderstanding in order to resolve conflicts and build a harmonious society in Ethiopia. The study's findings and recommendations contribute to raising awareness among both Ethiopians and the international community on the potential for conflict resolution and peacebuilding through a shift in community relationships.

Keywords: dialogue, I-Thou relationship, I-It relationship, conflict resolution, building peace

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Authors: Sultana Afrin Nipa

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Life on Earth cannot thrive or survive without water. Water is intimately tied with community, culture, spirituality, identity, socio-economic progress, security, self-determination, and livelihood. Thus, access to water is a United Nations recognized human right due to its significance in these realms. However, there is often conflict between those who consider water as the spiritual and cultural value and those who consider it an economic value thus being threatened by economic development, corporate exploitation, government regulation, and increased privatization, highlighting the complex relationship between water and culture. The Colorado River basin is home to over 29 federally recognized tribal nations. To these tribes, it holds cultural, economic, and spiritual significance and often extends to deep human-to-non-human connections frequently precluded by the Westphalian regulations and settler laws. Despite the recognition of access to rivers as a fundamental human right by the United Nations, tribal communities and their water rights have been historically disregarded through inter alia, colonization, and dispossession of their resources. Law of the River such as ‘Winter’s Doctrine’, ‘Bureau of Reclamation (BOR)’ and ‘Colorado River Compact’ have shaped the water governance among the shareholders. However, tribal communities have been systematically excluded from these key agreements. While the Winter’s Doctrine acknowledged that tribes have the right to withdraw water from the rivers that pass through their reservations for self-sufficiency, the establishment of the BOR led to the construction of dams without tribal consultation, denying the ‘Winters’ regulation and violating these rights. The Colorado River Compact, which granted only 20% of the water to the tribes, diminishes the significance of international legal frameworks that prioritize indigenous self-determination and free pursuit of socio-economic and cultural development. Denial of this basic water right is the denial of the ‘recognition’ of their sovereignty and self-determination that questions the effectiveness of the international law. This review assesses the international legal frameworks concerning indigenous rights and water justice and aims to pinpoint gaps hindering the effective recognition and protection of Indigenous water rights in Colorado River Basin. This study draws on a combination of historical and qualitative data sets. The historical data encompasses the case settlements provided by the Bureau of Reclamation (BOR) respectively the notable cases of Native American water rights settlements on lower Colorado basin related to Arizona from 1979-2008. This material serves to substantiate the context of promises made to the Indigenous people and establishes connections between existing entities. The qualitative data consists of the observation of recorded meetings of the Central Arizona Project (CAP) to evaluate how the previously made promises are reflected now. The study finds a significant inconsistency in participation in the decision-making process and the lack of representation of Native American tribes in water resource management discussions. It highlights the ongoing challenges faced by the indigenous people to achieve their self-determination goal despite the legal arrangements.

Keywords: colorado river, indigenous rights, law of the river, water governance, water justice

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Authors: Songul Miftakhov

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This study explores political representation and engagement of Eastern and Southeastern Anatolia regions, known to have dense Kurdish population and referred further to as Eastern region, in the Turkish parliament between 1946 and 1980. Traditional local notables had most of the privileges to be represented given their connectedness with political parties. Traditional local notables integrated into right-wing parties considering political and economic aspects. At the same time, they kept control over local political involvement channels. As a result, political representation and presence were monopolized at central, local and civil society levels. One part of Kurdish intellectuals was marginalized from the parliament after addressing issues in Eastern Anatolia and trying to develop solutions apart from the mainstream. Some of them took part in Kurdish oppositional left wing in the 1960s and jounced power of settled notables in 1970s in local administrations or as independent members of the parliament.

Keywords: Kurdish representation, parliament, local nobles, Eastern and Southeastern Anatolia

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Authors: Anuj Kumar Vaksha

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The research paper examines the trends and approaches of the international investment arbitral tribunals to the issues of environment and the exercise of states' regulatory power for the preservation of environment vis-à-vis the rights of the affected foreign investors. The paper analyses arbitral awards, decisions and orders in the leading cases of international investment arbitrations involving issues of environment and finds that there has been strong trend among the arbitral tribunals to balance the imperatives of the environmental regulation and the interest of the foreign investors. The arbitral tribunals have reflected deference to States' competence for regulation of environment to the extent they were genuine, relevant and in proportion to the legitimate objective sought to be achieved. The arbitral tribunals have at times been innovative and non-conservative in promoting the cause of environment through the mechanism of investor-state arbitration.

Keywords: International Investment Arbitration, environmental regulations, bilateral investment treaties, ICSID, NAFTA, amicus curiae, pollution havens hypothesis, environmental race to the bottom hypothesis

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Authors: Adelina Vrancianu

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The problem of artificial real accession will be analyzed in this study both in terms of old and current Civil Code provisions and in terms of comparative law, European legal and Canadian systems. The current Civil Code from 2009 has brought new changes about the application and solutions regarding artificial real accession. The hypothesis in which a person is making works with his own materials on the real estate belonging to another person is developed and analyzed in detail from national and international point of view in relation with the good faith. The scope of this analysis is to point out what are the changes issued from case-law and which ones are new, inspired from other law systems in regard to the good/bad faith. The new civil code has promoted a definition for this notion. Is this definition a new one inspired from the comparative law or is it inspired from the case-law? Is it explained for every case scenario of accession or is a general notion? The study tries to respond to these questions and to present the new aspects in the area. has reserved a special place for the situation of execution of works with own materials exceeding the border with violation of another’s right of property, where the variety of solutions brings into discussion the case of expropriation for private interest. The new Civil Code is greatly influenced by the Civil Code from Quebec in comparison with the old code of French influence. The civil reform was needed and has brought into attention new solutions inspired from the Canadian system which has mitigated the permanent conflict between the constructor and the immovable owner.

Keywords: accession, good faith, new civil code, comparative law

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Authors: Weixiao Wei, Chris Shei

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This paper describes Mandate of Heaven as a source of justification for the ruling regime from ancient China approximately three thousand years ago. Initially, the kings of Shang dynasty simply nominated themselves as the sons of Heaven sent to Earth to rule the common people. As the last generation of the kings became corrupted and ruled withbrutal force and crueltywhich directly caused their destruction, the successive kings of Zhou dynasty realised the importance of virtue and the provision of goods to the people. Legitimacy of the ruling regimes became rested not entirely on random allocation of the throne by an unknown supernatural force but on a foundation comprising morality and the ability to provide goods. The latter composite was picked up by the current ruling regime, the Chinese Communist Party, and became the cornerstone of its political legitimacy, also known as ‘performance legitimacy’ where economic development accounts for the satisfaction of the people in place of election and other democratic means of providing legal-rational legitimacy. Under this circumstance, it becomes important as well for the ruling party to use political rhetoric to convince people of the good performance of the government in the economy, morality, and foreign policy. Thus, we see a lot of propaganda materials in both government policy statements and international press conference announcements. The former consists mainly of important speeches made by prominent figures in Party conferences which are not only made publicly available on the government websites but also become obligatory reading materials for university entrance examinations. The later consists of announcements about foreign policies and strategies and actions taken by the government regarding foreign affairsmade in international conferences and offered in Chinese-English bilingual versions on official websites. This documentation strategy creates an impressive image of the Chinese Communist Party that is domestically competent and international strong, taking care of the people it governs in terms of economic needs and defending the country against any foreign interference and global adversities. This political discourse system comprising reading materials fully extractable from government websites also becomes excellent repertoire for teaching and researching in contemporary Chinese language, discourse and rhetoric, Chinese culture and tradition, Chinese political ideology, and Chinese-English translation. This paper aims to provide a detailed and comprehensive description of the current Chinese political discourse system, arguing about its lineage from the rhetorical convention of Mandate of Heaven in ancient China and its current concentration on serving the people in place of election, human rights, and freedom of speech. The paper will also provide guidelines as to how this discourse system and the manifestation of official documents created under this system can become excellent research and teaching materials in applied linguistics.

Keywords: mandate of heaven, Chinese communist party, performance legitimacy, serving the people, political discourse

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Authors: Mom Bishwakarma

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This research traces out how the Dalit in Nepal evolved from the early 1950s to the current day, from invoking Dalit against caste discrimination through to the asserting proportional representation in state structures. The research focused most closely on the formation of Dalit association and resistance, as well as on the different struggles throughout this period. It then discusses the expansion of Dalit movement in NGOs, its internationalization and responses. The research sees that Dalit movement has been influenced by its network with the national and international civil rights movement particularly Dalit movement in India and argues that Dalit movement in Nepal have in many ways, challenged the orthodox based caste stratification for Dalit equality and justice. It can be seen that at the same time as Dalit participation was increasing, divisions by caste line also emerged. Rather reshaping the power structures, Dalit movement encircled into division and contentious politics.

Keywords: Dalit, equality, justice, movements, Nepal

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Authors: Donato Vese

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According to the common interpretation, in a legal system, public powers are established by law. Exceptions are admitted in an emergency or particular relationship with public power. However, we currently agree that law allows public administration a margin of decision, even in the case of non-discretionary acts. Hence, the administrative decision not exclusively established by law becomes the rule in the ordinary state of things, non-only in state of exception. This paper aims to analyze and discuss different ideas on discretionary power on the Rule of Law and Rechtsstaat. Observing the legal literature in Europe and Nord and South America, discretionary power can be described as follow: it could be considered a margin that law accords to the executive power for political decisions or a choice between different interpretations of vague legal previsions. In essence, this explanation admits for the executive a decision not established by law or anyhow not exclusively established by law. This means that the discretionary power of public administration integrates the law. However, integrating law does not mean to decide according to the law, but it means to integrate law with a decision involving public power. Consequently, discretionary power is essentially free will. In this perspective, also the Rule of Law and the Rechtsstaat are notions explained differently. Recently, we can observe how the European notion of Rechtsstaat is founded on the formal validity of the law; therefore, for this notion, public authority’s decisions not regulated by law represent a problem. Thus, different systems of law integration have been proposed in legal literature, such as values, democracy, reasonableness, and so on. This paper aims to verify how, looking at those integration clauses from a logical viewpoint, integration based on the recourse to the legal system itself does not resolve the problem. The aforementioned integration clauses are legal rules that require hard work to explain the correct meaning of the law; in particular, they introduce dangerous criteria in favor of the political majority. A different notion of public power can be proposed. This notion includes two main features: (a) sovereignty belongs to persons and not the state, and (b) fundamental rights are not grounded but recognized by Constitutions. Hence, public power is a system based on fundamental rights. According to this approach, it can also be defined as the notion of public interest as concrete maximization of fundamental rights enjoyments. Like this, integration of the law, vague or subject to several interpretations, must be done by referring to the system of fundamental individual rights. We can think, for instance, to fundamental rights that are right in an objective view but not legal because not established by law.

Keywords: administrative discretion, free will, fundamental rights, public power, sovereignty

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Authors: Sara Vora (Hoxha)

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The present article delves into the intricate matters concerning Intellectual Property Rights (IPR) and cross-border jurisdiction within the confines of the European Union (EU). The prevalence of cross-border intellectual property rights (IPR) disputes has increased in tandem with the globalization of commerce and the widespread adoption of technology. The European Union (EU) is not immune to this trend. The manuscript presents a comprehensive analysis of various forms of intellectual property rights (IPR), such as patents, trademarks, and copyrights, and the regulatory framework established by the European Union (EU) to oversee these rights. The present article examines the diverse approaches employed for ascertaining the appropriate jurisdiction within the European Union (EU), and their potential application in the sphere of cross-border intellectual property rights (IPR) conflicts. The article sheds light on jurisdictional issues and outcomes of significant cross-border intellectual property rights (IPR) disputes in the European Union (EU). Additionally, the document provides suggestions for effectively managing intellectual property rights conflicts across borders within the European Union, which encompasses the utilization of alternative methods for resolving disputes. The article highlights the significance of comprehending the relevant jurisdiction in the European Union for Intellectual Property Rights (IPR). It also offers optimal approaches for enterprises and individuals who aim to safeguard their intellectual property beyond national boundaries. The primary objective of this article is to furnish a thorough comprehension of Intellectual Property Rights (IPR) and the relevant jurisdiction in the European Union (EU). Additionally, it endeavors to provide pragmatic recommendations for managing cross-border IPR conflicts in this intricate and ever-changing legal milieu.

Keywords: intellectual property rights (IPR), cross-border jurisdiction, applicable laws and regulations, dispute resolution, best practices

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Authors: Barrere Sarah

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The area of liberty, security, and justice within the European Union is still a work in progress. No one can deny that the EU struggles between a monistic and a dualist approach. The aim of our essay is to first review how the European law is perceived by the rest of the international scene. It will then discuss two main mechanisms at play: the interpretation of larger international treaties and the penal mechanisms of European law. Finally, it will help us understand the role of a penal Europe on the international scene with concrete examples. Special attention will be paid to cases that deal with fundamental rights as they represent an interesting case study in Europe and in the rest of the World. It could illustrate the aforementioned duality currently present in the Union’s interpretation of international public law. On the other hand, it will explore some specific European penal mechanism through mutual recognition and the European arrest warrant in the transnational criminality frame. Concerning the interpretation of the treaties, it will first, underline the ambiguity and the general nature of some treaties that leave the EU exposed to tension and misunderstanding then it will review the validity of an EU act (whether or not it is compatible with the rules of International law). Finally, it will focus on the most complete manifestation of liberty, security and justice through the principle of mutual recognition. Used initially in commercial matters, it has become “the cornerstone” of European construction. It will see how it is applied in judicial decisions (its main event and achieving success is via the European arrest warrant) and how European member states have managed to develop this cooperation.

Keywords: European penal law, international scene, liberty security and justice area, mutual recognition

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Authors: Bhavana Mahajan

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International Relations is a discipline of paradoxes. The State is the dominant political institution, yet little attention has been accorded to why individual countries behave the way they do with the theoretical analysis dismissing the State as a reactionary monolith – thus States either play to “quest for power” or to “systemic” forces. However, States do behave as and are influenced by agents when interacting with international structures as well as with other states. While questions on “competitive power politics” and “trust” have been examined and developed to a fair extent by International Relations theorists in the post 1990s period, their application to the domain of South Asian politics is limited and little research, if any, examines the conduct of foreign policy beyond rational choice. This paper is an initial attempt to marry these theoretical insights with the foreign policy exercised by India especially the case of the “Gujral Doctrine, as one of “non-reciprocal accommodation”. Ignoring the view that such a policy move can be viewed as political “feinting” or deception, it is noteworthy that India even made the first move in terms of defining its role as one who “trusts” rather than one who “seeks” to trust, given the country’s geo-strategic context and threat perceptions.

Keywords: India’s foreign policy, South Asia, social constructivism, English school, trusting relationships, Gujral Doctrine, rationality

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Authors: Jessica J. Gillies

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Human trafficking is a gross violation of human rights and thus invokes a strong response particularly throughout the global academic community. A longstanding tension throughout academic debate remains the question of a relationship between anti-trafficking policy and sex industry policy. In Australia, over the previous decade, many human trafficking investigations have related to the sexual exploitation of female victims, and convictions in Australia to date have often been for trafficking women from Thailand. Sex industry policy in Australia varies between states, providing a rich contextual landscape in which to explore this relationship. The purpose of this study was to deconstruct how meaning is constructed surrounding human trafficking throughout these supposedly related political discourses in Australia. In order to analyse the discursive construction of the problem of human trafficking in relation to sex industry policy, a discursive analysis was conducted. The methodology of the study was informed by a feminist theoretical framework, and included academic sources and grey literature such as organisational reports and policy statements regarding anti-trafficking initiatives. The scope of grey literature was restricted to Australian and Thai government and non-government organisation texts. The chosen methodology facilitated a qualitative exploration of the influence of feminist discourses over political discourse in this arena. The discursive analysis exposed clusters of active feminist debates interacting with sex industry policy within individual states throughout Australia. Additionally, strongly opposed sex industry perspectives were uncovered within these competing feminist frameworks. While the influence these groups may exert over policy differs, the debate constructs a discursive relationship between human trafficking and sex industry policy. This is problematic because anti-trafficking policy is drawn to some extent from this discursive construction, therefore affecting support services for survivors of human trafficking. The discursive analysis further revealed misalignment between government and non-government priorities, Australian government anti-trafficking policy appears to favour criminal justice priorities; whereas non-government settings preference human rights protections. Criminal justice priorities invoke questions of legitimacy, leading to strict eligibility policy for survivors seeking support following exploitation in the Australian sex industry, undermining women’s agency and human rights. In practice, these two main findings demonstrate a construction of policy that has serious outcomes on typical survivors in Australia following a lived experience of human trafficking for the purpose of sexual exploitation. The discourses constructed by conflicting feminist arguments influence political discourses throughout Australia. The application of a feminist theoretical framework to the discursive analysis of the problem of human trafficking is unique to this study. The study has exposed a longstanding and unresolved feminist debate that has filtered throughout anti-trafficking political discourse. This study illuminates the problematic construction of anti-trafficking policy, and the implications in practice on survivor support services. Australia has received international criticism for the focus on criminal justice rather than human rights throughout anti-trafficking policy discourse. The outcome of this study has the potential to inform future language and constructive conversations contributing to knowledge around how policy effects survivors in the post trafficking experience.

Keywords: Australia, discursive analysis, government, human trafficking, non-government, Thailand

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Authors: Portia Muehlbauer

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This paper examines the evolving landscape of preventing and countering violent extremism (PCVE) by delving into the growing importance of integrating human rights principles into violence prevention strategies on the local, community level. This study sheds light on the underlying theoretical frameworks of violent extremism and the influence of gender while investigating the intersection between human rights preservation and violent extremism prevention. To gain practical insight, the research focuses on two prominent international non-governmental organizations, Women without Borders (WwB) and Hedayah, and their distinct PCVE initiatives. WwB adopts a gender-sensitive approach, implementing parental education programs that empower mothers in at-risk communities to prevent the spread of violent extremism. In contrast, Hedayah takes an indirect route, employing capacity building programs that enhance the capabilities of educators, social workers, and psychologists in early intervention, rehabilitation and reintegration efforts. Qualitative data for this comparative analysis was collected through an extensive four-month internship at WwB during the fall of 2020, a three-month internship at Hedayah in the spring of 2021, a thought-provoking semi-structured interview with the executive director of WwB, personal field notes, and a comprehensive discourse analysis of the prevailing literature on human rights considerations in PCVE practices. This study examines the merits and challenges of integrating human rights into PCVE programming through the lens of both organizations, WwB and Hedayah. The findings of this study will inform policymakers, practitioners, and researchers on the intricate relationship between human rights protection and effective PCVE strategies.

Keywords: preventing and countering violent extremism, human rights, counterterrorism, peacebuilding, capacity building programs, gender studies

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Authors: Michal Stelmach

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The aim of this paper is a critical analysis of the security policy in the field of the fight against transnational criminal groups in Central America in XXI century. We are analyzing all taken issues from several perspectives: political, anthropological, sociological and legal which allows me to confront behavior and the attitudes of the political elites against official legislative changes and declared actions, strategies and policies against practice. In the first part of paper we would like to present the genesis and characteristic of transnational gangs, called maras and next we would like to present their activities and roles within chosen sectors of organized crimes. In the second part we will analyze the government’s policy towards transnational criminal groups. The analysis will be concentrated on public safety policy implemented in specific Central American countries as well as regional international cooperation. The main intention of the author is to present the state of the security in Central America in XXI century by emphasizing failures and successes in the fight against transnational criminal organizations. Additionally we want to present and define the challenges currently facing the region now and to show the prediction of the situation’s development within next future and to define the recommendations on the design of public security policies in Central American countries.

Keywords: maras, public security, human rights, Central America

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Authors: Dorota Habrat

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In Polish law, the idea of the introduction of corporate responsibility for crimes is becoming more popular and creates a lot of questions. The need to introduce into the Polish legal system liability of corporate (collective entities) has resulted, among others, from the Polish Republic's international commitments, in particular related to membership in the European Union. The Act of 28 October 2002 on the liability of collective entities for acts prohibited under penalty is one of the example of adaptation of Polish law to Community law. Introduction to Polish law a criminal nature liability of corporations (legal persons) has resulted in a lot of controversy and lack of acceptance from both the scientific community as well as the judiciary. The responsibility of collective entities under the Act has a criminal nature. The main question concerns the ability of the collective entity to be brought to guilt under criminal law sense. Polish criminal law knows only the responsibility of individual persons. So far, guilt as a personal feature of action, based on the ability of the offender to feel in his psyche, could be considered only in relation to the individual person, while the said Act destroyed this conviction. Guilt of collective entity must be proven under at least one of the three possible forms: the guilt in the selection or supervision and so called organizational guilt. The next question is how the principle of proportionality in relation to criminal measures in response of collective entities should be considered. It should be remembered that the legal subjectivity of collective entities, including their rights and freedoms, is an emanation of the rights and freedoms of individual persons which create collective entities and through these entities implement their rights and freedoms. The adopted Act largely reflects the international legal regulations but also contains the unknown and original legislative solutions.

Keywords: criminal corporate responsibility, Polish criminal law, legislative solutions, Act of 28 October 2002

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Authors: Heeyong Noh, Seongryong Kang, Sungjoo Lee

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As the world becomes increasingly interconnected, firms have tried to explore market opportunities not only in the domestic market but also abroad. In particular, transactions of intangible assets in the global market now take on great importance. Accordingly, technology transfer activities such as patent licensing, copyright transfer, or workforce trainings which are considered significant to leverage an organization’s internal capabilities, are occurring more frequently and briskly across the world than ever before. Though a number of studies have addressed the issues regarding technology transfer, most of them have focused on university-industry technology transfer. Of course, some have investigated international technology transfer phenomenon but used patent citations data as a proxy. In order to understand the phenomena more clearly, it would be necessary to collect and analyze data that can measure technology transfer activities between firms more directly. Therefore, this study aims to examine the patterns of international trade in technology by employing data about international technology in-licensing activities in Korean firms. We also investigate the effect of international technology in-licensing strategy on a firm’s innovation performance. The research findings are expected to help R&D managers understand how firms have absorbed technological knowledge from foreign firms in the form of licensing and further develop effective international collaboration strategies. In addition, significant implications can be offered for political decision-making regarding technology trade within increasing international interconnections.

Keywords: international technology trade, technology trade effect, technology transfer, R&D managers

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Authors: Kate N. Okeke

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The ever-growing needs of man requiring satisfaction have pushed him strongly towards industrialization which has and is still leaving environmental degradation and its attendant negative impacts in its wake. It is, therefore, not surprising that the enjoyment of fundamental rights like food supply, security of lives and property, freedom of worship, health and education have been drastically affected by such degradation. In recognition of the imperative need to protect the environment and human rights, many global instruments and constitutions have recognized the right to a healthy and sustainable environment. Some environmental advocates and quite a number of literatures on the subject matter call for the recognition of environmental rights via rule of law as a vital means of achieving positive outcomes on the subject matter. However, although there are numerous countries with constitutional environmental provisions, most of them such as Nigeria, have shown poor environmental performance. A notable problem is the fact that the constitution which recognizes environmental rights appears in its other provisions to contradict its provisions by making enforceability of the environmental rights unattainable. While adopting a descriptive, analytical, comparative and explanatory study design in reviewing a successful positive environmental outcome via the rule of law, this article argues that rule of law on a balance of scale, weighs more than just environmental rights recognition and therefore should receive more attention by environmental lawyers and advocates. This is because with rule of law, members of a society are sure of getting the most out of the environmental rights existing in their legal system. Members of Niger-Delta communities of Nigeria will benefit from the environmental rights existing in Nigeria. They are exposed to environmental degradation and pollution with effects such as acidic rainfall, pollution of farmlands and clean water sources. These and many more are consequences of oil and gas exploration. It will also pave way for solving the violence between cattle herdsmen and farmers in the Middle Belt and other regions of Nigeria. Their clashes are over natural resource control. Having seen that environmental rule of law is vital to sustainable development, this paper aims to contribute to discussions on how best the vehicle of rule law can be driven towards achieving positive environmental outcomes. This will be in reliance on other enforceable provisions in the Nigerian Constitution. Other domesticated international instruments will also be considered to attain sustainable environment and development.

Keywords: environment, rule of law, constitution, sustainability

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Authors: Leoni Van Der Merwe

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Historically, in South Africa, disability has been viewed as a dilemma of the individual. The discourse surrounding the definition of disability and applicable theories are as fluid as the differing needs of persons with disabilities within society. In 1997, the Office of the Deputy President published the White Paper on the Integrated National Disability Strategy (WPINDS) which sought to integrate disability issues in all governmental development strategies, planning and programs as well as to solidify the South African government’s stance that disability was to be considered according to the social model and not the, previously utilized, medical model of disability. The models of disability are conceptual frameworks for understanding disability and can provide some insight into why certain attitudes exist and how they are reinforced in society. Although the WPINDS was regarded as a critical milestone in the history of the disability rights struggle in South Africa; it has taken approximately twenty years for the publication of a similar document taking into account South Africa’s changing social, economic, political and technological dispensation. December 2015 marked the approval of the White Paper on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities (WPRPD) which seeks to update the WPINDS, integrate principles contained in international law instruments and endorse a mainstreaming trajectory for realizing the rights of persons with disabilities. While the WPINDS and the WPRPD were published two decades apart, both documents contain an emphasis on a transition from the medical model to the social model. Whereas, the medical model presupposes that disability is mainly a health and welfare matter and is focused on an individualistic and dependency-based approach; the social model requires a paradigm shift in the manner in which disability is constructed so as to highlight the shortcomings of society in respect of disability and to bring to the fore the capabilities of persons with disabilities. The social model has led to unmatched success in changing the perceptions surrounding disability. This article seeks to investigate the progress made in the implementation of the social model in South Africa by taking into account the effect of the diverse political and cultural landscape in promoting the historically entrenched medical model and the rise of disability activism prior to the new democratic dispensation as well as legislation, case law, policy documents and barriers in respect of persons with disabilities that are pervasive in South African society. The research paper will conclude that although numerous interventions have been identified and implemented to promote the consideration of disability within a social construct in South Africa, such interventions require increased national and international collaboration, resources and pace to ensure that the efforts made lead to sustainable results. For persons with disabilities, what remains to be seen is whether the proliferation of activism by interest groups, social awareness as well as the development of policy documents, legislation and case law will serve as the impetus to dissipate the view that disability is burden to be carried solely on the shoulders of the person with the disability.

Keywords: disability, medical model, social model, societal barriers, South Africa

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Authors: Charles A. Khamala

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In 2003, constrained by an absent “rule of law culture” and negative economic growth, the new Kenyan government chose to pursue incremental judicial reforms rather than comprehensive constitutional reforms. President Mwai Kibaki’s first administration’s judicial reform strategy was two pronged. First, to implement unprecedented “radical surgery,” he appointed a new Chief Justice who instrumentally recommended that half the purportedly-corrupt judiciary should be removed by Presidential tribunals of inquiry. Second, the replacement High Court judges, initially, instrumentally-endorsed the “radical surgery’s” administrative decisions removing their corrupt predecessors. Meanwhile, retention of the welfare-reducing Constitution perpetuated declining public confidence in judicial institutions culminating in refusal by the dissatisfied opposition party to petition the disputed 2007 presidential election results, alleging biased and corrupt courts. Fatefully, widespread post-election violence ensued. Consequently, the international community prompted the second Kibaki administration to concede to a new Constitution. Suddenly, the High Court then adopted a non-instrumental interpretation to reject the 2003 “radical surgery.” This paper therefore critically analyzes whether the Kenyan court’s inconsistent interpretations–pertaining to the constitutionality of the 2003 “radical surgery” removing corruption from Kenya’s courts–was predicated on political expediency or human rights principles. If justice “must also seen to be done,” then pursuit of the CJ’s, Judicial Service Commission’s and president’s political or economic interests must be limited by respect for the suspected judges and magistrates’ due process rights. The separation of powers doctrine demands that the dismissed judges should have a right of appeal which entails impartial review by a special independent oversight mechanism. Instead, ignoring fundamental rights, Kenya’s new Supreme Court’s interpretation of another round of vetting under the new 2010 Constitution, ousts the High Court’s judicial review jurisdiction altogether, since removal of judicial corruption is “a constitutional imperative, akin to a national duty upon every judicial officer to pave way for judicial realignment and reformulation.”

Keywords: administrative decisions, corruption, fair hearing, judicial review, (non) instrumental

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Authors: Abdulrahman Fahim M. Alsulami

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This paper is dedicated to a detailed investigation of the interaction between the agreement on trade-related aspects of intellectual property rights (TRIPS) and bilateral investment treaties (BITs) in the regulation of health-related intellectual property rights in Australia and the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia. The chosen research object is complex and requires a thorough examination of a set of factors influencing the problem under investigation. At the moment, to the author’s best knowledge’ there is no academic research that would conceptualize and critically compare the regulation of health-related intellectual property rights in these two countries. While there is a substantial amount of information in the literature on certain aspects of the problem, the existing knowledge about certain aspects of the health-related regulatory frameworks in Australia and Saudi Arabia barely explains in detail the specifics of the ways in which the TRIPS agreement interacts with (BITs) in the regulation of health-related intellectual property rights. Therefore, this paper will address an evident research gap by studying an intriguing yet under-researched problem. The paper comprises five subsections. The first subsection provides an overview of the investment climate in Saudi Arabia and Australia with an emphasis on the health care industry. It will cover political, economic, and social factors influencing the investment climate in these countries, the systems of intellectual property rights protection, recent patterns relevant to the investment climate’s development, and key characteristics of the investment climate in the health care industry. The second subsection analyses BITs in Saudi Arabia and Australia in light of the countries’ responsibilities under the TRIPS Agreement. The third subsection provides a critical examination of the interaction between the TRIPS Agreement and BITs in Saudi Arabia on the basis of data collected and analyzed in previous subsections. It will investigate key discrepancies concerning the regulation of health-related intellectual property rights in Saudi Arabia and Australia from the position of BITs’ interaction with the TRIPS Agreement and explore the existing procedures for clarifying priorities between them in regulating health-related intellectual property rights. The fourth subsection of the paper provides recommendations concerning the transformation of BITS into a TRIPS+ dimension in regulating health-related intellectual property rights in Saudi Arabia and Australia. The final subsection provides a summary of differences between the Australian and Saudi BITs from the perspective of the regulation of health-related intellectual property rights under the TRIPS agreement and bilateral investment treaties.

Keywords: Australia, bilateral investment treaties, IP law, public health sector, Saudi Arabia

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Authors: Sikhumbuzo Zondi, Serges A. Kamga

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Human security and human rights are mutually reinforcing concepts given that human security addresses questions related to human conditions such as the safety of individuals and the protection of individual rights and civil liberties. It does this by suggesting that the proper referent for security should be the individual and not the nation-state, due to the individual’s vulnerability to threats such as malnutrition and poverty, conflicts, exploitation and marginalization, despotism and climate change. Due to the primacy of the individual, human security comfortably expand to the notion of social justice, given that for far too-long, many individuals around the world have been denied of their basic human rights through racial discrimination, unfair labour and segregation policies and as a result encountered widespread social, environmental and economic injustices which are evident in the current structural division of the world between the developed north and the underdeveloped or developing south. In light of this view, ensuring freedom from want and freedom from fear, for all individuals is arguably the sound route to addressing and remedying the global ills of our time and a way to promoting human rights for all. The promotion of human security provides an important part of human/societal progress because inclusive security facilitates development and human rights protection, while insecurity reduces people’s growth and investment prospects and prolongs historical injustices. Therefore, this paper seeks to show that human security and human rights complements one another and that this correlation provides the necessary mechanisms for addressing and remedying the historical injustices that still affect most of the world’s population. It will look at linkages between human security and the individual right to equality and freedom from discrimination, right to life, liberty, and personal security; development; own property; adequate living standard; education; desirable work and to join trade unions; participate in government and in free elections; social security and equality before the law. The paper considers these human rights and liberties as vital for securing the core values of human life while at the same addressing socio-economic injustices that still persist in the contemporary world. The paper will be a desktop study using qualitative research methods on two case studies in Africa namely Cameroun and South Africa.

Keywords: justice, human security, human rights, injustices

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Authors: Aylin Mohammadalipour Tofighi

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Marine-based geoengineering methods, proposed to mitigate climate change, operate primarily through two mechanisms: reducing atmospheric carbon dioxide levels and diminishing solar absorption by the oceans. While these approaches promise beneficial outcomes, they are fraught with environmental, legal, ethical, and political challenges, necessitating robust international governance. This paper underscores the critical role of international cooperation within the governance framework, offering a focused analysis of existing international environmental mechanisms applicable to marine-based geoengineering governance. It evaluates the efficacy and limitations of current international legal structures, including treaties and organizations, in managing marine-based geoengineering, noting significant gaps such as the absence of specific regulations, dedicated international entities, and explicit governance mechanisms such as monitoring. To rectify these problems, the paper advocates for concrete steps to bolster international cooperation. These include the formulation of dedicated marine-based geoengineering guidelines within international agreements, the establishment of specialized supervisory entities, and the promotion of transparent, global consensus-building. These recommendations aim to foster governance that is environmentally sustainable, ethically sound, and politically feasible, thereby enhancing knowledge exchange, spurring innovation, and advancing the development of marine-based geoengineering approaches. This study emphasizes the importance of collaborative approaches in managing the complexities of marine-based geoengineering, contributing significantly to the discourse on international environmental governance in the face of rapid climate and technological changes.

Keywords: climate change, environmental law, international cooperation, international governance, international law, marine-based geoengineering, marine law, regulatory frameworks

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Authors: Lu Anne A. Godinez, May Claudine I. Gador, Preacious G. Gumolon, Louiechi Von R. Mendoza, Neil Bryan N. Moninio

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Gender equality and women empowerment is the third of eight Millennium Development Goals. Understanding corruption’s linkages to gender equality issues and how it impacts women’s empowerment is part of the broader process of advancing women’s rights and understanding the gender dimensions of democratic governance. Taking a long view of political (corruption index) and the social (women empowerment) dimension — a view from 2015 to 2030, a context based forecast was conducted to forecast the ASEAN corruption index in the next 15 years, answering the question: “Does women political involvement decrease corruption rate index of ASEAN countries in the next 15 years?” The study have established that there will be an increase women political involvement in the ASEAN countries in the next 15 years that will cause a drop on corruption rate index. There will be a significant decline on corruption rate index in 2030. This change entails reform not only in the political aspect of progress, but to the social aspect as well. Finally, the political aspect is increasing at a constant rate however a double or triple increase of the social aspect is seen to be the key solution for corruption.

Keywords: women, women political involvement, corruption, gender equity index, economic participation, educational attainment, political empowerment, control of corruption, regulatory quality, rule of law, voice and accountability government effectiveness, political stability and corruption perception index

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Authors: Edith Kamakune

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As much as Indigenous rights are presumed to be part of the broad human rights regime, members of the indigenous communities have continually suffered violations, exclusions, and threat. There are a number of steps taken from the international community in trying to bridge the gap, and this has been through the inclusion of provisions as well as the passing of conventions and declarations with specific reference to the rights of indigenous peoples. Some examples of indigenous people include theSiberian Yupik of St Lawrence Island; the Ute of Utah; the Cree of Alberta, and the Xosa andKhoiKhoi of Southern Africa. Uganda’s wide cultural heritage has played a key role in the failure to pay special attention to the needs of the rights of indigenous peoples. The 1995 Constitution and the Land Act of 1998 provide for abstract land rights without necessarily paying attention to indigenous communities’ special needs. Basongora are a pastoralist community in Western Uganda whose ancestral land is the present Queen Elizabeth National Park of Western Uganda, Virunga National Park of Eastern Democratic Republic of Congo, and the small percentage of the low lands under the Rwenzori Mountains. Their values and livelihood are embedded in their strong attachment to the land, and this has been at stake for the last about 90 Years. This research was aimed atinvestigating the relationship between land rights and the right to cultural identity among indigenous communities, looking at the policy available on land and culture, and whether the policies are sensitive of the specific issues of vulnerable ethnic groups; and largely the effect of land on the right to cultural identity. The research was guided by three objectives: to examine and contextualize the concept of land rights among the Basongora community; to assess the policy frame work available for the protection of the Basongora community; to investigate the forms of vulnerability of the Basongora community. Quantitative and qualitative methods were used. a case of Kaseseand Kampala Districts were purposefully selected .138 people were recruited through random and nonrandom techniques to participate in the study, and these were 70 questionnaire respondents; 20 face to face interviews respondents; 5 key informants, and 43 participants in focus group discussions; The study established that Land is communally held and used and thatit continues to be a central source of livelihood for the Basongora; land rights are important in multiplication of herds; preservation, development, and promotion of culture and language. Research found gaps in the policy framework since the policies are concerned with tenure issues and the general provisions areambiguous. Oftenly, the Basongora are not called upon to participate in decision making processes, even on issues that affect them. The research findings call forauthorities to allow Basongora to access Queen Elizabeth National Park land for pasture during particular seasons of the year, especially during the dry seasons; land use policy; need for a clear alignment of the description of indigenous communitiesunder the constitution (Uganda, 1995) to the international definition.

Keywords: cultural identity, land rights, protection, uganda

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