Search results for: political discourse analysis

Authors: Yan-Chi Chen

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This study aims to investigate the 1st personal pronouns as evasive devices used by presidential candidates in the 2016 Taiwanese Presidential Debate within the framework of critical discourse analysis (CDA). This study finds that the personal pronoun ‘I’ is the highest frequent personal pronoun in the 2016 Taiwanese Presidential Debate. Generally speaking, the first personal pronouns were used most in the presidential debate, compared with the second and the third personal pronouns. Hence, a further quantitative analysis is conducted to explore the correlation between the frequencies of the two 1st personal pronouns and the other pronouns. Results show that the number of the personal pronoun ‘I’ increases from 26 to 49, with the personal pronoun ‘we’ decreases from 43 to 15 during the debate. Though it seems the personal pronoun ‘I’ has a higher tendency in pronominal choice, statistical evidence demonstrated that the personal pronoun ‘we’ has the greater statistical significance (p<0.0002), compared with that of ‘I’ (p<0.0116). The comparatively small p-value of the personal pronoun ‘we’ means it ‘has a stronger correlation with the overall pronominal choice, and the personal pronoun ‘we’ is more likely to be used than the personal pronoun ‘I’. Therefore, this study concludes that the pronominal choice varies with different evasive strategies. The ingrained functions of these personal pronouns are mainly categorized as ‘agreement’ and ‘justification’. The personal pronoun ’we’ is preferred in the agreement evasive strategies, and ‘I’ is used for justifying oneself. In addition, the personal pronoun ‘we’ can be defined as both ‘inclusive’ and ‘exclusive’ personal pronoun, which rendered ‘we’ more functions not limited to agreement evasive strategies. In conclusion, although the personal pronoun ‘I’ has the highest occurrences, the personal pronoun ‘we’ is more related to the first pronoun choices.

Keywords: critical discourse analysis (CDA), evasive devices, the 1st personal pronouns, the 2016 Taiwanese Presidential Debate

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Authors: S. Zev Kalifon

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The question of polygamy for Moslem minorities in Western nations has often been raised in the political and social discourse. Can polygamy be tolerated as a religious or human right in the West. For example, before the 2015 election in Israel, changes were made in the electoral system, which encouraged three small Arab parties to merge into one list. This “Unity List” included the socially liberal Communist list and a socially conservative Islamist list. Two members of the Islamist list were polygamists. Some rival politicians called for the election board to disqualify these men (and even the whole list) from the election process. This request was denied by the courts, and the men were elected to the parliament. Their subsequent seating in the parliament was questioned by many on both the liberal and conservative sides of the political spectrum. Some political commentators went so far as to describe polygamy as a “mark of disgrace” (a term usually reserved for people convicted on corruption charges). There are also problems in other areas of society; these include the rights of these families for welfare and social services (public policy issues) and residence in Israel. Using qualitative methods (primarily historical and archival data), this paper will analyze at the historic and cultural processes which created the intense opposition to polygamy in Judaism (for Israel) and Christianity (for the Western world). It will look at the debate over the "religious right" of polygamy for Moslem citizens in Israel and other Western cultures. Finally, it will examine the political, cultural, and demographic pressures which encourage polygamy in these minorities. This paper will demonstrate that the debate over polygamy is more than a question of religious freedom or human rights or multi-culturalism. It is a central symbol of modernity and the Western worldview.

Keywords: human rights, Judaism, multi-culturalism, polygamy, western values

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Authors: Henrique Alpalhão

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This paper attempts to model the widely studied relationship between a country's economic growth and its level of democracy, with an emphasis on possible non-linearities. We adopt the concept of 'political capital' as a measure of democracy, which is extremely uncommon in the literature and brings considerable advantages both in terms of dynamic considerations and plausibility. While the literature is not consensual on this matter, we obtain, via panel Arellano-Bond regression analysis on a database of more than 60 countries over 50 years, significant and robust results that indicate that the impact of democratization on economic growth varies according to the stage of democratic development each country is in.

Keywords: democracy, economic growth, political capital, political economy

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Authors: Vicky Khasandi-Telewa, Sinfree Makoni

Abstract:

Barrenness is a fundamentally agonizing condition that leads to identity disruption in its victims. In Africa, women are usually referred to as ‘Mother of X,’ and this causes grief to one who does not have a child to be identified with. This paper is an examination and critical appraisal of the impact of barrenness on the self-perception of women and the underlying power relations in how they are discursively constructed in the Bible and Traditional African Society (TAS). It is an analysis of expressive practices to examine how barrenness is constructed in Christianity and TAS with the aim of understanding the intersecting power systems. We approach this from an integrationism and Critical Discourse Analysis perspective that takes seriously both the radical harassment of barren women and the possibilities offered by the ensuing desperation calling for inclusive reinterpretation. We also seek to understand barren women’s coping mechanisms and suggestions on how best to improve their lives. The purpose of this study is to explain how discursive construction of barrenness affects the fundamental rights and freedoms of women and what linguistic strategies they adopt to navigate through the maze of stigma. It seeks to illustrate a more nuanced complexity of barren women's lives through women's own exegesis of the Biblical accounts of barrenness and their traditions and to explore alternative narratives. We explore the linguistic strategies the barren women employ to communicate their coping with limitations imposed upon their rights by the negative constructions.

Keywords: integrationism, critical discourse analysis, barrenness, communication strategies

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Authors: Paiboon Chuwatthanakij

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Each of the countries around the world has different ways of management and many of them depend on people to administrate their country. Thailand, for example, empowers the sovereignty of Thai people under constitution; however, our Thai voting system is not able to flow fast enough under the current Political management system. The sovereignty of Thai people is addressing this problem through representatives during current elections, in order to set a new policy for the countries ideology to change in the House and the Cabinet. This is particularly important in a democracy to be developed under our current political institution. The Organic Act on Political Parties 2007 is the establishment we have today that is causing confrontations within the establishment. There are many political parties that will soon be abolished. Many political parties have already been subsidized. This research study is to analyze the legal problems with the political party establishment under the Organic Act on Political Parties 2007. This will focus on the freedom of each political establishment compared to an effective political operation. Textbooks and academic papers will be referenced from studies home and abroad. The study revealed that Organic Act on Political Parties 2007 has strict provisions on the political structure over the number of members and the number of branches involved within political parties system. Such operations shall be completed within one year; but under the existing laws the small parties are not able to participate with the bigger parties. The cities are capable of fulfilling small political party requirements but fail to become coalesced because the current laws won't allow them to be united as one. It is important to allow all independent political parties to join our current political structure. Board members can’t help the smaller parties to become a large organization under the existing Thai laws. Creating a new establishment that functions efficiently throughout all branches would be one solution to these legal problems between all political parties. With this new operation, individual political parties can participate with the bigger parties during elections. Until current political institutions change their system to accommodate public opinion, these current Thai laws will continue to be a problem with all political parties in Thailand.

Keywords: coalesced, political party, sovereignty, elections

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Authors: Mohammad Hossein Badamchi

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As Leo Strauss demonstrates in his works, Political Philosophy in the western tradition is an epistemic-naturalistic tradition insofar Hanna Arendt mentioning the deep conflict between philosophy and politics, opposed to be named “political philosopher” prefer the title “political thinker” for herself. In fact, the Western political philosophy’s tendency to derive politics from natural law and epistemic argumentations makes a paradox between the actual “the political” and the theoretical “natural politics” in the western tradition. In this paper, we want to show that Hanna Arendt, in her exploration to find a new realm of the non-naturalistic way of thinking about the political is walking on a completely different tradition of political philosophy which was first established by Al-Farabi, the founder of Islamic political philosophy around thousand years after Greek Philosophy. Despite Aristotelian Polis which is a Natural community based on true natural rationality to reach the natural purposes of mankind, Al-Farabi’s Madine (his reconstructed concept of Aristotelian Polis) is completely constructed against natural cities, which are formulated by necessity logic of natural arguments and natural deception of humanity. In fact, Farabi considers the natural understanding of politics as Ignorant ideologies used by governments to suppress people. Madine in Farabi’s work is not a natural institution but is a collaborative constitution founded by citizens. So despite Aristotelian thinking, here we don’t have just A Polis that is the one true polis, but we have various multiple Madines among one, is virtuous not by definition but by real action of citizens and civil relations. Al-Farabi’s political philosophy is not a Naturalistic-epistemic Political Philosophy but is a Phronetic Political Philosophy which Hanna Arendt wants to establish outside of western contemplative anti-active political philosophy tradition.

Keywords: al-farabi, hanna arendt, natural politics, the political, political philosophy

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Authors: Asad Ullah Khalid

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This paper encompasses the application of the concept of political economy of mass media in Pakistan. The media has developed at a massive pace and now is considered as one of the vital parts in having better administration furthermore helps in conveying the issues identified with the government to the public. Albeit Pakistani media has gained much independence after 2003 but there are many social, political and economy factors which influence the content of the media. The study employs triangulation of quantitative and qualitative methods. In terms of methods, content analysis and interview method both are used. The content of Pakistani media is analyzed quantitatively and qualitatively. Moreover, interviews with various journalists are conducted, and their findings are disclosed in this paper. Pakistan's communication landscape is neither well documented nor well understood, leaving its public off guard with regards to reviewing the role and impact of news inflow, correspondence and media in political, economic and social life. It has been found out that on particular issues some media channels have strong affiliations with certain political parties, moreover reporting and coverage have also been affected by the factors like terrorism, state policies(written and verbal), advertising/economic and demographic factors like the composition of the population.

Keywords: political economy, news media, Pakistan, electronic news media, journalism, mass media

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Authors: Rahmatollah Amirjani

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By the emergence of the debate over the failure of Regionalism in the late 1970s, Critical Regional­ism was introduced as a different way to respond to the state of architecture in the post-war era. Critical Regionalism is most often understood as a discourse that not only mediates the language of modern architecture with the local cultures but also revives the relation between architecture and spectator as indexed by capitalism. Since the inception of Critical Regionalism, a large number of architectural practices have emerged around the globe; however, the work of the well-known Portuguese architect, Álvaro Siza, is considered as a unique case amongst works associated with the discourse of Critical Regionalism. This paper intends to respond to a number of questions, including; what are the origins of Critical Regionalism? How does Siza’s design strategy correspond to the thematic of Critical Regionalism? How does Siza recover the relation between object and subject in most of his projects? Using Siza’s housing project for the Malagueira district in Évora, Portugal, this article will attempt to answer these questions, and highlight Alvaro Siza’s design procedure which goes beyond the existing discourse of Critical Regionalism and contributes to our understanding of this practice.

Keywords: Alvaro Siza, critical regionalism, Malagueira housing, placelessness

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Authors: Luisa Müting, Wisnu Harto Adiwijoyo

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Agroforestry systems transform the agricultural landscapes in the Sahel region of Africa, providing food and farming products consumed for subsistence or sold for income. In the incrementally dry climate of the Sahel region, the spreading of agroforestry practices is integral for policymaker efforts to counteract land degradation and provide soil restoration in the region. Several measures on agroforestry practices have been implemented in the region by governmental and non-governmental institutions in recent years. However, despite the efforts, past research shows that awareness of how policies and interventions are being consumed and perceived by the public remains low. Therefore, interpreting public policy dilemmas by analyzing the public perception regarding agroforestry concepts and practices is necessary. Public perceptions and discourses can be an essential driver or constraint for the adoption of agroforestry practices in the region. Thus, understanding the public discourse behavior of crucial stakeholders could assist policymakers in developing inclusive and contextual policies that are relevant to the context of agroforestry adoption in Sahel region. To answer how information about agroforestry spreads and is perceived by the public. As internet usage increased drastically over the past decade, reaching a share of 33 percent of the population being connected to the internet, this research is based on online conversation data. Social media data from Facebook are gathered daily between April 2021 and April 2022 in Djibouti, Senegal, Mali, and Nigeria based on their share of active internet users compared to other countries in the Sahel region. A systematic methodology was applied to the extracted social media using discourse network analysis (DNA). This study then clustered the data by the types of agroforestry practices, sentiments, and country. Additionally, this research extracted the text data from online news media during the same period to pinpoint events related to the topic of agroforestry. The preliminary result indicates that tree management, crops, and livestock integration, diversifying species and genetic resources, and focusing on interactions and productivity across the agricultural system; are the most notable keywords in agroforestry-related conversations within the four countries in the Sahel region. Additionally, approximately 84 percent of the discussions were still dominated by big actors, such as NGO or government actors. Furthermore, as a subject of communication within agroforestry discourse, the Great Green Wall initiative generates almost 60 percent positive sentiment within the captured social media data, effectively having a more significant outreach than general agroforestry topics. This study provides an understanding for scholars and policymakers with a springboard for further research or policy design on agroforestry in the four countries of the Sahel region with systematically uncaptured novel data from the internet.

Keywords: sahel, djibouti, senegal, mali, nigeria, social networks analysis, public discourse analysis, sentiment analysis, content analysis, social media, online news, agroforestry, land restoration

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Authors: Liqiang Chen

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This study investigates the effects of political connections on the association between firms’ business strategy and their tax aggressiveness in an emerging economy such as China. By studying all public Chinese firms in the period from 2011 to 2017, we find that firms adopting innovative business strategy are more tax aggressive overall, but innovative firms with political connections are less tax aggressive compared to those without political connections. Moreover, we document several channels through which political connections affect the association between innovative business strategy and tax aggressiveness. In particular, we show that the mitigation effect of political connections on tax aggressiveness is stronger for innovative firms located in areas with a lower marketization index and for innovative firms with a lower leverage level or with less earnings management. Our results are robust to an instrumental variable approach to account for possible endogenous bias. Our study contributes to the understanding of firms’ tax behaviors in an emerging economy setting and suggests that there are costs associated with political connections, such as foregone tax saving opportunities, which are understudied in the prior literature.

Keywords: tax aggressiveness, business strategy, political connections, emerging economy

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Authors: Hrudaya Kamasani

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The cultural prevalence of vigilante justice is sustained through the social sanction for foregoing a judicial trial to determine guilt. Precisely due to its roots in social sanction, it has repercussions as more than just being symptomatic of cultural values that condone violence. In the long term, the practice of vigilante justice as a response to incidents of sexual violence, while veiled in civic discontent over the standards of women’s security in society, can adversely affect the discourse on sexual violence. To illustrate the impact that acts of vigilante justice can have in prematurely ending a budding discourse on sexual violence, the paper reviews three cases of heinous crimes committed against women in India that gained popular attention in the discursive spaces. The 2012 Nirbhaya rape and murder case in Delhi demonstrates how the criminal justice system can spur a social movement and can result in legislative changes and a discourse that challenged a wide range of socio-cultural issues of women’s security and treatment. The paper compares it with two incidents of sexual violence in India that ended with the suspects being killed in the name of vigilante justice that had wide social sanction. The two cases are the 2019 extrajudicial killing of Priyanka Reddy rape and murder case suspects in Hyderabad and the 2015 mob lynching of an accused in a rape case in Dimapur. The paper explains why the absence of judicial trials in sexual violence cases results in ending any likelihood of the instances inspiring civic engagement with the discourse on sexual violence.

Keywords: sexual violence, vigilante justice, extrajudicial killing, cultural values of violence, Nirbhaya rape case, mob violence

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Authors: Sopio Totibadze

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Although the legal framework of Georgia reflects the main principles of gender equality and is in line with the international situation, Georgia remains a male-dominated society. This means that men prevail in many areas of social, economic, and political life, which frequently gives women a subordinate status in society and the family. According to the latest studies, “violence against women and girls in Georgia is also recognized as a public problem, and it is necessary to focus on it”. Moreover, the Public Defender's report (2019) reveals that “in the last five years, 151 women were killed in Georgia due to gender and family violence”. Unfortunately, there are frequent cases of crimes based on gender-based oppression in Georgia, which pose a threat not only to women but also to people of any gender whose desires and aspirations do not correspond to the gender norms and roles prevailing in society. It is well-known that language is often used as a tool for gender oppression. Therefore, feminist and gender studies in linguistics ultimately serve to represent the problem, reflect on it, and propose ways to solve it. Together with technical advancement in communication, a new form of discrimination has arisen- hate language against women in electronic media discourse. Due to the nature of social media and the internet, messages containing hate language can spread in seconds and reach millions of people. However, only a few know about the detrimental effects they may have on the addressee and society. This paper aims to analyse the hateful comments directed at women on various media platforms to determine the linguistic strategies used while attacking women and the reasons why women may fall victim to this type of hate language. The data have been collected over six months, and overall, 500 comments will be examined for the paper. Qualitative and quantitative analysis was chosen for the methodology of the study. The comments posted on various media platforms have been selected manually due to several reasons, the most important being the problem of identifying hate speech as it can disguise itself in different ways- humour, memes, etc. The comments on the articles, posts, pictures, and videos selected for sociolinguistic analysis depict a woman, a taboo topic, or a scandalous event centred on a woman that triggered hate language towards the person to whom the post/article was dedicated. The study has revealed that a woman can become a victim of hatred directed at them if they do something considered to be a deviation from a societal norm, namely, get a divorce, be sexually active, be vocal about feministic values, and talk about taboos. Interestingly, people who utilize hate language are not only men trying to “normalize” the prejudiced patriarchal values but also women who are equally active in bringing down a "strong" woman. The paper also aims to raise awareness about the hate language directed at women, as being knowledgeable about the issue at hand is the first step to tackling it.

Keywords: femicide, hate language, media discourse, sociolinguistics

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Authors: Olha Oleshchuk

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Such companies as Apple, Coca-Cola, Microsoft, Samsung are well-known, but most people do not know about their economic and political influence on society at national and international levels. This ignorance is beneficial for transnational corporations because it reduces the risk of possible resistance of the society and creates favourable conditions for the formation of a new governmental political form. The aim of the research to analyse the opportunity of creating of a new governmental political form. The aim of the research is realized by implementation of such objectives: 1) to consider the possibility of the formation of new political forms of government; 2) to determine the influence of TNCs on the state, which is necessary for a mature, aware citizen; 3) to learn the roles of TNCs, which provide the awareness in the spheres of the world politics, economics, and everyday life. The relevance of the research is confirmed by the fact that new political forms of government are poorly studied.

Keywords: objective factors of losing leading position by state, transnational corporations, TNCs' economic influence, TNCs' political influence

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Authors: Naghmeh Sadat Nabavi

Abstract:

Women´s role in political participation, despite its limitations, is undoubtedly the most essential and effective part of Iran. In all political events throughout Iran's history, women have been pioneers, although they have been limited from getting political positions, even in the parliament. In recent years, movements and protests have been formed by Iranian women to respect natural human rights, especially for women. These movements are accompanied and sometimes guided by female celebrities, the most important of which are actresses. In 2017, this cooperation reached its highest level compared to the past, and the political participation of actresses in support of Hassan Rouhani in the presidential elections brought people who were hesitant to vote to the polls. This type of participation of actresses is seen in the recent protest of #Woman_Life_Freedom in 2022 and 2023 that still continues.

Keywords: political participation, presidential election, actresses, celebrities, social media, women, Iran

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Authors: Roshanak Nouralian

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The primary focus of my Ph.D. dissertation revolves around the interconnection between language and culture, as well as the crucial role that language plays in facilitating communication and fostering integration within the host society for immigrants. This research specifically focuses on Iranian students studying at various universities in Vienna. Throughout this study, I have attempted to examine and analyze their challenges in various life situations in Austria. The broad dimensions of the research question led the research process to apply a constructivist grounded theory strategy. I have also used critical discourse analysis that is in line with constructivist GT's point of view to look closely at the borders, contradictions, and inequalities that came up in the participants' real-life experiences. Data from individual interviews and group discussions have expanded the research trajectory beyond disciplinary boundaries toward a transdisciplinary approach. The research findings indicate how the language policy of the host society leads to the establishment of power relationships and the arousal of a sense of cultural dominance among the research participants. This study investigates the problems experienced by participants in their daily interactions within the host society. Additionally, the results illustrate the development of a dependency relationship between participants and their host society despite linguistic policies that cause a sense of cultural hegemony. Conversely, the obtained data allowed me to examine the participants' language ideologies. The findings of this study show that social linguistics has the potential to go beyond the boundaries of its field. This is possible by using a variety of research strategies and analyzing people's real-life experiences to find out how language affects different parts of their daily lives. Therefore, in this conference, discussing the logic of employing a constructivist GT strategy along with critical discourse analysis (CDA) in this research, I intend to discuss the achieved results.

Keywords: cultural adapttaion, language policy, language ideology, cultural hegemony, transdisciplinary research, constructivist grounded theory, critical discourse analysis

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Authors: Emmanuel Dangana Monday

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Africa as a continent has been ravaged and bedeviled by series of political conflicts associated with politics and power-sharing maneuvering. As a result it has become the most unstable continent in the world in terms of power distribution and stable political culture. This paper examines the efficacy of conscious and deliberate power-sharing strategies to settle or resolve political conflicts in Africa in the arrangements of creation of states, revenue and resources allocation, and office distribution systems. The study is concerned with the spatial impact of conflicts generated in some renowned African countries in which power-sharing would have been a solution. Ethno-regional elite groups are identified as the major actors in the struggles for the distribution of territorial, economic and political powers in Africa. The struggle for power has become so intense that it has degenerated to conflicts and wars of inter and intra-political classes and parties respectively. Secondary data and deductive techniques were used in data collection and analysis. It is discovered that power-sharing has become an indispensable tool to curb the incessant political and power crisis in Africa. It is one of the finest tolerable modality of mediating elite’ competition, since it reflects the interests of both the dominant and the perceived marginalized groups. The study recommends that countries and regions of political, ethnic and religious differences in Africa should employed power-sharing strategy in order to avoid unnecessary political tension and resultant crisis. Interest groups should always come to the negotiation table to reach a realistic, durable and expected compromise to secure a peacefully resolute Africa.

Keywords: Africa, power-sharing, conflicts, politics and political stability

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Authors: Vicky Khasandi-Telewa, Sinfree Makoni

Abstract:

Barrenness is a fundamentally agonizing condition that leads to identity disruption in its victims. In Africa, women are usually referred to as ‘Mother of X,’ and this causes grief to one who does not have a child to be identified with. This paper is an examination and critical appraisal of the impact of barrenness on the self-perception of women and the underlying power relations in how they are discursively constructed in the Bible and Traditional African Society (TAS). It is an analysis of expressive practices to examine how barrenness is constructed in Christianity and TAS with the aim of understanding the intersecting power systems. We approach this from an integrationism and Critical Discourse Analysis perspective that takes seriously both the radical harassment of barren women and the possibilities offered by the ensuing desperation calling for inclusive reinterpretation. We also seek to understand barren women’s coping mechanisms and suggestions on how best to improve their lives. The purpose of this study is to explain how discursive construction of barrenness affects the fundamental rights and freedoms of women and what linguistic strategies they adopt to navigate through the maze of stigma. It seeks to illustrate a more nuanced complexity of barren women's lives through women's own exegesis of the Biblical accounts of barrenness and their traditions and to explore alternative narratives. We explore the linguistic strategies the barren women employ to communicate their coping with limitations imposed upon their rights by the negative constructions.

Keywords: integrationism, critical discourse analysis, barrenness, communication strategies, women rights

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Authors: Emad A. S. Abu-Ayyash

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Cohesive devices, the linguistic tools that are usually employed to hold the different parts of the text together, have been the focus of a significant number of discourse analysis studies. These linguistic tools have grabbed the attention of researchers since the inception of the first and most comprehensive model of cohesion in 1976. However, it was noticed that some cohesive devices (e.g., endophoric reference, conjunctions, ellipsis, substitution, and lexical ties) – being thought of as more popular than others (e.g., exophoric reference) – were over-researched. The present paper explores the usage of two cohesive devices that have been evidently almost absent from discourse analysis studies. These cohesive devices are exophoric and homophoric references, the linguistic items that can be interpreted in terms of the physical and cultural contexts of discourse. The significance of the current paper, therefore, stems from the fact that it attempts to fill a gap in the research conducted so far on cohesive devices. This study provides an explanation of the concepts of the cohesive devices that have been employed in a plethora of research on cohesion and elucidates the relevant context-related concepts. The paper also identifies the gap in cohesive devices research. Exophora and homophora, the least visited cohesive devices in previous studies, were qualitatively and quantitatively explored in six opinion articles, four produced by eight postgraduate English as a Foreign Language (EFL) students in a university in the United Arab Emirates and two by professional NS writers in the Independent and the Guardian. The six pieces were about the United Kingdom Independent Party (UKIP) leader’s call to ban the burqa in the UK and were analysed vis-a-vis the employment and function of homophora and exophora. The study found that both EFL students and native speakers employed exophora and homophora considerably in their writing to serve a variety of functions, including building assumptions, supporting main ideas, and involving the readers among others.

Keywords: cohesive devices, context, culture, exophoric reference, homophoric reference

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Authors: Gang Wang

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Education is widely believed to be a prerequisite for democracy and civil society, but the causal link between education and outcome variables is usually hardly to be identified. This study applies a fuzzy regression discontinuity design to examine the effects of college education on democratic attitudes in the Chinese context. In the analysis treatment assignment is determined by students’ college entry years and thus naturally selected by subjects’ ages. Using a sample of Chinese college students collected in Beijing in 2009, this study finds that college education actually reduces undergraduates’ motivation for political development in China but promotes political loyalty to the authoritarian government. Further hypotheses tests explain these interesting findings from two perspectives. The first is related to the complexity of politics. As college students progress over time, they increasingly realize the complexity of political reform in China’s authoritarian regime and rather stay away from politics. The second is related to students’ career opportunities. As students are close to graduation, they are immersed with job hunting and have a reduced interest in political freedom.

Keywords: china, college education, democratic attitudes, regression discontinuity

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Authors: Hefin Gwilym

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This paper will explore the political biographies of social workers in a neoliberal era. The findings are based on a research project for a successfully completed professional doctorate in social work. The methodology deployed for the research is a combination of constructivist grounded theory and biographical inquiry. The paper will present findings from 14 biographical interviews and will focus on one case study of a participant whose life story is richly informed by political social work. The 14 participants reflect different genders, ethnic identities, cultural and linguistic identities, age and length of social work careers. The participants also reflect different forms of political engagement, such as, as political activists and members of political parties, including parliamentarians. The findings demonstrate how deeply ingrained the social work identity is amongst the participants and how their political identity has remained strongly social democratic in nature despite the many changes in the social work profession since the rise of neoliberalism as a thought collective and policy package. The individual case study will explore the early roots of political identity in the childhood and nurturing years and the interface with subsequent social work and political careers. It will also explore the evolution of the participant’s political identity in the social work career. The case study will also present findings on how the participant has contributed to the political field with policy involvement and initiatives. The presentation will conclude with a discussion on how this particular group of social workers can best contribute to the future direction of the social work profession.

Keywords: political social work, political biographies, neoliberal, grounded theory

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Authors: Samira Essabari

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What, unfortunately, governs the Moroccan educational philosophy and policy today is a concerning neoliberal discourse with its obsession with market logics and individualism. Critical education has been advocated to resist the neoliberal hegemony since it holds the promise to reclaim the social function of education. Significantly, the mounting forms of sexism and discrimination against women combined with hegemonic educational practices are jeopardizing the social function of teaching and learning, hence the relevance of feminist critical pedagogy. A substantial body of research worldwide has explored the ways in which feminist pedagogy can develop feminist consciousness and examine power relations in different educational contexts. In Morocco, however, the feasibility of feminist pedagogy has not been researched despite the overwhelming interest in gender issues in different educational settings. The research on critical pedagogies in Morocco remains very promising. Yet, most studies were conducted in contexts which are already engaged with issues of theory, discourse, and discourse analysis. The field of ESP ( English for Specific Purposes) is pragmatic by nature, and priority in research has been given to questions that adhere to the mainstream concerns of need analysis and study skills and ignore issues of power, gender power relations, and intersectional forms of oppression. To address these gaps in the existing literature, this participatory action research seeks to investigate the feasibility of Feminist pedagogy in ESP higher education and how it can foster feminist critical consciousness among ESP students without compromising their language learning needs. The findings of this research will contribute to research on critical applied linguistics and critical ESP more specifically and add to the practice of critical pedagogies in Moroccan higher education by providing in-depth insights into the enablers and barriers to the implementation of feminist critical pedagogy, which is still feeling its way into the educational scene in Morocco.

Keywords: feminist pedagogy, critical pedagogy, power relations, gender, ESP, intersectionality

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Authors: Simont Toussi

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Cameroon and the Central African Republic arebound by the provisions of many regional and international charters, which condemn the manipulation of information, obstacles to access reliable information, or the limitation of freedoms of expression and opinion. These two countries also have constitutional guarantees for free speech and access to true and liable information. However, they are yet to define specific policies and regulations for access to information, disinformation, or misinformation. Yet, certain countries’ laws and regulations related to information and communication technologies, to criminal procedures, to terrorism, or intelligence services contain provisions that rather hider human rights by condemning false information. Like many other African countries, Cameroon and the Central African Republic face a profound democratic regression, and governments use multiple methods to stifle online discourse and digital rights. Despite the increased uptake of digital tools for political participation, there is a lack of interactivity and adoption of these tools. This enables a scarcity of information and creates room for the spreading of disinformation in the public space, hamperingdemocracy and the respect for human rights. This research aims to analyse the adequacy of stakeholders’ responses to disinformation in Cameroon and the Central African Republic in periods of political contestation, such as elections and anti-government protests, to highlight the nature, perpetrators, strategies, and channels of disinformation, as well as its effects on democratic actors, including civil society, bloggers, government critics, activists, and other human rights defenders. The study follows a qualitative method with literature review, content analysis, andkey informant’sinterviews with stakeholders’ representatives, emphasized crowdsourcing as a data and information collecting method in the two countries.

Keywords: disinformation, democracy, political manipulation, social media, media, fake news, central Africa, cameroon, misinformation, free speech

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Authors: Alphan Telek

Abstract:

Political secularism is different from philosophical secularism in terms of its inclusionary, peaceful, liberal and democratic aspects. Secularism as a political principle not only takes the separation of state and religion as a basis but also it aims to exclude any kind of ethnic, religious, racial, gender domination at the state level. Thus, although political secularism does not see any problem with the visibility and implementation of religious views and symbols in the public sphere, it stands against the fusion of political power and religious views or more generally any kind of identity. Iranian context especially the post-reformist period, which starts in 2005, shows religious and/or reformist intellectuals try to put forward the political secularism and make it attractable to the large masses. Three prominent figures of reformist intellectualism Abdolkarim Soroush, Mohsen Kadivar and Akbar Ganji form the basic vocabulary of political secularism in the post-reformist period of Iran. Their intellectual and political struggle against the Islamic regime’s anti-democratic policies and actions do carry significance not only for Iranian democracy but also for all Muslim people around the world that demand a more equal, free, and just society. The political and intellectual discourses of Iranian intellectuals indicate that political secularism is a requirement of democratic state and society. In this paper, it is discussed the relationship between political secularism, state, society, and Islam. Thus, it will be argued that secularism as a political principle is increasingly held by Iranian intellectuals to show the relation between secularism and democracy.

Keywords: political secularism, Iranian intellectuals, democracy, Middle East

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Authors: Nizar Ibnus

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The term 'pribumi' or indigenous people was originally coined in the colonisation era to differentiate between Dutch colonials and native Indonesian people. The term was also used to trigger nationalism among Indonesian people to liberate their country from any kind of colonialism which had seized their freedom for ages. However, after the war was over and the colonials had fled from the country, the usage began to be altered. It changed from nationalist propaganda term to somewhat racist term. Immigrants and half-blooded people were massively victimized. Then, in 1998 the government forbade the use of this term for public use. Apparently, this racial issue happens again. On 16th October 2017, Anies Baswedan as the new government of DKI Jakarta province mentioned this term in his inauguration speech. This indeed raises controversy among Indonesian people. Using critical discourse analysis, this paper examines how Indonesian media portray the figure of Anies Baswedan regarding the issue. The findings reveal that Indonesian media depict Anies Baswedan differently. Some view him guilty as he mentioned the controversial and forbidden term in public. While, the other media consider him as innocent as he used the term in different contexts. This various media point of view and framing is presumably emerged from their different ideologies.

Keywords: critical discourse analysis, media framing, racism, pribumi

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Authors: Anna Jagielska

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Five years ago, the word ‘gender’ was discussed in Poland exclusively in academic contexts. One year later, it was chosen as the word of the year and omnipresent in the Polish media. The rapid career of this word is due to the involvement of the Polish church hierarchy who strategically brought this term into relation with abortion, pornography and paedophilia. ‘Gender’ is more than a political slogan. It is a symbol of social anxiety and moral panic in Poland which need to be historically considered. The aim of this paper is to present selected rhetorical strategies used by the Polish Catholic clergy who strive to have an impact on the current gender discourse in Poland. In particular, the gender debate, culminated in the pastoral letter of the Bishops' Conference of Poland, will be discussed. The church’s protest against the Council of Europe’s Convention on Preventing and Combating Violence against Women and Domestic Violence will be analyzed and the recent heated debates in Poland on contraception, abortion, in vitro fertilization, and sex education will be mentioned. To provide explanations on the specificity of Polish gender debates the role of the Catholic Church in the fall of communism in Poland as well as the charismatisation of Polish society by Pope John Paul II will be explained. The social constructions of communism and feminism which are manifested in both written and symbolic contracts on gender equality between the Church and the State will be demonstrated. At the end of the paper, theories about the changing role of religion in society will be applied.

Keywords: gender, Poland, religion, catholicism, feminism

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Authors: Paulette Henry

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If Caribbean Universities wish to remain sustainable in the global education market they must meet the new demands of the 21st Centuries learners. This means preparing the teaching and learning environment with the human and material and resources so that the University can blossom out into the entrepreneurial University. The entrepreneurial University prepares the learner to become a global citizen, one who is innovative and a critical thinker and has the competencies to create jobs. Entrepreneurship education provides more equitable access to university education building capacity for the local and global economy. The entrepreneurial thinking, the mindset, must therefore be among academic and support staff as well as students. In developing countries where resources are scarce, Universities are grappling with a myriad of financial and non-financial issues. These include increasing costs, Union demands for increased remuneration for staff and reduced subvention from governments which has become the norm. In addition, there is the political pressure against increasing tuition fees and the perceptions on the moral responsibilities of universities in national development. The question is how do small universities carve out their niche, meet both political and consumer demands for a high quality, low lost education, fulfil their development mandate and still remain not only viable but competitive. Themes which are central to this discourse on the transitions necessary for the entrepreneurial university are leadership, governance and staff well-being. This paper therefore presents a case study of a Caribbean University to show how transformational leadership and the change management framework propels change towards an entrepreneurial institution seeking to have a competitive advantage despite its low resourced context. Important to this discourse are the transformational approaches used by the University to prepare staff to move from their traditional psyche to embracing an entrepreneurial mindset whilst equipping students within the same mode to become work ready and creative global citizens. Using the mixed methods approach, opinions were garnered from both members of the University community as well as external stakeholder groups on their perception of the role of the University in the business arena and as a primary stakeholder in national development. One of the critical concepts emanating from the discourse was the need to change the mindset of the those in university governance as well as how national stakeholders engage the university. This paper shows how multiple non-financial factors can contribute to change. A combination of transformational and servant leadership, strengthened institutional structures and developing new ones, rebuilding institutional trust and pride have been among the strategies employed within the change management framework. The university is no longer limited by borders but through international linkages has transcended into a transnational stakeholder.

Keywords: competitiveness, context, entrepreneurial, leadership

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Authors: Christine Ivy A. Nogot

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Under the colony of Spain for more than three centuries, the Philippines has a deep-rooted structure of Western ideologies and colonialism. The late 19th century, the period of Enlightenment, created a significant impact on our history when a group of middle-class Filipino men were sent to Europe to study. They were called Ilustrados, a Spanish word for erudite. They were the enlightened; the well-educated, intellectual scholars. Their writings provide intellectual grounds for the awakening of national consciousness that eventually prompted national movements and revolutions. They helped to establish a postcolonial society. In the modern era, Miguel Syjuco, a Filipino expatriate, wrote a novel and titled it Ilustrado. It is a representation of the liberal mind of the diasporic author in contemporary discourse. It provides a critical examination of the ilustrado in transition through the character of Miguel, who is also an expatriate writer. Using Syjuco’s award-winning novel as the primary text and anchored on Said’s concept of Orientalism, this paper examines how the depiction of features of the Eastern world is presented in the literary discourse. This paper looks into Said’s concept of orientalism as a hegemonic discursive structure and shows how Western superiority influences the Eastern culture in literary discourse. It explores Gramsci’s theory of cultural hegemony to explore Said’s argument that Western powers conquer the orient through culture and ideology. This paper presents how dominant ideologies and the social context redefine the ilustrado in the contemporary era.

Keywords: cultural hegemony, ilustrado, orientalism, postcolonial

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Authors: Lenshie, Nsemba Edward

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This paper examines political sexuality as an identity construct, which imparts on democratic practices globally. The manifestation of political sexuality reflect on the dynamics of social, economic, cultural and political relations among different gender affecting a number of issues, such as the questions of citizenship, poverty alleviation, property rights, ownership and inheritance, rights to sexual consent, polygamous marriage, governance and representation among other issues. This paper is concerned with the aspect of political participation among different genders in Nigeria. This paper posit that political sexuality is an outcome of ‘sexuality differences’, which seeks to glorify and gratify the superiority of a particular sexuality over another. Political sexuality, therefore, motivate and exacerbate socio-cultural, economic, and political struggles among different sexualities. The paper asserts further that majority of women have been discriminated, sexually harassed, and are often denied certain rights and privileges in Nigeria. A few number of women who have found themselves at the corridors of government have used the Beijing protocol on Women to demand for ‘affirmative action’ to expand their political space. It contends that the ‘affirmative action’ in Nigeria is far from achieving it throughout the country. The paper conclude that women require more than just a ‘self-rediscovery’ to assertively demand for a more and proper inclusion in Nigeria’s democratic process.

Keywords: gender democracy, identity, politics, political sexuality

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Authors: Vangelis Papadimitropoulos

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The paper is part of the research project “Techno-Social Innovation in the Collaborative Economy'', funded by the Hellenic Foundation of Research and Innovation for the years 2022-2024. The research project examines the normative and empirical conditions of grassroots technologically driven innovation, potentially enabling the transition towards a commons-oriented post-capitalist economy. The project carries out a conceptually led and empirically grounded multi-case study of the digital commons, open-source technologies, platform cooperatives, open cooperatives and Distributed Autonomous Organizations (DAOs) on the Blockchain. The methodological scope of research is interdisciplinary inasmuch as it comprises political theory, economics, sustainability science and computer science, among others. The research draws specifically on Michel Bauwens and Vasilis Kostakis' model of open cooperativism between the commons, ethical market entities and a partner state. Bauwens and Kostakis advocate for a commons-based counter-hegemonic post-capitalist transition beyond and against neoliberalism. The research further employs Laclau and Mouffe's discourse theory of hegemony to introduce a post-hegemonic conceptualization of the model of open cooperativism. Thus, the paper aims to outline the theoretical contribution of the research project to contemporary political theory debates on post-capitalism and the collaborative economy.

Keywords: open cooperativism, techno-social innovation, post-hegemony, post-capitalism

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Authors: Maria Antonietta Marongiu

Abstract:

Propositional information in discourse is made coherent, intelligible, and persuasive through metadiscourse. The linguistic and rhetorical choices that writers/speakers make to organize and negotiate content matter are intended to help relate a text to its context. Besides, they help the audience to connect to and interpret a text according to the values of a specific discourse community. Based on these assumptions, this work aims to analyse the use of metadiscourse in the spoken performance of teachers in online EFL, ESP, and subject-teacher courses taught in English to non-native learners in higher education. In point of fact, the global spread of Covid 19 has forced universities to transition their in-class courses to online delivery. This has inevitably placed on the instructor a heavier interactional responsibility compared to in-class courses. Accordingly, online delivery needs greater structuring as regards establishing the reader/listener’s resources for text understanding and negotiating. Indeed, in online as well as in in-class courses, lessons are social acts which take place in contexts where interlocutors, as members of a community, affect the ways ideas are presented and understood. Following Hyland’s Interactional Model of Metadiscourse (2005), this study intends to investigate Teacher Talk in online academic courses during the Covid 19 lock-down in Italy. The selected corpus includes the transcripts of online EFL and ESP courses and subject-teachers online courses taught in English. The objective of the investigation is, firstly, to ascertain the presence of metadiscourse in the form of interactive devices (to guide the listener through the text) and interactional features (to involve the listener in the subject). Previous research on metadiscourse in academic discourse, in college students' presentations in EAP (English for Academic Purposes) lessons, as well as in online teaching methodology courses and MOOC (Massive Open Online Courses) has shown that instructors use a vast array of metadiscoursal features intended to express the speakers’ intentions and standing with respect to discourse. Besides, they tend to use directions to orient their listeners and logical connectors referring to the structure of the text. Accordingly, the purpose of the investigation is also to find out whether metadiscourse is used as a rhetorical strategy by instructors to control, evaluate and negotiate the impact of the ongoing talk, and eventually to signal their attitudes towards the content and the audience. Thus, the use of metadiscourse can contribute to the informative and persuasive impact of discourse, and to the effectiveness of online communication, especially in learning contexts.

Keywords: discourse analysis, metadiscourse, online EFL and ESP teaching, rhetoric

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