Search results for: political rights

Authors: Kayode Julius Oni

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Without mincing words, democracy is by far the most popular form of government in the world today. No matter how we look at it, and regardless of the variant, most leaders in the world today wish to be seen or labeled as Democrats. Perhaps, its attractions in terms of freedom of allocation, accountability, smooth successions of leadership and a lot more, account for its appeal to the ordinary people. The governance style in Nigeria since 1999 cannot be said to be different from the military. Elections are manipulated, judicial processes abused, and the ordinary people do not have access to the dividends of democracy. The paper seeks to address the existing failures experienced under democratic rule in Nigeria which have to transcend into violation of human rights in the conduct of government business. The paper employs the primary and secondary sources of data collection, and it is highly descriptive and critical.

Keywords: democracy, human rights, Nigeria, politics, republic

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Authors: Farida Prihatini

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As a largest Muslim country in the world with around 215 Muslim inhabitants, Indonesia interestingly is not an Islamic country. Yet, Indonesia is not a secular country as well. The country has committed to be a unity in diversity country where people from various socio-political background may be coexistent live in this archipelago country. However, many provinces and Muslim groups are disposed of special regulation for Muslim people, namely local ordinances with sharia nuances, applied specifically in provinces, cities or regions where Muslim inhabitants are the majority. For the last two decades, particularly since Indonesia reform movement of 1998, a lot of local ordinances (Peraturan Daerah) with Sharia nuance have been enacted and applied in several provinces, cities and regions in Indonesia. The local ordinances are mostly deal with restriction of alcohol, prohibition of prostitution, Al Qur'an literacy, obligation to wear Muslim attire and zakat or alms management. Some of local ordinances have been warmly welcomed by society, while other ordinances have created tension. Those who oppose the ordinances believe that such things regulated by the ordinances are in violation of human rights and democracy, part of privacy rights of the people and must not be regulated by the State or local government. This paper describes the dynamic of local Ordinances with sharia nuances in Indonesia, in this research is limited to three ordinances: on the restriction of alcohol, prohibition of prostitution and obligation to wear Muslim attire. The researcher employs a normative method by studying secondary data and local ordinances in selected areas in Indonesia. The findings of the paper are that local ordinances with sharia nuances are indeed part of the needs of society, yet, in their implementation must take the pluralism of Indonesia and the state basic foundation, which is Pancasila (five pillars) into account.

Keywords: local, ordinances, sharia, rights

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Authors: Paiboon Chuwatthanakij

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Each of the countries around the world has different ways of management and many of them depend on people to administrate their country. Thailand, for example, empowers the sovereignty of Thai people under constitution; however, our Thai voting system is not able to flow fast enough under the current Political management system. The sovereignty of Thai people is addressing this problem through representatives during current elections, in order to set a new policy for the countries ideology to change in the House and the Cabinet. This is particularly important in a democracy to be developed under our current political institution. The Organic Act on Political Parties 2007 is the establishment we have today that is causing confrontations within the establishment. There are many political parties that will soon be abolished. Many political parties have already been subsidized. This research study is to analyze the legal problems with the political party establishment under the Organic Act on Political Parties 2007. This will focus on the freedom of each political establishment compared to an effective political operation. Textbooks and academic papers will be referenced from studies home and abroad. The study revealed that Organic Act on Political Parties 2007 has strict provisions on the political structure over the number of members and the number of branches involved within political parties system. Such operations shall be completed within one year; but under the existing laws the small parties are not able to participate with the bigger parties. The cities are capable of fulfilling small political party requirements but fail to become coalesced because the current laws won't allow them to be united as one. It is important to allow all independent political parties to join our current political structure. Board members can’t help the smaller parties to become a large organization under the existing Thai laws. Creating a new establishment that functions efficiently throughout all branches would be one solution to these legal problems between all political parties. With this new operation, individual political parties can participate with the bigger parties during elections. Until current political institutions change their system to accommodate public opinion, these current Thai laws will continue to be a problem with all political parties in Thailand.

Keywords: coalesced, political party, sovereignty, elections

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Authors: Arlinda Memetaj

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A sound system of administrative justice represents a vital element of democratic governance. The proper control of public administration consists not only of a sound civil service framework and legislative oversight, but empowerment of the public and courts to hold public officials accountable for their decision-making through the application of fair administrative procedural rules and the use of appropriate administrative appeals processes and judicial review. The establishment of effective public administration, has been since 1990s among the most 'important and urgent' final strategic objectives of the Republic of Macedonia. To this aim the country has so far adopted a huge series of legislative and strategic documents related to any aspects of the administrative justice system. The latter is designed to strengthen the legal position of citizens, businesses, civic organizations, and other societal subjects. 'Changes and reforms' in this field have been thus the most frequent terms being used in the country for the last more than 20 years. Several years ago the County established Administrative Courts, while permanently amending the Law on the General Administrative procedure (LGAP). The new LGAP was adopted in 2015 and it introduced considerable innovations concerned. The most recent inputs in this regard includes the National Public Administration Reform Strategy 2017 – 2022, one of the key expected result of which includes both providing effective protection of the citizens` rights. In doing the aforesaid however there is still a series of interrelated shortcomings in this regard, such as (just to mention few) the complex appeal procedure, delays in enforcing court rulings, etc. Against the above background, the paper firstly describes the Macedonian institutional and legislative framework in the above field, and then illustrates the shortcomings therein. It finally claims that the current status quo situation may be overcome only if there is a proper implementation of the administrative courts decisions and far stricter international monitoring process thereof. A new approach and strong political commitment from the highest political leadership is thus absolutely needed to ensure the principles of transparency, accountability and merit in public administration. The main method used in this paper is the descriptive, analytical and comparative one due to the very character of the paper itself.

Keywords: administrative justice, administrative procedure, administrative courts/disputes, European Human Rights Court, human rights, monitoring, reform, benefit.

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Authors: Crescentia Ugwuona

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Appropriate language use has been central and critical in advancing education and human rights for women and girls in many countries the world over. Unfortunately, these lofty aims have often been violated by rural Igbo-Nigerians as they use stereotyping and dehumansing language in their cultural songs against women and girls. The psychological impact of the songs has a significant negative impact on education, human rights, quality of life, and opportunities for many rural Igbo-women and girls in Nigeria. This study, therefore, examines the forms, shades, and manifestations of derogatory and stereotypical language against women and girls the Igbo cultural songs; and how they impede education and human rights for females in Nigeria. Through Critical discourse analysis (CDA) of data collected via recording, the study identifies manifestations of women and girls’ stereotypes such as subjugations, male dominance, inequality in gender roles, suppression, and oppression, and derogatory use of the language against women and girls in the Igbo cultural songs. This study has a great promise of alerting the issues of derogatory and stereotypical language in songs, and contributes to an education aimed at gender equality, emancipator practice of appropriate language use in songs, equal education and human rights for both male and female, respect and solidarity in Nigeria and beyond.

Keywords: gender stereotypes, cultural songs, women and girls, language use in Nigeria, critical discourse analysis, CDA, education

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Authors: Mohammad Hossein Badamchi

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As Leo Strauss demonstrates in his works, Political Philosophy in the western tradition is an epistemic-naturalistic tradition insofar Hanna Arendt mentioning the deep conflict between philosophy and politics, opposed to be named “political philosopher” prefer the title “political thinker” for herself. In fact, the Western political philosophy’s tendency to derive politics from natural law and epistemic argumentations makes a paradox between the actual “the political” and the theoretical “natural politics” in the western tradition. In this paper, we want to show that Hanna Arendt, in her exploration to find a new realm of the non-naturalistic way of thinking about the political is walking on a completely different tradition of political philosophy which was first established by Al-Farabi, the founder of Islamic political philosophy around thousand years after Greek Philosophy. Despite Aristotelian Polis which is a Natural community based on true natural rationality to reach the natural purposes of mankind, Al-Farabi’s Madine (his reconstructed concept of Aristotelian Polis) is completely constructed against natural cities, which are formulated by necessity logic of natural arguments and natural deception of humanity. In fact, Farabi considers the natural understanding of politics as Ignorant ideologies used by governments to suppress people. Madine in Farabi’s work is not a natural institution but is a collaborative constitution founded by citizens. So despite Aristotelian thinking, here we don’t have just A Polis that is the one true polis, but we have various multiple Madines among one, is virtuous not by definition but by real action of citizens and civil relations. Al-Farabi’s political philosophy is not a Naturalistic-epistemic Political Philosophy but is a Phronetic Political Philosophy which Hanna Arendt wants to establish outside of western contemplative anti-active political philosophy tradition.

Keywords: al-farabi, hanna arendt, natural politics, the political, political philosophy

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Authors: A. F. Chikerema

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Political leadership in Africa vary from the “criminalization” of the state to political leadership as “dispensing patrimony”, the “recycling” of elites and the use of state power and resources to consolidate political and economic power (Van Wyk:2007: p1). Political parties just like any other organizations always need leadership renewal and revamping, besides ideological and policy renewal. Zimbabwean politics present a shunned leadership renewal as reflected by the two champion political parties namely ZANU PF and MDC-T. Despite hot political power contestation between MDC and ZANUPF, the parties` internal structures are hinged on the two Godfather or Father figure that is Mugabe and Tsvangirai. They are the “labels “behind the two political parties. The suppressing of dissent voice on succession and renewal of leadership in the two parties has brew resistance from within and this has resulted in factional fights within the two political parties. The disgruntlement in the political parties has led to the stemming of the ‘bhoramusango concept’ from the electorate and party cadres whereby they are throwing or donating away their votes to other political parties. The ‘bhoramusango’ concept haunted ZANUPF in 2008 leading to its defeat by the opposition MDC-T .The paper takes the form of an analytic approach on leadership crisis in Zimbabwe. The narrative is framed on key concepts of leadership: namely leadership renewal and leadership succession, as agents operating within inherited structures negotiated political settlements, and form structures of leadership. Rulers gave priority to the consolidation of state power by installing party loyalists in the armed forces, civil service and local government. As part of this process, rulers have ensured consolidated power and authority.

Keywords: leadership renewal, leadership succession, ‘Bhora Musango’, political culture, political legitimacy

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Authors: Kirill Neverov

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In the paper is considered issues of civic participation in context of changing political landscape of Argentina. Last two years, this South American country faced a drastic change of political course. Pro-peronist, left-oriented administration of Christina Fernandez de Kirchner were replaced by right of center Mauricio Macri's one. The study is focused on inclusive policy in conditions of political transformations. We use network analysis to figure out which actors are involved in participation and to describe connections between them. As a resuflt, we plan to receive map of transactions which form inclusive policy in Argentina.

Keywords: civic participation, Argentina, political transformation, network analysis

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Authors: Rainner Roweder

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Theme: The present paper aims to analyze the specificity of the judicial evidence linked to the subjects of dignity and personality rights, otherwise known as moral rights, in the determination of the truth and formation of the judicial reasoning in cases concerning these areas. This research is about the way courts in Brazilian domestic law search for truth and handles evidence in cases involving moral rights that are abundant and important in Brazil. The main object of the paper is to analyze the effectiveness of the evidence in the formation of judicial conviction in matters related to morally controverted rights, based on the Brazilian, and as a comparison, the Latin American legal systems. In short, the rights of dignity and personality are moral. However, the evidential legal system expects a rational demonstration of moral rights that generate judicial conviction or persuasion. Moral, in turn, tends to be difficult or impossible to demonstrate in court, generating the problem considered in this paper, that is, the study of the moral demonstration problem as proof in court. In this sense, the more linked to moral, the more difficult to be demonstrated in court that right is, expanding the field of judicial discretion, generating legal uncertainty. More specifically, the new personality rights, such as gender, and their possibility of alteration, further amplify the problem being essentially an intimate manner, which does not exist in the objective, rational evidential system, as normally occurs in other categories, such as contracts. Therefore, evidencing this legal category in court, with the level of security required by the law, is a herculean task. It becomes virtually impossible to use the same evidentiary system when judging the rights researched here; therefore, it generates the need for a new design of the evidential task regarding the rights of the personality, a central effort of the present paper. Methodology: Concerning the methodology, the Method used in the Investigation phase was Inductive, with the use of the comparative law method; in the data treatment phase, the Inductive Method was also used. Doctrine, Legislative, and jurisprudential comparison was the technique research used. Results: In addition to the peculiar characteristics of personality rights that are not found in other rights, part of them are essentially linked to morale and are not objectively verifiable by design, and it is necessary to use specific argumentative theories for their secure confirmation, such as interdisciplinary support. The traditional pragmatic theory of proof, for having an obvious objective character, when applied in the rights linked to the morale, aggravates decisionism and generates legal insecurity, being necessary its reconstruction for morally charged cases, with the possible use of the “predictive theory” ( and predictive facts) through algorithms in data collection and treatment.

Keywords: moral rights, proof, pragmatic proof theory, insufficiency, Brazil

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Authors: Larysa Novak-Kalyayeva, Aleksander Kuczabski, Orystlava Sydorchuk, Nataliia Fersman, Tatyana Zemlinskaia

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The article presents the results of the creative analysis and comparison of trends in the development of the theory of public administration during the period from the second half of the 20^th to the beginning of the 21^st century. The process of conceptualization of the priorities of public administration in the dynamics of reforming was held under the influence of such factors as globalization, integration, information and technological changes and human rights is examined. The priorities of the social state in the concepts of the second half of the 20^th century are studied. Peculiar approaches to determining the priorities of public administration in the countries of "Soviet dictatorship" in Central and Eastern Europe in the same period are outlined. Particular attention is paid to the priorities of public administration regarding the interaction between public power and society and the development of conceptual foundations for the modern managerial process. There is a thought that the dynamics of the formation of concepts of the European governance is characterized by the sequence of priorities: from socio-economic and moral-ethical to organizational-procedural and non-hierarchical ones. The priorities of the "welfare state" were focused on the decent level of material wellbeing of population. At the same time, the conception of "minimal state" emphasized priorities of human responsibility for their own fate under the conditions of minimal state protection. Later on, the emphasis was placed on horizontal ties and redistribution of powers and competences of "effective state" with its developed procedures and limits of responsibility at all levels of government and in close cooperation with the civil society. The priorities of the contemporary period are concentrated on human rights in the concepts of "good governance" and all the following ones, which recognize the absolute priority of public administration with compliance, provision and protection of human rights. There is a proved point of view that civilizational changes taking place under the influence of information and technological imperatives also stipulate changes in priorities, redistribution of emphases and update principles of managerial concepts on the basis of publicity, transparency, departure from traditional forms of hierarchy and control in favor of interactivity and inter-sectoral interaction, decentralization and humanization of managerial processes. The necessity to permanently carry out the reorganization, by establishing the interaction between different participants of public power and social relations, to establish a balance between political forces and social interests on the basis of mutual trust and mutual understanding determines changes of social, political, economic and humanitarian paradigms of public administration and their theoretical comprehension. The further studies of theoretical foundations of modern public administration in interdisciplinary discourse in the context of ambiguous consequences of the globalizational and integrational processes of modern European state-building would be advisable. This is especially true during the period of political transformations and economic crises which are the characteristic of the contemporary Europe, especially for democratic transition countries.

Keywords: concepts of public administration, democratic transition countries, human rights, the priorities of public administration, theory of public administration

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Authors: Liqiang Chen

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This study investigates the effects of political connections on the association between firms’ business strategy and their tax aggressiveness in an emerging economy such as China. By studying all public Chinese firms in the period from 2011 to 2017, we find that firms adopting innovative business strategy are more tax aggressive overall, but innovative firms with political connections are less tax aggressive compared to those without political connections. Moreover, we document several channels through which political connections affect the association between innovative business strategy and tax aggressiveness. In particular, we show that the mitigation effect of political connections on tax aggressiveness is stronger for innovative firms located in areas with a lower marketization index and for innovative firms with a lower leverage level or with less earnings management. Our results are robust to an instrumental variable approach to account for possible endogenous bias. Our study contributes to the understanding of firms’ tax behaviors in an emerging economy setting and suggests that there are costs associated with political connections, such as foregone tax saving opportunities, which are understudied in the prior literature.

Keywords: tax aggressiveness, business strategy, political connections, emerging economy

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Authors: Olha Oleshchuk

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Such companies as Apple, Coca-Cola, Microsoft, Samsung are well-known, but most people do not know about their economic and political influence on society at national and international levels. This ignorance is beneficial for transnational corporations because it reduces the risk of possible resistance of the society and creates favourable conditions for the formation of a new governmental political form. The aim of the research to analyse the opportunity of creating of a new governmental political form. The aim of the research is realized by implementation of such objectives: 1) to consider the possibility of the formation of new political forms of government; 2) to determine the influence of TNCs on the state, which is necessary for a mature, aware citizen; 3) to learn the roles of TNCs, which provide the awareness in the spheres of the world politics, economics, and everyday life. The relevance of the research is confirmed by the fact that new political forms of government are poorly studied.

Keywords: objective factors of losing leading position by state, transnational corporations, TNCs' economic influence, TNCs' political influence

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Authors: Romeu Bonk Mesquita

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Argentina is the South American number 1 country of destiny to intraregional migration flows. This research aims to shed light on the main trends of the Argentine immigrant policy from 2016 on, when Mauricio Marci was elected President, taking the approval of the current and fairly protective of human rights Ley de Migraciones (2003) as an analytical starting point. Foreign Policy Analysis (FPA) serves as the theoretical background, highlighting decision-making processes and institutional designs that encourage or constraint political and social actors. The analysis goes through domestic and international levels, observing how immigration policy is formulated as a public policy and is simultaneously connected to Mercosur and other international organizations, such as the International Organization for Migration (IOM) and the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR). Thus, the study revolves around the Direccion Nacional de Migraciones, which is the state agency in charge of executing the country’s immigrant policy, as to comprehend how its internal processes and the connections it has with both domestic and international institutions shape Argentina’s immigrant policy formulation and execution. Also, it aims to locate the migration agenda within the country’s contemporary social and political context. The methodology is qualitative, case-based and oriented by process-tracing techniques. Empirical evidence gathered includes official documents and data, media coverage and interviews to key-informants. Recent events, such as the Decreto de Necesidad y Urgencia 70/2017 issued by President Macri, and the return of discursive association between migration and criminality, indicate a trend of nationalization and securitization of the immigration policy in contemporary Argentina.

Keywords: Argentine foreign policy, human rights, immigrant policy, Mercosur

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Authors: Farhin Delawala

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In the context of Palestine and the broader Middle East, this study delves into the Apartheid regime in Palestine, the country under occupation, and the intricate ties between the United States of America (USA) and the settler colony of ‘Israel’. The paper provides an explanation of the colonisation of Palestine as well as the forms of Apartheid. Moreover, it explains the provisions of United Nations (UN) international laws and how they have been broken by the settler colony of ‘Israel’. The paper contends that the US, motivated by its security interests in the region, has strategically influenced the political instability in the Middle East and the illegal occupation of Palestine. Furthermore, this paper proposes an alternative path of a one-state solution to foster a more peaceful and stable society and advocates for the integration of the Palestinian population into the region, from Gaza and the West Bank, under equal citizen rights. Thereby, the ethno-theocratic nature of the settler colony as an ethno-theocratic state is dismantled.

Keywords: apartheid, one-state solution, Palestine, political instability, settler colony

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Authors: Hefin Gwilym

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This paper will explore the political biographies of social workers in a neoliberal era. The findings are based on a research project for a successfully completed professional doctorate in social work. The methodology deployed for the research is a combination of constructivist grounded theory and biographical inquiry. The paper will present findings from 14 biographical interviews and will focus on one case study of a participant whose life story is richly informed by political social work. The 14 participants reflect different genders, ethnic identities, cultural and linguistic identities, age and length of social work careers. The participants also reflect different forms of political engagement, such as, as political activists and members of political parties, including parliamentarians. The findings demonstrate how deeply ingrained the social work identity is amongst the participants and how their political identity has remained strongly social democratic in nature despite the many changes in the social work profession since the rise of neoliberalism as a thought collective and policy package. The individual case study will explore the early roots of political identity in the childhood and nurturing years and the interface with subsequent social work and political careers. It will also explore the evolution of the participant’s political identity in the social work career. The case study will also present findings on how the participant has contributed to the political field with policy involvement and initiatives. The presentation will conclude with a discussion on how this particular group of social workers can best contribute to the future direction of the social work profession.

Keywords: political social work, political biographies, neoliberal, grounded theory

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Authors: Shalini Shawari Matharage

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The worldwide refugee challenge has arisen as a critical concern, with millions of individuals fleeing their home countries owing to conflict, persecution, and human rights violations. Since the establishment of an international framework in 1951 for tackling the humanitarian needs of refugees and asylum seekers, many developed and developing countries have adopted a refugee admittance framework into their national immigration policy and steadily changed their domestic legislation to assist the resettlement of refugees. However, many developed nations have put forth strict limitations on refugee admission in the midst of the continuing refugee crisis, claiming factors including national sovereignty, security of their borders, and national economy. Two such developed nations that have been restrictive on refugees is Japan and the United Kingdom. Despite their contrasting histories, migration methods, and viewpoints on diversity in modern society, the two notably developed nations have taken similar restrictive approaches in refugee policy in the recent years. This study attempts to investigate the underlying causes that led these countries to adopt strict refugee policies and how those policies have affected their compliance with international human rights responsibilities. The study employs a head-to-head methodology to examine the structural inequities in Japan and the United Kingdom's refugee policies. Using data from the UNHCR Refugee Data Finder, official government policy proposals, statements, and academic works, the study evaluates the contemporary refugee legislations, fundamental causes, and subsequent implications. The study illustrates a combination of economic, security, and demographic issues, as well as political rigidity and negative public perceptions, as major determinants of the two countries' restrictive refugee policies. The findings shed light on the restrictive actions taken by Japan and the UK, raising concerns about potential breaches in obligations to their commitments to international law and human rights obligations. Understanding the underlying issues influencing these policies allows lawmakers and activists to establish more compassionate refugee policies that adhere to international human rights and protect vulnerable individuals fleeing persecution. Ultimately, this study aims to contribute to the development of sensible refugee policies that uphold human rights and humanitarian values.

Keywords: immigration, Japan, refugee policy, united kingdom

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Authors: Charles A. Khamala

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In 2003, constrained by an absent “rule of law culture” and negative economic growth, the new Kenyan government chose to pursue incremental judicial reforms rather than comprehensive constitutional reforms. President Mwai Kibaki’s first administration’s judicial reform strategy was two pronged. First, to implement unprecedented “radical surgery,” he appointed a new Chief Justice who instrumentally recommended that half the purportedly-corrupt judiciary should be removed by Presidential tribunals of inquiry. Second, the replacement High Court judges, initially, instrumentally-endorsed the “radical surgery’s” administrative decisions removing their corrupt predecessors. Meanwhile, retention of the welfare-reducing Constitution perpetuated declining public confidence in judicial institutions culminating in refusal by the dissatisfied opposition party to petition the disputed 2007 presidential election results, alleging biased and corrupt courts. Fatefully, widespread post-election violence ensued. Consequently, the international community prompted the second Kibaki administration to concede to a new Constitution. Suddenly, the High Court then adopted a non-instrumental interpretation to reject the 2003 “radical surgery.” This paper therefore critically analyzes whether the Kenyan court’s inconsistent interpretations–pertaining to the constitutionality of the 2003 “radical surgery” removing corruption from Kenya’s courts–was predicated on political expediency or human rights principles. If justice “must also seen to be done,” then pursuit of the CJ’s, Judicial Service Commission’s and president’s political or economic interests must be limited by respect for the suspected judges and magistrates’ due process rights. The separation of powers doctrine demands that the dismissed judges should have a right of appeal which entails impartial review by a special independent oversight mechanism. Instead, ignoring fundamental rights, Kenya’s new Supreme Court’s interpretation of another round of vetting under the new 2010 Constitution, ousts the High Court’s judicial review jurisdiction altogether, since removal of judicial corruption is “a constitutional imperative, akin to a national duty upon every judicial officer to pave way for judicial realignment and reformulation.”

Keywords: administrative decisions, corruption, fair hearing, judicial review, (non) instrumental

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Authors: Karun Karki

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The Lhotshampa are Bhutanese people of Nepali origin who have been in Bhutan since the early 1600s. A significant number of these people migrated to Bhutan in the nineteenth century. The 1958 Nationality Law of Bhutan granted citizenship to many Lhotshampa people; however, in the late 1970s, the government of Bhutan introduced a series of laws and policies intended for the socio-political and cultural exclusion of the Lhotshampa due to their ancestry. These exclusionary policies and ethnic and racial injustices not only removed the rights and citizenship of the Lhotshampa but also forcibly displaced thousands of families with no choice but to seek refuge in Nepal. In this context, racism becomes a biopolitical tool designed to govern and regulate populations in a way that determines who may live and who must die. The governance and the management of the population, what Stephan Scheel terms as biopolitical bordering, depends on boundaries between residents and non-residents, citizens and non-citizens, and emigrants and immigrants. Drawing on Foucault’s biopolitics and Mbembe’s necropolitics, this paper argues that the concept of racism should be examined within the context of political discourses because it is intertwined with the colonial project, enslavement, and diaspora. This paper critically explores ethnic and racial injustices the Lhotshampa people experienced and the ways in which they negotiated and resisted such injustices in their resettlement processes, including before displacement, in refugee camps, and after the third-country resettlement. Critical examination of these issues helps shed light on the notion of racial difference that justifies dehumanization, discrimination, and racist attitudes against the Lhotshampa people. The study's findings are critical in promoting human rights, social justice, and the health and well-being of the Lhotshampa community in the context of trauma and stressors in their resettlement processes.

Keywords: lhotshampa people, bhutanese refugees, racism, dehumanization, social justice, biopower, necropower

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Authors: Vijaya Chandra Tenneti

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The juvenile justice delivery system in India suffers from many lacunae at the operational level and ignores many dimensions of human rights guaranteed to the juvenile delinquents. The present study begins with the hypothesis that the existing justice delivery system seemingly ignores the basic tenets of the fair trial and systemic support to the delinquent juveniles in integrating them into the mainstream of society. As per the designed methodology, data has been collected from the unit of the present study, and other stakeholders, namely, Juvenile Justice Board, Observation Homes etc., of Warangal district of Telangana state, India. The study shows that there is the overemphasis on procedural laws. The juvenile integration programs are not effective. The administrators lack training. Juveniles lack formal education. The study indicates the incidents of juvenile crimes is on the rise and that the majority of the juvenile delinquents hold a low socio-economic profile. Another significant observation of the study is that the juvenile justice system lacks a holistic and human rights-centric approach.

Keywords: delinquency, human rights, juvenile justice, rehabilitation

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Authors: Alphan Telek

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Political secularism is different from philosophical secularism in terms of its inclusionary, peaceful, liberal and democratic aspects. Secularism as a political principle not only takes the separation of state and religion as a basis but also it aims to exclude any kind of ethnic, religious, racial, gender domination at the state level. Thus, although political secularism does not see any problem with the visibility and implementation of religious views and symbols in the public sphere, it stands against the fusion of political power and religious views or more generally any kind of identity. Iranian context especially the post-reformist period, which starts in 2005, shows religious and/or reformist intellectuals try to put forward the political secularism and make it attractable to the large masses. Three prominent figures of reformist intellectualism Abdolkarim Soroush, Mohsen Kadivar and Akbar Ganji form the basic vocabulary of political secularism in the post-reformist period of Iran. Their intellectual and political struggle against the Islamic regime’s anti-democratic policies and actions do carry significance not only for Iranian democracy but also for all Muslim people around the world that demand a more equal, free, and just society. The political and intellectual discourses of Iranian intellectuals indicate that political secularism is a requirement of democratic state and society. In this paper, it is discussed the relationship between political secularism, state, society, and Islam. Thus, it will be argued that secularism as a political principle is increasingly held by Iranian intellectuals to show the relation between secularism and democracy.

Keywords: political secularism, Iranian intellectuals, democracy, Middle East

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Authors: A. Drong, K. S. Kerkhoff

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Migration affects women’s sexual and reproductive health and rights. This paper reports on the social constructs of gender, and livelihood pursuits as beauty parlours workers amongst the young Garo women in Bangladesh, and studies changes in their accessibility to the healthcare services due to migration and livelihood. The paper is based on in-depth interviews and participant-led group discussions with 30 women working in various beauty parlours across the city. The data indicate that social perceptions of ‘good’, ‘bad’ and ‘respectable’ determine the expression of sexuality, and often dictates sexual and reproductive practices for these women. This study also reveals that unregulated work conditions, and the current cost of local healthcare services, have a strong impact on the women’s accessibility to the healthcare services; thus often limiting their choices to only customary and/or unqualified practitioners for abortions and child-births. Development programmes on migrant indigenous women’s health must, therefore, take the contextual gender norms and livelihood choices into account.

Keywords: gender, indigenous women, reproductive rights, sexual rights, Garo, migration, livelihood, healthcare

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Authors: Tinnaphop Sinsomboonthong

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The hashtag, #LoveWins, has been widely used for celebrating the victory of the LGBTQ movement since June 2015 when the US Supreme Court enacted the rights of same-sex marriage. Nowadays, the hashtag is generally used among active social media users in many countries, including Thailand. Amidst the political conflict between advocates of the junta-backed legislation related to same-sex marriage laws, known as ‘Thailand’s Civil Partnership Draft Bills,’ and its detractors, the hashtag becomes crucial for Thailand’s 2019 national election season and shortly afterward as it was one of the most crucial parts of a political campaign to rebrand many political parties’ image, create an LGBT-friendly atmosphere and neutralize the bi-polarized politics of the law. The use of the hashtag is, therefore, not just an online entertainment but a politico-discursive tool, used by many actors for many purposes. Behind the confrontation between supporters and opposers of the law, the hashtag is used by both sides to highlight the Western-centric normativity of homosexual love, closely associated with Eurocentric modernity and heteronormativity. As an online ethnographical study, this paper aims to analyze how #LoveWins is used among Thai social media users in late 2018 to mid-2019 and how it is signified by Thai social media users during the Drafted-Bills period and the 2019 national election. A number of preliminary surveys of data on Twitter were conducted in December 2018 and, more intensely, in January 2019. Later, the data survey was officially conducted twice during February and April 2019, while the data collection was done during May-June 2019. Only public posts on Twitter that include the hashtag, #LoveWins, or any hashtags quoting ‘love’ and ‘wins’ are the main targets of this research. As a result of this, the use of the hashtag can be categorized into three levels, including banal decoration, homosexual love celebration, and colonial discourse on homosexual love. Particularly in the third type of the use of the hashtag, discourse analysis is applied to reveal that this hashtag is closely associated with the discourse of development and modernity as most of the descriptive posts demonstrate aspirations to become more ‘developed and modernized’ like many Western countries and Taiwan, the LGBT capital in Asia. Thus, calls for the ‘right to homosexual love’ and the ‘right to same-sex marriage’ in Thailand are shaped and formulated within the discursive linkage between modernity, development, and love. Also, the use of #LoveWins can be considered as a de-queering process of love as only particular types of gender identity, sexual orientation, and relationships that reflect Eurocentric modernity and heteronormativity are acceptable and advocated. Due to this, more inclusive queer loves should be supported rather than a mere essentialist-traditionalist homosexual love. Homonormativity must be deconstructed, and love must no longer be reserved for only one particular type of relationship that is standardized from/by the West. It must become more inclusive.

Keywords: #LoveWins, homosexual love, LGBT rights, same-sex marriage

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Authors: Sisaye Tamrat Ayalew

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In Ethiopia, the relationships between different communities have been characterized by mistrust, prejudice, and conflict, resulting in mass killings, displacement, and human rights violations. These relationships are mainly based on ethnic, religious, and linguistic lines, leading to a polarized society. The aim of this study is to appraise the nature of two major community relationships, namely the I-Thou relationship, characterized by genuine dialogue and mutual understanding, and the I-It relationship, characterized by a monologue and mutual suspicion. The study also aims to analyze how these two types of relationships contribute to either resolving or aggravating conflicts and building or deteriorating peace in Ethiopia. The study adopts a qualitative approach, specifically hermeneutics, to explore the nature of the I-Thou and I-It relationships in the Ethiopian context. It also examines how political elites shape these relationships within the community. The study finds that the dominant relationship in Ethiopian society is the I-It relationship, which is manifested as "com-animation." This relationship is characterized by mutual mistrust, prejudice, hostility, and misunderstanding. As a result, conflicts have arisen, leading to violence, displacement, and human rights violations. The study concludes that there is a need to shift from the I-It (com-animation) relationship to the I-Thou (communication) relationship in Ethiopian society. This shift would involve rethinking and readjusting societal relationships, especially among political elites, to foster genuine dialogue, mutual understanding, and lasting peace. It is imperative to overcome mutual mistrust, prejudice, and misunderstanding in order to resolve conflicts and build a harmonious society in Ethiopia. The study's findings and recommendations contribute to raising awareness among both Ethiopians and the international community on the potential for conflict resolution and peacebuilding through a shift in community relationships.

Keywords: dialogue, I-Thou relationship, I-It relationship, conflict resolution, building peace

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Authors: Desmond F. Bellamy

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Discourses about animal rights usually assume an ontological abyss between human and animal. This supposition of non-animality allows us to utilise and exploit non-humans, particularly those with commercial value, with little regard for their rights or interests. We can and do confine them, inflict painful treatments such as castration and branding, and slaughter them at an age determined only by financial considerations. This paper explores the way images and texts depicting human cannibalism reflect this deprivation of rights back onto our species and examines how this offers new perspectives on our granting or withholding of rights to farmed animals. The animals we eat – sheep, pigs, cows, chickens and a small handful of other species – are during processing de-animalised, turned into commodities, and made unrecognisable as formerly living beings. To do the same to a human requires the cannibal to enact another step – humans must first be considered as animals before they can be commodified or de-animalised. Different iterations of cannibalism in a selection of fiction and non-fiction texts will be considered: survivalism (necessitated by catastrophe or dystopian social collapse), the primitive savage of colonial discourses, and the inhuman psychopath. Each type of cannibalism shows alternative ways humans can be animalised and thereby dispossessed of both their human and animal rights. Human rights, summarised in the UN Universal Declaration of Human Rights as ‘life, liberty, and security of person’ are stubbornly denied to many humans, and are refused to virtually all farmed non-humans. How might this paradigm be transformed by seeing the animal victim replaced by an animalised human? People are fascinated as well as repulsed by cannibalism, as demonstrated by the upsurge of films on the subject in the last few decades. Cannibalism is, at its most basic, about envisaging and treating humans as objects: meat. It is on the dinner plate that the abyss between human and ‘animal’ is most challenged. We grasp at a conscious level that we are a species of animal and may become, if in the wrong place (e.g., shark-infested water), ‘just food’. Culturally, however, strong traditions insist that humans are much more than ‘just meat’ and deserve a better fate than torment and death. The billions of animals on death row awaiting human consumption would ask the same if they could. Depictions of cannibalism demonstrate in graphic ways that humans are animals, made of meat and that we can also be butchered and eaten. These depictions of us as having the same fleshiness as non-human animals reminds us that they have the same capacities for pain and pleasure as we do. Depictions of cannibalism, therefore, unconsciously aid in deconstructing the human/animal binary and give a unique glimpse into the often unnoticed repudiation of animal rights.

Keywords: animal rights, cannibalism, human/animal binary, objectification

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Authors: Azzaya Enkhjargal

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Context: The mining industry has a long history of human rights abuses, including forced labor, environmental pollution, and displacement of communities. In recent years, there has been growing international pressure to hold mining companies accountable for these abuses. Research Aim: This study explores the legal liabilities of mining companies for human rights abuses. The study specifically examines the case of Erdenet Mining Corporation (EMC), a large mining company in Mongolia that has been accused of human rights abuses. Methodology: The study used a mixed-methods approach, which included a review of legal literature, interviews with community members and NGOs, and a case study of EMC. Findings: The study found that mining companies can be held liable for human rights abuses under a variety of regulatory frameworks, including soft law and self-regulatory instruments in the mining industry, international law, national law, and corporate law. The study also found that there are a number of challenges to holding mining companies accountable for human rights abuses, including the lack of effective enforcement mechanisms and the difficulty of proving causation. Theoretical Importance: The study contributes to the growing body of literature on the legal liabilities of mining companies for human rights abuses. The study also provides insights into the challenges of holding mining companies accountable for human rights abuses. Data Collection: The data for the study was collected through a variety of methods, including a review of legal literature, interviews with community members and NGOs, and a case study of EMC. Analysis Procedures: The data was analyzed using a variety of methods, including content analysis, thematic analysis, and case study analysis. Conclusion: The study concludes that mining companies can be held liable for human rights abuses under a variety of legal and regulatory frameworks. There are positive developments in ensuring greater accountability and protection of affected communities and the environment in countries with a strong economy. Regrettably, access to avenues of redress is reasonably low in less developed countries, where the governments have not implemented a robust mechanism to enforce liability requirements in the mining industry. The study recommends that governments and mining companies take more ambitious steps to enhance corporate accountability.

Keywords: human rights, human rights abuses, ESG, litigation, Erdenet Mining Corporation, corporate social responsibility, soft law, self-regulation, mining industry, parent company liability, sustainability, environment, UN

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Authors: Louise Reyntjens

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The last quarter of the twentieth century was characterized by the emergence of a new kind of terrorism: religiously-inspired terrorism. Islam finds itself at the heart of this new wave, considering the number of international attacks committed by Islamic-inspired perpetrators. With religiously inspired terrorism as an operating framework, governments increasingly rely on immigration law to counter such terrorism. Immigration law seems particularly useful because its core task consists of keeping ‘unwanted’ people out. Islamic terrorists more often than not have an immigrant background and will be subject to immigration law. As a result, immigration law becomes more and more ‘securitized’. The European migration crisis has reinforced this trend. The research explores the human rights consequences of immigration law’s securitization in Europe. For this, the author selected four European countries for a comparative study: Belgium, France, the United Kingdom and Sweden. All these countries face similar social and security issues but respond very differently to them. The United Kingdom positions itself on the repressive side of the spectrum. Sweden on the other hand also introduced restrictions to its immigration policy but remains on the tolerant side of the spectrum. Belgium and France are situated in between. This contribution evaluates the situation in Belgium. Through a series of legislative changes, the Belgian parliament (i) greatly expanded the possibilities of expelling foreign nationals for (vaguely defined) reasons of ‘national security’; (ii) abolished almost all procedural protection associated with this decision (iii) broadened, as an extra security measure, the possibility of depriving individuals condemned of terrorism of their Belgian nationality. Measures such as these are obviously problematic from a human rights perspective; they jeopardize the principle of legality, the presumption of innocence, the right to protection of private and family life and the prohibition on torture. Moreover, this contribution also raises questions about the efficacy of immigration law’s suitability as a counterterrorism instrument. Is it a legitimate step, considering the type of terrorism we face today? Or, is it merely a strategic move, considering the broader maneuvering space immigration law offers and the lack of political resistance governments receive when infringing the rights of foreigners? Even more so, figures demonstrate that today’s terrorist threat does not necessarily stem from outside our borders. Does immigration law then still absorb - if it has ever done so (completely) - the threat? The study’s goal is to critically assess, from a human rights perspective, the counterterrorism strategies European governments have adopted. As most governments adopt a variation of the same core concepts, the study’s findings will hold true even beyond the four countries addressed.

Keywords: Belgium, counterterrorism strategies, human rights, immigration law

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Authors: Eliziane Navarro, Aparecida Citta

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Child of the dark is the work of the Brazilian author Carolina Maria de Jesus published at the first time by Ática & Francisco Alves in 1960. It is, mostly, a story of lack of rights. It lacks to men who live in the slums what is essential in order to take advantage of the privilege of rationality to develop themselves as civilized humans. It is, therefore, in the withholding of the basic rights that inequality finds space to build itself to be the main misery on Earth. Antonio Candido, a Brazilian sociologist, claims that it is the right to literature has the ability to humanize men, once the aptitude to create fiction and fable is essential to the social balance. Hence, for the forming role that literature holds, it must be thought as the number of rights that assure human dignity, such as housing, education, health, freedom, etc. When talking about her routine, Carolina puts in evidence something that has great influence over the formation of human beings, contributing to the way they live: the slum. Even though it happens in a distinct way and using her linguistics variation, Carolina writes about something that will only be discussed later on Brazil’s Cities Statute and Ermia Maricato: the right to the city, and how the slums are, although inserted in the city, an attachment, an illegal city, a dismissing room. It interests ourselves, for that matter, in this work, to analyse how the deprivation of the rights to the city and literature, detailed in Carolina’s journal, conditions human beings to a life where the instincts overcome the social values.

Keywords: Child of the dark, slum, Brazil, architecture and literature

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Authors: Jacob Bogart, Adaobi Egboka

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Nigeria signed and ratified the Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities in 2010, which was heralded as a much-needed step towards protecting the rights of persons with disabilities (PWDs). However, even with such progress, incarcerated PWDs have been left behind. The current legal framework in Nigeria does not consider the particular challenges PWDs face in prison nor make provisions to address them, despite the need for such reforms. Indeed, given the closed and restricted nature of prisons, and the violence that results from overcrowding, lack of supervision, and poor facilities, prisoners with disabilities often face significant challenges while incarcerated. While every prisoner is affected by these issues, PWDs are disproportionately harmed by them due to the nature of their disability. A study of four prisons in Lagos State, Nigeria was carried out by interviewing prisoners with disabilities, prison officials, advocates, and academics. The study found that for prisoners with physical disabilities, inaccessible prison facilities and a lack of mobility, hearing, or seeing assistance can often cause them to be dependent on the mercy of the other inmates for assistance in performing such basic functions as using the restroom, going to church, or washing themselves. Prison officials do not assist these PWDs or provide them with aids, such as crutches or a cane. Relatedly, prisoners with psychosocial disabilities (mental health conditions) often are not removed to health care facilities, despite a law to that effect, and are left to languish in prisons without the mental health care treatment they need. This presentation argues that reforms addressing the rights of PWDs must consider and make provisions for prisoners with disabilities, such as ensuring that prison facilities are accessible, providing PWDs with mobility, seeing or hearing aids as needed, and conducting mental health screenings for persons awaiting trial immediately upon entering the prison. These reforms, among others, are necessary first steps toward realizing the rights of prisoners with disabilities in Nigeria.

Keywords: disability rights, human rights, Lagos, Nigeria, prisoners with disabilities

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Authors: Raja Rodziah Binti Raja Zainal Hassan

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The development of Malaysian political cinema is rapidly taking shape in the local film industry. The paper focuses on the production of independent political documentary by two Malaysian filmmakers, Amir Muhammad and Fahmi Reza. Revolutionary cinema can be understood by utilizing the Third Cinema Theory in order to analyse the meaning and its impact on the audience. The issue surrounding the political cinema in Malaysia is the question of national identity. The implementation of racial or ethnic based politics has resulted in hostility within Malaysia’s multiracial society. Amir Muhammad and Fahmi Reza revisit the Malaysian political history through their films in order to understand the reasons behind the hostility and conflict.

Keywords: Political cinema, third cinema theory, revolutionary cinema, national identity, racial or ethnic politics

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Authors: Soheila Ghanbari

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After the Civil Rights Act of 1964 was enacted, federal policy transformed employment rights. Equal employment opportunity law, legislation for occupational safety and health, and regulations for fringe benefits were established to ensure that employees have rights to equal protection, health and safety, and the benefits guaranteed by employers. In research analyzing data from 279 organizations over time, it was discovered that legal changes prompted organizations to establish personnel, antidiscrimination, safety, and benefits departments to ensure compliance. However, as the process of institutionalization advanced, middle managers began to separate these fresh offices from policy and rationalize them solely in economic terms as a component of the new human resources management model. This common occurrence is seen in the United States, where the Constitution represents government control of business as unlawful. It could potentially clarify the extended lack of a state theory in organizational analysis and shed light on a puzzle pointed out by state theorists: the federal state is weak in terms of administration but strong in terms of norms.

Keywords: management, state, human, resources, employment

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